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REPUBLICANISM  OF 
NINETEEN-TWENTY 


La.mli,  Za  N.YT 


REPUBLICANISM  OF 

NINETEEN-TWENTY 


EDITED  BY 

FRANK  HENDRICK 


PUBLISHED  BY 

ALBANY  EVENING  JOURNAL 

THE  JOURNAL  COMPANY,  PUBLISHER 

WILLIAM    BARNES,    PRESIDENT 

1920 


p 


*1\ 


v 

r       - 

-vr\  'A 

Copyright,  1920,  by 

The  Journal  Company, 

albany,  new  york 


Ci- 


THE  DE  VINNE  PRESS 
NEW  YORK 


-5 


^ 


CONTENTS 


Part  I  page 

The  Place  of  The  Republican  Party  in  American  Government  . 

by  Frank  Hendrick       ...       3 

Part  II 

Documents  and  Extracts  Illustrative  of  the  Development  of 
Representative  National  Popular  Government  in  the  United 
States : 

The  Growth  of  Principles 55 

The  Mayflower  Compact 56 

The  Deplorable  Experiment  in  Socialism 57 

Socialism  as  a  National  Menace  Today 58 

The  New  England  Confederation 59 

A  Constitution  or  Frame  of  Government  for  the  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts 62 

Declaration  of  Independence 63 

Articles  of  Confederation 66 

The  Northwest  Ordinance  of  1787 73 

The  Change  from  League  of  States  to  Nation 78 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 79 

American  Foreign  Policy: 

Washington's  Farewell  Address 94 

The  Monroe  Doctrine 97 

The  Reason  The  Republican  Party  was  Established — The 

Party  System 98 

Lincoln's  Gettysburg  Address 102 

Part  III 

The  Standard  Rearers  of  Republicanism  : 
John  Marshall 
Abraham  Lincoln 
Andrew  Johnson    . 
Ulysses  S.  Grant    . 
Rutherford  R.  Hayes 
James  Abram  Garfield 
Chester  Alan  Arthur   . 
Renjamin  Harrison     . 
William  McKinley 
Theodore  Roosevelt    . 
William  Howard  Taft 


.     .    by  Albert  J.  Reveridge 

105 

.     .    by  Elihu  Root     .... 

107 

.    by  Albert  Rushnell  Hart    . 

111 

.    by  Calvin  Coolidge 

112 

.    by  Simeon  D.  Fess  . 

113 

.    by  Lawrence  Y.  Sherman  . 

117 

.    by  Renjamin  R.  Odell  . 

119 

.     .    by  Chauncey  M.  Depew     . 

121 

.    by  William  R.  Day 

123 

.    by  Leonard  Wood   . 

124 

.     .    by  Arthur  Twining  Hadley 

125 

OH 

CONTENTS 


Part  IV 
The  Campaign  of  1920 : 

Nominating  Speech  for  Warren  G.  Harding 

by  Frank  B.  Willis  .  .  .  .129 
Nominating  Speech  for  Calvin  Coolidge 

by  Frederick  H.  Gillett      .      .  130 

Keynote  Speech  of  1920  .     .    by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge       .      .  131 

Republican  Platform  of  1920 145 

Speech  of  Acceptance  of  Warren  G.  Harding 155 

Speech  of  Acceptance  of  Calvin  Coolidge 167 

Part  V 
Republican  Platforms  from  1856  to  1916: 

Election  of  1856 177 

Election  of  1860 179 

Election  of  1864 182 

Election  of  1868 184 

Election  of  1872 187 

Election  of  1876 190 

Election  of  1880 193 

Election  of  1884 196 

Election  of  1888 199 

Election  of  1892 204 

Election  of  1896 207 

Election  of  1900 211 

Election  of  1904 215 

Election  of  1908 219 

Election  of  1912 225 

Election  of  1916 231 

Part  VI 

Statistics  of  American  Politics  : 

Summary  of  Electoral  Vote,  1856-1916 237 

Electoral  and  Popular  Votes 240 

Total  Vote  for  Presidential  Electors 242 

Electoral  Vote  for  President,  by  Parties  and  States       .      .     .  243 

Vote  for  President,  by  States,  since  1856 245 

Table   showing   Presidents,   Political   Complexion    of   Con- 
gresses, and  Tariffs  since  the  Birth  of  The  Republican 

Party 254 

Republican  National  Committee 255 

Republican  State  Committees  Chairmen 255 

Organization  of  State  and  National  Governments  ....  256 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Abraham  Lincoln Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE 

John  Adams 5 

Daniel  Webster 9 

John  Quincy  Adams 13 

John  C.  Fremont 17 

Henry  Clay 19 

Abraham  Lincoln 22 

William  H.  Seward 26 

Chauncey  M.  Depew 33 

John  Hay 38 

James  G.  Blaine 41 

Joseph  H.  Choate 45 

Elihu  Root 51 

Signing  of  the  Mayflower  Compact 54 

Drafting  the  Declaration  of  Independence 63 

Signing  the  Declaration  of  Independence 65 

First  Prayer  in  Congress 74 

Frank  Hendrick 78 

Albert  Jeremiah  Beveridge 82 

George  Washington 94 

David  Jayne  Hill 97 

Nathan  L.  Miller 100 

John  Marshall 105 

Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet :  William  H.  Seward,  Caleb  B. 
Smith,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Gideon  Welles,  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
Edward  Bates,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  Montgomery  Blair  .     .     .  106 

Andrew  Johnson Ill 

Ulysses  S.  Grant 112 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes 114 

James  A.  Garfield 117 

Chester  Alan  Arthur 119 

Benjamin  Harrison 121 

William  McKinley 123 

Theodore  Roosevelt 124 

William  H.  Taft 126 

Cvn] 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


FACING  PAGE 


Warren  G.  Harding 129 

Calvin  Coolidge 130 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge 134 

Leonard  Wood 138 

Will  H.  Hays 145 

Republican  Governors  of  1920 

R.  Livingston  Beeckman,  Rhode  Island 149 

Thomas  E.  Campbell,  Arizona 149 

D.  W.  Davis,  Idaho 149 

J.  P.  Goodrich,  Indiana 149 

O.  A.  Larrazolo,  New  Mexico 149 

Frank  O.  Lowden,  Illinois 149 

Peter  Norbeck,  South  Dakota 149 

Ben  W.  Olcott,  Oregon 149 

Oliver  H.  Shoup,  Colorado 149 

Henry  J.  Allen,  Kansas 151 

J.  A.  A.  Burnquist,  Minnesota 151 

Robert  D.  Carey,  Wyoming 151 

W.  L.  Harding,  Iowa 151 

Marcus  H.  Holcomb,  Connecticut 151 

S.  R.  McKelvie,  Nebraska 151 

Carl  E.  Milliken,  Maine 151 

Emanuel  L.  Philipp,  Wisconsin 151 

John  J.  Townsend,  Jr.,  Delaware 151 

John  H.  Bartlett,  New  Hampshire 153 

Percival  W.  Clement,  Vermont 153 

Calvin  Coolidge,  Massachusetts 153 

Lynn  J.  Frazier,  North  Dakota 153 

Louis  F.  Hart,  Washington 153 

Edwin  P.  Morrow,  Kentucky 153 

Albert  E.  Sleeper,  Michigan 153 

William  C.  Sproul,  Pennsylvania 153 

William  D.  Stephens,  California 153 

Hiram  Johnson 156 

W.  Murray  Crane 158 

Philander  C.  Knox 160 

Boies  Penrose 162 

William  E.  Borah 164 

F.  H.  Gillett 168 

F.  W.  Mondell 170 

Cviii] 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


FACINQ  PAGE 

Nicholas  Murray  Butler 180 

Medill  McCormick        182 

Frank  O.  Lowden 221 

Charles  H.  Sabin 224 

James  W.  Wadsworth,  Jr 228 

Charles  E.  Hughes 232 

Joseph  G.  Cannon 234 

H.  A.  Du  Pont 238 

Henry  P.  Scott 240 

Eminent  New  York  State  Republicans  of  1920 

William  Barnes 242 

Henry  M.  Sage 244 

John  A.  Becker 246 

H.  D.  Alexander 248 

C.  L.  Bailey 248 

Ledyard  Cogswell 248 

W.  0.  DeRouville 248 

F.  A.  Higgins 248 

C.  F.  Schifferdecker 248 

G.  L.  Ullman 248 

James  R.  Watt 248 

Benjamin  F.  Witbeck .  248 

William  C.  Baxter 250 

E.  J.  Halter 250 

Charles  R.  Hotaling 250 

Valentine  Komfort 250 

Daniel  H.  Prior 250 

John  H.  Rea 250 

Timothy  E.  Roland 250 

James  L.  Wells 250 

Frank  L.  Wiswall 250 

Frank  A.  Coss 252 

Wm.  Van  Rensselaer  Erving .  252 

J.  Sheldon  Frost 252 

W.  A.  Glenn 252 

Warren  S.  Hastings .252 

Francis  M.  Hugo 252 

W.  LeRoy 252 

C.  D.  Niver 252 

Thaddeus  C.  Sweet 252 


C«J 


Part  I 

THE  PLACE  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 
IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 


BY 
FRANK  HENDRICK 


THE  PLACE  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 
IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 


THE  roots  of  The  Republican  Party  reach  to  the  very  sources  of  vitality  of  rep- 
resentative national  government  in  the  United  States.  The  initial  victory  of 
The  Republican  Party  resulted  in  the  first  uncompromising  assertion  by  the 
government  itself  of  national  sovereignty  as  the  object,  the  sanction,  and  the 
very  condition  of  popular  government.  The  fight  which  established  The  Republican 
Party  was  the  final  episode  in  a  struggle  for  true  national  existence  which  commenced 
with  the  first  settlement  of  the  widely  separated  colonies  and  ended  in  the  surrender 
at  Appomattox  of  the  Army  of  the  Confederacy  to  the  Army  of  the  Union. 

VITALIZED  THE  CONSTITUTION  AND  ASSURED  THE  PERPETUATION 

OF  NATIONAL  EXISTENCE 

Then  first  was  realized  a  political  party  in  complete  control  of  the  nation  as  the 
embodiment  of  the  resolve  of  the  people  to  be  a  nation.  The  impulse  of  the  colonists 
to  be  independent  of  European  control  and  to  stand  together  to  that  end  involved  a 
double  motive  to  a  single  purpose.  Instinctively,  if  without  conscious  plan,  the  in- 
habitants of  the  colonies  were  always  working  steadily  toward  the  elimination  of 
any  power  outside  themselves,  whether  foreign  or  domestic,  of  a  dominating  person- 
ality, a  compact  obstructing  minority,  or  an  irresponsible  government.  Their  goal, 
that  of  the  aspiration  of  human  beings  for  political  liberty  throughout  history,  was 
first  formulated  in  theory  in  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  That  document 
provided  an  entirely  new  plan,  a  government,  not  of  men  but  of  laws,  founded  upon 
the  consent  of  the  governed.  Until  Abraham  Lincoln  spoke  at  Gettysburg,  there  had 
been  no  clear  definition  of  the  purpose  of  the  forces  of  disunion  with  which  Washing- 
ton, Marshall,  and  Webster  had  contended  as  inheritors  one  from  the  other  and  as 
testators  to  Lincoln  of  the  leadership  of  a  sacred  cause.  When  the  great  prophet  of 
individual  freedom  said  that  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the 
people  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth,  he  spoke  as  the  political  chief  of  The  Repub- 
lican Party.  He  then  and  there  proclaimed  that  all  impulse  to  devitalize  the  Con- 
stitution and  leave  it  a  mere  paper  plan,  under  which  the  sovereignty  of  the  American 
People  might  cease  to  be,  must  be  thereafter  vain.  The  purpose  that  had  brought  on 
the  war  and  had  rallied  to  its  support  all  believers  in  the  Union  had  not  only  given 
life  to  the  principle  of  national  unity  but  had  so  organized  it  as  to  give  to  it  what 
the  Constitution  itself  alone  could  not — namely,  assurance  of  perpetuity.  In  an  address 
delivered  July  6,  1904,  to  commemorate  the  founding  of  The  Republican  Party 
under  the  oaks  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  fifty  years  before,  Elihu  Root  called  The  Re- 

CS3 


•  •    •      •  ■ 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

publican  Party  "The  Party  Fit  to  Govern."  Through  the  election  of  Lincoln,  therefore, 
not  only  was  the  fulfilment  of  the  purpose  to  save  the  Union  assured,  but  there  was 
discovered  the  way  to  perpetuate  it.  Unrivaled  in  any  land  at  any  time,  and  without 
a  competitor  in  our  own,  The  Republican  Party  has  embodied  in  its  history  the  greatest 
contribution  to  the  art  of  government  ever  made  and  has  exemplified  in  action  the 
great  work  in  the  perpetuation  of  popular  government  so  modestly  and  simply  fore- 
shadowed for  it  by  its  first  political  chief,  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  so  vividly  expressed 
as  the  last  word  in  the  great  struggle  for  political  freedom  through  party  government 
in  Elihu  Root's  definition  of  the  true  American  national  political  party  as  "The  Party 
Fit  to  Govern." 

THE  GUARANTEE  OF  RESPONSIRILITY  TO  THE  PEOPLE 

The  true  function  of  a  national  political  party  in  a  democracy  is  to  submit  to  the  nation 
at  popular  elections  candidates  for  office  necessary  to  be  elected  to  organize  the 
government  at  the  expiration  of  the  terms  of  the  incumbents.  This  proposal  of  can- 
didates involves  responsibility,  prospectively  as  well  as  retrospectively,  and  only 
through  party  responsibility,  the  responsibility  of  the  candidate  to  the  party  and  of  the 
party  to  the  voters,  may  contact  upon  matters  of  public  interest  and  national  policy 
be  continuously  maintained  between  the  government  and  the  people  in  a  practical  way. 

ORGANIZES,  FORMULATES,  REPRESENTS,  AND  EXPRESSES 
THE  POPULAR  WILL 

That  not  the  wisdom,  virtue,  and  patriotism  of  individual  candidates  but  the  will  and 
sense  of  the  people  are  to  be  expressed  in  government  is  the  essence  of  the  party  princi- 
ple as  it  is  the  foundation  of  democracy.  To  nominate  candidates  representative  of  the 
country  is  the  work  of  a  political  party.  It  is  not  a  mere  coincidence  that  the  party  which 
speaks  for  the  nation  elects  its  candidates.  The  first  duty  of  a  political  party  is  to  assure 
its  own  success.  A  political  party  succeeds  neither  by  merely  following  such  expressions 
of  popular  will  as  its  leaders  may  apprehend,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  by  asserting,  for 
acceptance  by  the  people,  the  will  and  judgment  of  the  party  leaders.  A  truly  national 
political  party  aims  to  make  itself,  so  far  as  may  be  possible,  identical  with  the  elec- 
torate, to  select  for  its  leaders  those  who  are  in  the  highest  sense  leaders  of  the 
people,  and,  through  conference  of  these  leaders,  to  interpret  for  the  people  and  for 
the  party  at  the  same  time  the  will  and  sense  of  the  people  as  a  whole.  The  only 
theory  upon  which  a  national  party  in  the  United  States  may  continue  to  exist  is  that 
no  man  or  body  of  men  can  monopolize  the  virtue,  wisdom,  and  patriotism  of  the 
United  States;  to  awaken,  stimulate,  and  express  them  is  the  task  of  true  party  leader- 
ship; the  things  themselves,  however, — and  in  the  concession  of  that  fact  party  safety 
lies, — remain  the  common  possession  of  the  whole  people.  Proved  capacity  for  political 
leadership,  therefore,  assumes  an  understanding  not  only  of  what  the  people  pres- 
ently want,  but  of  what  upon  argument  and  consideration  the  people  may  be  moved  to 
accept.  A  political  party,  whose  leaders  do  not  dare  thus  to  interpret  and  to  tell  the 
voters  what  the  people  want,  but  is  content  merely  to  ratify  expressions  of  popular  feel- 
ing apprehended  by  its  leaders,  renounces  the  character  of  a  national  political  party.  In 
a  national  democracy  someone  must  organize  and  formulate  the  popular  will,  and 
when  that  work  is  left  to  an  individual  or  to  a  group,  not  only  democracy  but  the 


■.;■    •  < 


■flB 


Jfmj/dtmd 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

nation  ceases  to  function.  The  saving  grace  of  partisanship  is  that  it  is  representative 
of  the  people;  the  democratic  element  of  a  public  function  lies  in  responsibility  to  a 
political  party  in  the  true  sense,  in  loyalty  to  the  institution  for  what  it  is,  does,  and 
represents  rather  than  to  the  individuals  who  dominate  it.  This  definition  of  a  political 
party  was  first  worked  out  and  has  been  consistently  exemplified  by  The  Republican 
Party  and  never  otherwise. 

FIRST  EMBODIED  THE  NATIONAL  PRINCIPLE  AND  IS  ALONE 
IDENTIFIED  WITH  NATIONAL  EXISTENCE 

The  clarity  of  Republican  thought,  the  definiteness  of  Republican  proposals, 
and  the  characteristic  honesty,  fearlessness,  and  sincerity  of  Republican  political 
leadership  have  stood  out  from  the  first  organization  of  The  Republican  Party 
as  the  inspiration  to  national  progress.  In  1854  the  supreme  concern  of  all 
existing  political  machinery  was  the  preservation  of  slavery.  An  entire  section 
was  organized  politically  with  no  national  end  to  serve  at  the  expense  of  slavery, 
and  the  dominant  political  party,  in  control  of  the  national  government,  was 
the  heir  of  all  those  movements  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  having  for  their  object  to  prevent  the  vitalizing  of  that  document  lest  the 
nation  thereby  called  into  life  might  withhold  the  protection  claimed  by  slavery  as  its 
right  and  as  necessary  to  its  continued  existence.  Organized  opinion  in  the  sections 
not  devoted  to  slavery  did  not  go  so  far  in  1854  as  to  insist  upon  the  operation  of  the 
government  as  a  national  government,  certainly  not  for  the  sole  purpose  of  destroy- 
ing slavery.  The  change  in  opinion  between  1854  and  1860  was  the  work  of  the  politi- 
cal leaders  who  organized  The  Republican  Party.  Those  men  inherited  the  political 
thought  of  Washington,  Hamilton,  Marshall,  John  Adams,  Clay,  John  Quincy 
Adams,  and  Webster.  They  inherited  also  the  task  of  overcoming  the  obstructive 
resistance  to  the  operation  of  the  government  as  a  national  government  with  which 
those  statesmen  had  been,  obliged  to  contend.  The  halo  about  the  head  of  Wash- 
ington, the  political  genius  of  John  Adams  and  Hamilton,  the  constructive  statesman- 
ship of  Marshall,  the  personality  of  Clay,  the  devotion  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  and 
the  eloquence  of  Webster  had  not  sufficed  to  sustain  a  political  party  upon  the  vital 
principle  of  national  supremacy  which  they  all  cherished  and  all  urged  as  necessary 
to  continued  national  existence.  The  means  of  communication  between  distant  parts 
of  the  country  were  not  such  as  to  permit  the  moulding  of  a  popular  opinion  essen- 
tially national.  The  people  were  so  worked  upon  in  the  separate  States  that  the 
spiritual  force  in  the  appeal  to  national  patriotism  was  almost  extinguished.  Even  the 
winged  words  of  Webster  were,  for  all  their  temporary  effect,  soon  mere  words.  At 
the  end  he  himself  had  ceased  to  heed  them.  It  was  one  man,  bending  over  backward 
on  the  bench  against  personal  persuasion,  a  judge  resisting  every  appeal  of  politics 
and  popular  opinion,  a  Southerner,  who,  defying  threat,  epithet,  local  prejudice, 
and  national  contempt,  in  constant  fear  and  actual  jeopardy  of  personal  harm  and 
of  the  disgrace  of  impeachment,  for  thirty-five  years,  by  one  unpopular  decision 
after  another,  kept,  without  the  organized  support  of  a  political  party  or  of  public 
opinion,  the  fabric  of  the  national  government  created  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  from  utter  dissolution.  It  was  as  a  lawyer,  arguing  non-political  briefs 
before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  that  Webster  was  effective.  It  was, 
thus,  not  the  support  of  popular  opinion  or  the  machinery  of  political  organization 

C5J 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

that  the  men  who  formed  The  Republican  Party  inherited;  they  inherited  a  principle, 
nothing  more,  and  it  was  out  of  that  they  created  a  political  party,  the  first,  and  as  yet 
the  only  one,  on  this  or  any  other  continent,  fit  to  govern  a  great  nation,  or  even  willing 
to  pretend  to  that  high  honor  and  daring  to  rise  to  that  great  dignity. 

THE  CONFLICTING  MISSIONS  OF  CONSTRUCTIVE  PROGRESS  AND 

DESTRUCTIVE  OPPOSITION  MADE  DEFINITIVE  BY  THE 

WAR  OF  THE  REBELLION 

The  forces  that  were  embodied  in  The  Republican  Party  had  always  been  those  of 
positive  progress  and  constructiveness.  The  dominant  political  organization  of  1856 
always  was,  even  when  in  control  of  the  government,  and  ever  since  1856  every  political 
movement  carried  on  under  the  same  name  has  been  and  none  more  typically  than 
that  just  organized  anew  at  San  Francisco  to  match  in  appearance  as  nearly  as  pos- 
sible the  indictment  by  The  Republican  Party  of  the  Wilson  administration,  not 
a  party  but  a  faction  organized  for  opportunist  opposition.  From  the  beginning, 
by  whatever  name  called,  Anti-Federalist,  Republican,  or  Democratic,  that  party  ex- 
isted for  the  sole  purpose  of  opposing  the  putting  of  the  national  government  into 
full  operation.  The  form  of  this  vagary  manifested  by  the  so-called  Democratic 
party  in  1920  was  the  assertion  of  the  right  of  the  President  to  be  an  autocrat  and 
himself  to  carry  out  the  transfer  of  the  American  government  to  a  superstate  con- 
trolled by  other  nations.  The  nominee  of  the  San  Francisco  convention  was  chosen 
because  it  was  believed  he  would,  if  elected,  nullify  the  Eighteenth  Amendment. 
The  tacitness  of  this  shame-faced  promise  is  characteristic  both  of  the  nominee  and 
his  so-called  party.  When  first  challenged  politically  by  the  men  who  formed  The  Re- 
publican Party,  this  party  of  opposition  resolved  that  the  nation  must  cease  to  exist 
rather  than  that  the  government  should  be  permitted  to  become  national.  Driven  by  the 
agitation  against  Slavery  to  issue  a  manifesto,  the  Democratic  Convention  of  1856 
adopted  a  political  platform  introduced  by  a  pious  profession  of  "trust  in  the  intelli- 
gence, the  patriotism,  and  the  discriminating  justice  of  the  American  people,"  followed 
by  a  declaration  that  this  trust  was  "a  distinctive  feature"  of  their  political  creed, 
which  they  were  "proud  to  maintain  before  the  world  as  the  great  moral  element  in 
a  form  of  government  springing  from  and  upheld  by  the  popular  will,"  in  contrast  with 
"the  creed  and  practice  of  federalism,  under  whatever  name  or  form,  which  seeks  to 
palsy  the  will  of  the  constituent,  and  which  conceives  no  imposture  too  monstrous  for 
popular  credulity."  Consistently  enough  in  one  way,  the  platform  proceeded  with  a 
series  of  denials  of  power  to  the  national  government,  abjuring,  of  course,  any  claim 
to  the  exercise  of  such  power  by  the  protesting  party  in  office;  but  with  less  consistency, 
and  rather  in  contradiction  of  the  sublime  renunciation  of  power  under  the  Consti- 
tution on  its  own  party's  behalf,  the  platform  proceeded  to  defy  any  expression  of  the 
popular  will.  The  party  in  power,  sworn  to  uphold  the  Constitution,  trusting  in  "the 
intelligence,  the  patriotism,  and  the  discriminating  justice  of  the  American  people," 
resolved : 

"3.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing,  in  Congress 

or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  under  whatever  shape  or 

color  the  attempt  may  be  made." 
The  weakness  inherent  in  mere  opposition  is  that  the  spirit  of  association  based 
upon  opposition  is  bound  to  manifest  itself  in  dissension  within  the  association. 

C6J 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

Called  upon  to  be  explicit  in  1856,  the  party  of  opposition  determined  to  be  negative, 
but  in  1860  was  compelled  to  default  in  the  adoption  of  a  platform.  The  Democratic 
Convention  of  1860  contented  itself  substantially  with  three  declarations : 

"First:  That  the  platform  of  1856  was  ratified; 

"Second:  That  Democratic  principles  are  unchangeable  in  their  nature  when  ap- 
plied to  the  same  subject-matters;  and 

"Third:  That  inasmuch  as  differences  of  opinion  exist  in  the  Democratic  Party  as 
to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  powers  of  a  Territorial  legislature,  and  as  to 
the  powers  and  duties  of  Congress,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
over  the  institution  of  slavery  within  the  Territories,  the  Democratic  Party 
will  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  ques- 
tions of  constitutional  law." 

Beginning  in  1856  with  a  threat  not  to  let  the  people  think  about  slavery,  the  Demo- 
crats arrived  by  1860  at  the  point  of  refusing  to  let  one  another  think.  Agreement 
in  opposition  for  its  own  sake  is  about  equivalent  to  agreement  not  to  agree  about 
anything.  On  precisely  that  basis,  wets  and  drys,  leaguers  and  anti-leaguers,  radicals 
and  reactionaries,  lovers  and  contemners  of  Woodrow  Wilson  enjoy  the  char- 
acteristically negative  harmony  dispensed  by  the  recent  Democratic  Conven- 
tion. And  in  order  to  justify  the  renunciation  for  the  people  in  the  Democratic 
Platform  of  1860  of  discussion  of  a  great  issue  of  national  policy  essentially  political 
in  its  nature,  the  Democratic  Platform  of  1860  referred  the  whole  matter  to  that  de- 
partment of  the  government  which  is  peculiarly,  essentially,  and  strictly  non-political, 
and  bound  the  Democratic  Party  to  abide  by  the  decision.  The  routine  of  opposition 
is  to  strain  at  a  gnat  as  a  duty  in  order  thereby  to  swallow  a  camel  as  a  privilege.  The 
doubt  will  probably  never  be  resolved  whether  the  party  of  opposition  is  inspired  by 
mere  self-deception  or  by  consciousness  of  the  necessity  of  deceiving  the  people.  In  the 
Democratic  Platform  of  1864,  the  Constitution  was,  ostensibly  in  the  name  of  the 
Constitution,  actually  abjured  in  the  following  language: 

"Resolved,  .  .  .  with  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Union  under  the  Constitution,  .  .  . 
that  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by  the  experiment  of 
war,  during  which  .  .  .  the  Constitution  has  been  disregarded  in  every  part, 
.  .  .  justice,  humanity,  liberty,  and  public  and  private  welfare  demand  that 
immediate  efforts  be  made  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  .  .  .  that,  at  the 
earliest  practicable  moment,  peace  may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  Federal 
Union  of  the  States." 

DELIBERATE  AND  SUSTAINED  ORGANIZED  OPPOSITION  HAS  NO 
PLACE  IN  REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERNMENT 

With  the  seventy-five-year  struggle  for  the  realization  of  a  true  nation  all  but  won, 
the  party  of  opposition  took  its  stand  before  the  people  in  1864  upon  a  promise,  which 
finds  its  complement  in  the  Wilson  proposal  for  a  league  of  nations  adopted  at  the 
autocrat's  command  by  the  Democratic  Convention  of  1920  against  the  will  of  the 
members  of  the  Convention,  to  abandon  the  nation  altogether  for  a  mere  league  of 
States.  These  three  platforms,  of  1856,  1860,  and  1864,  expressing  the  full 
fruitage    of    the    political    theorv    of    opposition    developed    during    that    entire 

m 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

period  of  seventy-five  years,  represent  faithfully  the  inherent  character  of  the  party 
of  opposition.  To  the  objection  that  opposition  is  necessary,  it  may  be  answered  that 
opposition  does  not  become  .affirmative,  progressive,  or  constructive  by  the  fact  of  its 
necessity  any  more  than  error  becomes  truth  by  reason  of  its  inherence  in  human 
weakness.  Strength  seeks  not  an  excuse  for  error,  but  the  way  to  be  right.  Political 
life  no  less  than  individual  existence  is  a  combat,  and  that  over  which  the  right 
triumphs  is  the  test  and  proof  of  right.  The  service  of  opposition  in  trying  the  strength 
of  affirmative  policy  does  not  ever  entitle  opposition  to  be  elected  to  control,  for 
opposition  is,  by  its  own  choice  and  election,  doomed  to  remain  opposition  and  nothing 
more.  A  compact  minority  organized  to  obstruct  the  realization  of  the  will  and  sense 
of  the  people  is  none  the  less  negative  by  reason  of  the  agreement  of  its  members  in 
opposition  and  none  the  less  a  minority  because  of  its  compactness,  but  remains  always 
what  it  deliberately  sets  out  to  be,  namely,  an  unjustifiable  conspiracy  against  the 
government.  Since  the  first  success  of  The  Republican  Party,  no  Republican  Con- 
vention has  afforded  a  valid  reason  for  the  adoption  of  an  opposition  platform  or 
the  nomination  of  opposition  candidates.  History  will  be  read  in  vain  for  justification 
of  such  opposition.    Cox,  the  fox,  luring  to  more  Wilsonism,  apes  Republicanism ! 

THE  REPURLICAN  PARTY  HAS  ESTARLISHED  THAT 

ONE  NATIONAL  PARTY  FIT  TO  GOVERN 
IS  THE  RASIS  OF  PERPETUAL  NATIONAL  EXISTENCE 

It  was  the  opposition  of  seventy-five  years  that  proved  that  the  American  nation 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  deserved  and  was  from  the  beginning  des- 
tined to  be  perpetual,  and  it  was  the  entire  struggle  and  not  one  election  merely  that 
proved  The  Republican  Party  to  be  the  embodiment  of  that  victory,  the  perpetual  ex- 
ponent of  the  American  nation,  and  The  Party  Fit  To  Govern.  Washington  was  elected 
President  of  the  United  States  by  common  consent,  and  in  1820  Monroe  was  re-elected 
without  opposition  during  an  era  of  good  feeling.  There  is  nothing  in  the  theory  of  our 
government  opposed  to  unanimity  in  support  of  all  candidates  for  national  office.  The 
constitution  of  human  nature  assisted  by  the  continued  existence  of  The  Solid  South 
explains  the  wide  departures  from  unanimity  that  have  made  up  the  political  history 
of  the  United  States.  And  it  is  true  beyond  possible  controversy  that,  no  matter  what 
allowances  must  be  made  for  mistakes  by  individual  Republican  Presidents,  and  Re- 
publican Congresses,  or  by  men  who  have  used  the  Party  in  the  days  of  its  ascendancy 
in  such  a  way  as  to  abuse  it,  The  Republican  Party  has  consistently  from  first  to  last 
embodied  and  carried  out  the  theory  of  one  national  political  party  justifying  itself 
by  the  courage,  sincerity,  and  patriotism  of  its  leaders  as  the  extra-constitutional  ad- 
junct of  the  national  government  developed  by  the  whole  people  as  their  representa- 
tive and  a  device  to  perpetuate  the  national  government  and  to  make  it  responsible  to 
the  people. 

INAUGURATED  A  PERPETUAL  GOVERNMENT 
NOT  OF  MEN  BUT  OF  LAWS 

The  first  three  platforms  of  The  Republican  Party  demonstrate  unanswerably  that 
the  theory  upon  which  the  Party  was  organized  made  the  United  States  for  the  first 
time  a  nation  and  proved  the  system  of  one  national  party  fit  to  govern  as  the  basis 
of  representative  national  government.    The  sequel  shows  the  Party  true  to  the  prin- 

C83 


'     *•••«••••••♦••       •    -*-    "    *• 


ia^Q-^  t^<zaz^ 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

ciple  of  its  existence  and  thereby  tests  not  the  virtue,  judgment,  and  patriotism  of  the 
passing  personnel  of  Republican  leadership  but  the  inherent  vitality  of  that  principle. 
That  the  full  portent  of  the  pregnant  words  of  Lincoln's  Gettysburg  Address  has  never 
been  overstated  is  a  moderate  assertion.  The  new  birth  of  freedom  which  the  nation 
received  from  the  national  Republican  leaders  of  1856, 1860,  and  1864  was  in  effect  the 
true  birth  and  to  a  life  everlasting.  It  was  in  very  truth  these  men  who  divorced 
government  from  personal,  factional,  and  minority  domination,  and  summoned  the 
nation  into  being  and  the  Constitution  into  operation  throughout  the  United  States 
ex  proprio  vigore, — by  its  own  force.  They  did  this  not  as  inheritors  or  acquisitors 
of  power  but  as  representatives  of  the  people  in  a  government  not  of  men  but  of  laws. 

THE  FIRST  REPURLICAN  PLATFORM 
AN  AMERICAN  MAGNA  CHARTA 

The  Republican  Platform  of  1856,  adopted  by  "delegates  assembled  in  pursuance  of 
a  call  addressed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  without  regard  to  past  political 
differences  or  divisions,  ...  in  favor  of  restoring  the  action  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment to  the  principles  of  Washington  and  Jefferson,"  invoked  the  spirit  of  every 
epoch-making  document  in  the  age-long  struggle  for  political  liberty  and  in  sentences 
that  crackle  called  for  the  enforcement  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  the 
nation  established  by  it.  The  realities  attempted  to  be  concealed  by  the  smug  plati- 
tudes of  opposition  were  unmasked  in  the  following  remarkable  paragraph : 

"Resolved,  That  while  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  ordained  and 
established  by  the  people  in  order  to  'form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish 
justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote 
the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty,'  and  contains  ample 
provision  for  the  protection  of  the  life,  liberty,  and  property  of  every  citizen, 
the  dearest  constitutional  rights  of  the  people  of  Kansas  have  been  fraudu- 
lently and  violently  taken  from  them;  their  territory  has  been  invaded  by  an 
armed  force;  spurious  and  pretended  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  offi- 
cers have  been  set  over  them  by  whose  usurped  authority,  sustained  by  the 
military  power  of  the  Government,  tyrannical  and  unconstitutional  laws  have 
been  enacted  and  enforced;  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  has 
been  infringed;  test  oaths  of  an  extraordinary  and  entangling  nature  have 
been  imposed  as  a  condition  of  exercising  the  right  of  suffrage  and  holding 
office;  the  right  of  an  accused  person  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial  by  an  im- 
partial jury  has  been  denied;  the  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their 
persons,  houses,  papers,  and  effects  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seiz- 
ures has  been  violated;  they  have  been  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  and  property 
without  due  process  of  law;  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  has  been 
abridged;  the  right  to  choose  their  representatives  has  been  made  of  no  effect; 
murders,  robberies,  and  arsons  have  been  instigated  and  encouraged,  and 
the  offenders  have  been  allowed  to  go  unpunished;  that  all  these  things  have 
been  done  with  the  knowledge,  sanction,  and  procurement  of  the  present 
National  Administration,  and  that  for  this  high  crime  against  the  Constitution, 
the  Union,  and  humanity  we  arraign  the  Administration,  the  President,  his 
advisers,  agents,  supporters,  apologists,  and  accessories,  either  before  or  after 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

the  fact,  before  the  country  and  before  the  world;  and  that  it  is  our  fixed  pur- 
pose to  bring  the  actual  perpetrators  of  these  atrocious  outrages,  and  their 
accomplices,  to  a  sure  and  condign  punishment  hereafter. 

"Resolved,  That  Kansas  should  be  immediately  admitted  as  a  State  of  the  Union, 
with  her  present  free  constitution,  as  at  once  the  most  effectual  way  of  secur- 
ing to  her  citizens  the  enjoyment  of  the  rights  and  privileges  to  which  they 
are  entitled,  and  of  ending  the  civil  strife  now  raging  in  her  territory." 

The  men  Who  adopted  that  plank  are  responsible  for  the  protection  to-day,  not  only 
of  the  more  than  one  hundred  millions  who  now  constitute  the  American  people,  but 
of  countless  millions  throughout  the  world,  by  the  principles  of  Magna  Charta,  and  all 
the  other  great  historic  embodiments  of  the  demand  for  political  liberty.  The  real 
issue  to-day  is  whether  the  opposition  of  the  so-called  Democratic  party  shall  result 
in  the  success  of  those  exponents  of  class  strife  by  whatever  name  they  call  themselves 
whose  aim  is  the  destruction  of  all  private  property  and  of  the  protections  of  life, 
liberty,  and  other  individual  rights,  and  the  supplanting  of  law  and  order  by  terrorism 
and  chaos.    Truly  the  sin  of  wanton  personal  or  partisan  ambition  is  not  a  venial  sin. 

OPPOSITION  TO  AND  DEFECTIONS  FROM  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  HAVE 
ALWAYS  BEEN  PROVED  TO  BE  ASSAULTS  AGAINST  THE  PRINCI- 
PLES OF  LIBERTY  AND  THE  NATIONAL  WELFARE 

The  Party  formed  in  1856  has  kept  its  principles  continuously  in  the  ascendant  for 
sixty-four  years.  This  it  has  done  by  winning  control  of  the  executive  ad- 
ministration of  the  government  in  eleven  out  of  fifteen  national  elections, 
of  the  Senate  in  all  but  fourteen  out  of  sixty-four  years,  and  of  the  House  in  all 
but  twenty-four,  and  by  exercising  a  check,  even  in  these  periods  of  divided  control, 
on  the  efforts  of  opposition.  In  the  two  baleful  periods  of  complete  control  by  the  op- 
position, from  1893  to  1895  and  from  1912  to  1918,  the  revulsion  of  popular  feeling  was 
so  strong  and  so  sudden  that  the  Republican  idea  seemed  appreciated  the  most  deeply 
just  after  rejection  at  the  polls  of  the  Party's  nominees.  Opposition  has  been  di- 
rected effectively  at  times  against  candidates  rather  than  against  The  Republican 
Party.  The  day  after  election  has  seen  the  voters  horrified  in  the  contemplation  of 
the  result  of  their  forgetfulness  of  the  Republican  idea  that  The  Republican  Party  and 
not  the  individual  candidate  is  the  important  factor  in  the  work  of  government.  The 
truth  is  that  the  Party  has  been  unsuccessful  only  when  defections  have  been  or- 
ganized by  a  few  political  poseurs,  who,  given  prominence  by  their  associates  in 
Republican  leadership,  have  made  use  of  that  prominence  to  start,  in  the  name  of 
conscience  and  principle,  movements  designed  to  overturn  the  Party  leadership  but 
always  resulting  in  the  overturn  of  the  Party  and  of  principle,  in  disaster  to  the 
nation  and  the  consequent  recourse  to  the  same  Party  leadership  to  save  the  coun- 
try from  the  vagaries  sought  to  be  put  into  practical  application  by  the  opposition, 
under  the  lease  of  power  received  through  the  bad  judgment  of  the  ill-advised  Repub- 
lican malcontents.  This  class  of  disturbers,  in  1884  named  Mugwumps,  has  always 
attached  too  little  importance  to  the  Party  and  too  great  importance  to  the  individuals 
they  have  opposed  and  to  themselves.    Justifying  their  opposition  by  the  assertion  that 

[103 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

by  virtue  of  their  position  as  Republican  "independents"  they  compel  their  own  party 
and  the  opposition  both  to  nominate  better  candidates,  they  exemplify  the  worst  vice  in 
the  so-called  two-party  system,  and  hold  themselves  out  as  bell-wethers  to  be  used  by 
corrupt  influences  to  lead  the  flock  away  from  the  party  that  will  not  do  the  bidding  of 
these  influences.  Leaders  of  defection  from  The  Republican  Party  are  really  an  ad- 
junct to  the  opposition  which  is  the  club  of  which  they  are  the  handle  held  by  the 
private  interests  whose  hope  to  control  the  government  is  sustained  by  the  continued 
existence  of  the  opposition.  No  defeat  of  The  Republican  Party  has  ever  proved  the 
opposition  fit  to  govern,  but  every  attempt  to  discipline  Republican  leaders  by  defeat 
of  The  Republican  Party  has  always  shown  both  the  need  of  one,  and  only  one,  great 
national  party  and  the  inexorableness  of  the  necessity  of  strict  adherence  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  its  existence.  The  Democrats  of  to-day  are  extending  the  handle  of  a  more 
powerful  club  to  the  firebrands  of  Socialism.  It  behooves  them  to  consider  whether 
by  their  mere  opposition,  they  are  not  inviting  a  common  disaster.  Opposition  to 
Harding  and  Coolidge  is  "aid  and  comfort"  to  the  declared  enemies  of  Americanism 
and  of  Law  and  Order. 

The  most  individualistic  and  independent  of  all  Republicans,  the  late  Senator  Hoar, 
exposed  the  fallacy  in  the  logic  of  Republican  separatists  by  insisting  that  the  only 
hope  for  a  man  devoted  to  great  principles  was  in  getting  the  Party  to  stand  for  them 
and  not  by  working  for  the  success  of  the  opposition  to  all  great  principles.  Never 
has  the  Republican  system  of  organizing  the  popular  will  yielded  ever  so  little  to  a 
demand  for  abandonment  of  the  profession  of  those  great  principles.  Muddled  think- 
ing has  been  disposed  of  in  convention  and  never  has  been  permitted  to  appear  in  the 
Party  Platform,  nor  has  the  need  of  application  of  the  great  fundamental  principles  to 
actual  situations  been  disregarded.  That  is  why  the  platforms  of  the  opposition,  built 
largely  of  planks  rejected  in  the  open  deliberations  incident  to  Republican  conventions, 
are  such  perfect  specimens  of  muddled  thought.  The  Mugwump  appears  in  the  calm 
light  of  history  always  to  have  been  precisely  what  Horace  Porter,  borrowing  the 
words  of  Disraeli,  called  him,  namely,  "a  person  educated  beyond  his  intellect."  Every 
individual  nominated  by  a  Republican  National  Convention  has  been  sustained  in 
character,  ability,  and  wisdom  by  the  commission  to  stand  for  The  Republican  Party. 
No  man  either  unfit  or  incapable  of  growth  in  character,  ability,  and  wisdom  has  ever 
emerged  as  the  candidate  of  The  Republican  Party,  and  every  Republican  President 
has  left  office  beloved  and  honored  by  all  the  people  and  an  object  of  national  pride. 
As  did  Rryan  in  1896,  Cox  now  poses  as  unlike  the  Democratic  incumbent! 

EVERY  TEST  OF  OPPOSITION  IN  THE  NAME  OF  DEMOCRACY  HAS 
DISCLOSED  ITS  INEVITARLE  GOAL  TO  BE  AUTOCRACY 

The  temporary  ascendancy  of  the  opposition  has  always  served  to  reunite  the  people 
in  support  of  Republican  leadership,  with  the  outgoing  opposition  incumbent  of  the 
Presidency  proclaiming  the  impossibility  of  working  in  harmony  with  the  so-called 
Democratic  party  by  which  he  was  nominated  and  insisting  upon  representing  the 
people  as  a  benevolent  autocrat.  The  latest  protagonist  of  "democracy,"  the  "wet"  decoy, 
"endorsing"  Wilson  and  his  League,  though  opposed  to  both  and  aware  that  neither 
could  now  carry  a  Northern  State,  condemning  the  Republican  Senate  and  Harding's 
announced  regard  for  Congress  while  himself  leaving  Prohibition  to  the  Congres- 

C«3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

sional  elections  Wilson  held  in  contempt,  imperiously  demands  blind  acceptance  of 
another  darkroom  experiment  in  Democratic  government.  Truly,  intelligent  persons 
who  vote  for  Cox  sin  against  the  light. 

REPUBLICAN    PLATFORMS    AND    CANDIDATES    REPRESENT    THE    WHOLE 

PEOPLE— DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTIONS  A  COMPACT  MINORITY  OF 

DELEGATES  FROM  THE  SOLID  SOUTH 

The  explanation  of  the  consistent  support  of  The  Republican  Party  by  the  people, 
every  exception,  afterward  duly  repented,  being  attributable  to  causes  shown  to  have 
been  unfounded  and  unjustified,  lies  in  the  capacity  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  to  express  their  sense  and  will  positively  through  responsible  representatives 
and  in  their  insistence  upon  their  right  to  do  so.  In  the  selection  of  delegates  to 
national  conventions,  in  the  choice  of  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President, 
and  in  the  formulation  of  platforms,  The  Republican  Party  has  always  expressed  that 
capacity  and  responded  to  that  insistence.  But  it  is  not  given  to  mere  opposition  to 
conduct  its  affairs  upon  such  a  plan;  its  negative  proposals  have  themselves  always 
been  dictated  by  opportunity  for  attack  assumed  to  have  been  afforded  by  Republican 
leadership;  and  its  adherence  to  the  unit  rule  of  voting  State  delegations  in  its  conven- 
tions and  to  the  requirement  of  two-thirds  to  nominate  a  Presidential  candidate  has 
doomed  it  to  be  controlled  by  the  compact  non-assenting  minority,  in  the  nature  of 
things  and  by  tradition  sectional.  This  minority  represents  the  machine  of  political 
oligarchs  sustained  by  white  voters  as  a  reward  for  disfranchising  colored  voters.  The 
vote  in  national  elections  for  the  opposition  candidates  is  not  a  vote  of  approval,  since 
the  proposals  of  opposition  are  themselves  negative.  In  opposition  platforms,  where 
the  words  seem  most  fair  their  import  is  most  foul.  The  retort  of  Emerson  to  a  rascal, 
"I  cannot  listen  to  what  you  say  while  what  you  are  keeps  ringing  in  my  ears,"  befits 
the  cant  of  the  devil's  advocates  whose  chosen  political  vocation  is  consistent  opposi- 
tion to  everything  that  is  good  for  their  country  and  to  the  Party  that  has  accomplished, 
in  spite  of  that  opposition,  everything  that  has  ever  been  accomplished  for  the  good  of 
their  country.  In  all  but  two  instances,  the  opposition  has  held  its  national  convention 
after  the  Republicans.  The  reason  is  obvious.  In  1920,  although  the  castigation  of 
the  Wilson  administration  in  the  Republican  platform  is  savage  in  the  extreme,  the 
Democrats  have  chosen  to  make  it  appear  in  their  platform  that  they  are  distinguish- 
able only  in  minor  unessentials  from  the  Republicans.  The  opposition  is  continually 
changing  its  political  garments,  but,  however  clothed,  it  is  always  disguised.  Seldom 
have  the  people  failed  to  penetrate  the  deception.  Whenever  the  success  of 
the  opposition  in  national  elections  may  not  be  explained  as  the  result  of 
fortuitous  circumstances,  it  may  be  read  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events  as 
the  unjust  and  ill-advised  condemnation  by  Republicans  of  the  attempt,  charged 
to  their  leaders,  to  misuse  The  Republican  Party  and  to  divert  it  from  its  prin- 
ciples. All  Americans  are  in  the  broad  sense  Republicans;  it  is  the  design  of  The 
Republican  Party  to  represent  them,  and  until  the  distinction  between  clear  think- 
ing and  error  is  no  longer  perceptible  and  right  and  wrong  become  matters 
of  taste,  there  will  never  be  a  need  of  more  than  one  affirmative  national  party.  That 
party  will  be  as  great  and  useful  as  the  capacity  of  the  people  for  representative 
government  and  their  devotion  to  political  liberty.  "Democracy,"  on  the  other  hand, 
dispenses  with  the  people. 

H*1 


3,     3  ,   <AXojv^}, 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  LINCOLN  WAS  BUT  THE  RESURGENCE,  INEVITABLE 

IN  THE  PARTY  OF  THE  NATIONAL  CAUSE,  OF  THE  AGENCIES 

FITTED  TO  CARRY  ON  THE  WORK 

In  1860  the  capacity  and  devotion  of  Americans  had  been  for  the  first  time  per- 
mitted to  be  demonstrated  in  an  effective  manner.  The  Republican  Party  was  strong 
enough  in  the  election  of  1858  to  compel  the  naming  of  a  Republican  Speaker.  The 
reliance  of  Republican  leadership  upon  the  united  purpose  of  the  voters  untrammeled 
by  devotion  to  Slavery  had  already  become  steadfast.  The  Republican  Platform  of 
1860  was  again  a  summons  to  the  whole  nation.  The  consciousness  of  the  mission  of 
the  Party  being  deepened,  the  breadth  and  dignity  of  the  appeal  to  confidence  stamped 
this,  the  first  platform  of  "the  established  party,  with  the  character,  since  the  distinctive 
mark  of  the  Republican  declaration,  of  a  challenge  to  national  self-respect.  This 
appears  clearly  in  the  whole  platform,  and  the  following  paragraphs  may  be  set  forth 
as  an  illustration : 

"Resolved,  That  we,  the  delegated  representatives  of  the  Republican  electors  of 
the  United  States,  in  convention  assembled,  in  discharge  of  the  duty  we  owe 
to  our  constituents  and  our  country,  unite  in  the  following  declarations : 

"1.  That  the  history  of  the  nation  during  the  last  four  years  has  fully 
established  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  the  organization  and  perpetuation 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  that  the  causes  which  called  it  into  existence  are 
permanent  in  their  nature,  and  now,  more  than  ever  before,  demand  its  peace- 
ful and  Constitutional  triumph. 

"2.  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  and  embodied  in  the  Federal  Constitution,  'That  all  men  are 
created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable 
rights;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  to 
secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,'  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of 
our  republican  institutions;  and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of 
the  States,  and  the  Union  of  the  States  must  and  shall  be  preserved.     .     .     . 

"8.  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  of  the  United  States  is 
that  of  freedom;  that,  as  our  republican  fathers,  when  they  had  abolished 
slavery  in  all  our  national  territory,  ordained  that  'no  person  should  be  de- 
prived of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of  law,'  it  becomes  our 
duty,  by  legislation,  whenever  such  legislation  is  necessary,  to  maintain  this 
provision  of  the  Constitution  against  all  attempts  to  violate  it;  and  we  deny 
the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  Territorial  legislature,  or  of  any  individual,  to 
give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States.    .     .    . 

"12.  That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  an  adjustment  of 
these  imposts  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the  industrial  interests  of 
the  whole  country;  and  we  commend  that  policy  of  national  exchanges  which 
secures  to  the  workingmen  liberal  wages,  to  agriculture  remunerative  prices, 
to  mechanics  and  manufacturers  an  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor,  and 
'enterprise,  and  to  the  nation  commercial  prosperity  and  independence.   .    .    . 

1191 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN  TWENTY 

"17.  Finally,  having  thus  set  forth  our  distinctive  principles  and  views,  we 
invite  the  co-operation  of  all  citizens,  however  differing  on  other  questions, 
who  substantially  agree  with  us  in  their  affirmance  and  support." 

This  platform  reasserted  with  added  clearness  the  purpose  of  The  Republican  Party 
to  support  the  Constitution,  to  enforce  it,  not  as  a  protection  of  privilege  and  injustice, 
but  as  a  charter  of  liberty,  to  insist  upon  the  essentials  of  policy  and  practice  in  govern- 
ment, and  to  be  concerned  with  the  welfare  of  no  less  than  all  the  people.  Neither  the 
tragic  tenseness  of  the  political  drama  for  which  this  platform  was  the  prelude,  nor 
the  individual  character,  talents,  and  personality  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  had  anything 
determinative  to  do  with  the  distinguishing  qualities  of  this  and  other  Republican  plat- 
forms. The  drama  itself  was  staged  and  Lincoln  was  developed  as  protagonist  by  Re- 
publican leadership.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  typical  product  of  Republican  politics 
and  was  himself  essentially  a  Republican  politician.  And  the  platform,  crystallizing, 
as  it  did,  the  policy  and  thought  of  Lincoln  as  it  was  then  matured,  was  not  the  product 
of  his  will.  Like  every  other  truly  Republican  declaration,  it  was  not  a  formula  of 
words  not  to  be  realized  in  results,  but  itself  expressed  the  working  out  of  the  progress 
of  events  upon  the  patriotic  minds  of  the  men  destined  to  give  them  meaning  in  his- 
tory, and  demonstrated  the  persistent  resurgence,  above  all  obstacles,  of  truth,  justice, 
and  right  policy.  Pretext-seeking  ambition  then  as  now  found  its  haven  in  "democracy." 

The  Republican  Platform  of  1864  also  was  precisely  what,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
the  national  authority  not  being  completely  asserted,  it  had  to  be,  namely,  a  declara- 
tion of  a  determination  not  to  compromise  and  a  demand  of  unconditional  surrender. 
If  there  was  any  ulterior  design  in  this  determination,  it  was  not  mortal.  The  will  to 
oppose  the  triumph  of  the  national  cause  was  wickedly  conscious  and  calculated,  just 
as  all  subsequent  opposition  has  shown  itself  to  be.    That  of  1920  is  no  exception. 

NOT  PERSONAL  AMRITION  BUT  THE  CALL  TO  SAVE  THE  NATION 
BROUGHT  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  INTO  BEING 

The  practical  lesson  of  the  history  of  the  United  States  from  the  first  origins  down 
to  tlie  present  is  that  the  party  system  of  one  party  fit  to  govern,  unlike  any  other  at 
any  time  anywhere,  was  not  born  of  personal  or  political  ambition  but  was  compelled 
by,  and  was  the  inevitable  result  of,  the  adoption  of  a  national  Constitution  and  the 
natural  growth  thereunder,  during  the  half  century  of  non-enforcement  of  that  Con- 
stitution, of  forces  it  was  designed  to  curb,  inspired  by  other  than  public  motives  and 
fostered  by  and  bent  upon  the  progressive  disintegration  of  national  authority.  Before 
the  middle  of  the  19th  century  these  forces  took  shape  in  the  movement  called  sec- 
tionalism tending  to  break  the  nation  into  two  separate  republics,  one  based  on  free 
labor,  the  other  on  that  of  slaves.  It  was  the  strength  of  this  movement  and  the  demon- 
stration of  the  inherent  unfitness  of  the  Democratic  party,  or  any  other  party  consti- 
tuted other  than  as  "The  Party  Fit  To  Govern"  was  to  be,  that  called  The  Republican 
Party  into  being.  The  boldness  of  the  disunion  forces  and  the  necessity  for  poli- 
tical reconstruction  were  but  half  seen  in  1840  when  the  Liberty  Party,  the  first 
political  party  organized  in  the  United  States  to  oppose  the  spread  and  restrict  the 
political  power  of  slavery,  and  the  lineal  precursor  of  the  Free  Soil  and  Republican 
Parties,  was  formed.  It  was  only  when  the  die  was  cast  that  the  Rubicon  was  crossed 
and  The  Republican  Party  was  formed.    But  Cox  of  Ohio  is  still  for  "States'  Rights." 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 


THE  GREATNESS  OF  LINCOLN  WAS  BUT  THE  SLOW  GROWTH  IN  OFFICE  AS  A 

REPUBLICAN  NOMINEE  OF  A  REMARKABLE  MAN  TO  SUPREME 

AVAILABILITY  FOR  THE  WORK  OF  THE 

REPUBLICAN  PARTY 

In  the  year  1840,  Lincoln  was  serving  the  last  of  his  four  consecutive  two- 
year  terms  as  a  member  of  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives,  and  it  was  six  years 
later  that  he  was  first  elected  a  member  of  the  National  House  of  Representatives,  not 
as  a  member  of  the  Liberty  Party,  but  as  a  Whig,  the  only  one  elected  to  Congress  at 
that  election  in  Illinois.  In  1837,  in  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives,  with  one 
other  representative  from  Sangamon  County,  named  Dan  Stone,  Lincoln  protested 
against  a  series  of  resolutions,  adopted  by  the  Illinois  General  Assembly,  which  ex- 
pressed disapproval  of  the  formation  of  abolition  societies  and  asserted,  among  other 
things,  that  "the  right  of  property  in  slaves  is  sacred  to  the  slave-holding  States  under 
the  Federal  Constitution."  But  the  paper  put  out  by  Lincoln  and  Stone  showed  that  the 
greatest  political  force  for  the  assertion  of  national  authority  and  individual  freedom 
was  yet  to  be  developed  as  events  themselves  dictated  by  a  political  party  based  upon 
the  simple  and  modest  theory  of  doing  the  full  duty  of  every  occasion  as  that  duty 
appeared,  and  that  honest  purpose  must  not,  to  appease  the  demand  of  any  occasion, 
compromise  with  truth,  justice,  or  common  sense.  The  future  emancipator  himself 
was  in  1837  content  to  say  that  "the  institution  of  slavery  is  founded  on  both  injustice 
and  bad  policy,  but  the  promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines  tends  rather  to  increase 
than  to  abate  its  evils";  .  .  .  "the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  the  power,  under 
the  Constitution,  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but  the  power  ought 
not  to  be  exercised  unless  at  the  request  of  the  people  of  the  District,"  and  "the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  has  no  power,  under  the  Constitution,  to  interfere  with  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  different  States."  To  have  gone  further  at  that  time  would 
have  been  to  anticipate  the  occasion  by  two  decades.  Lincoln  never  committed  the 
sin,  unpardonable  in  a  politician,  of  forgetting  the  limitations  imposed  upon  the  office- 
holder by  his  oath  of  office.    In  1916  Cox  sought  votes  by  approving  German  atrocities! 

THE  ABOLITIONISTS  AS  THE  FIRST  PARTY  RUNNING  ON  AN  ISSUE 

DEFEATED  THE  PARTY  OF  LINCOLN  AND  ELECTED  THE 

ADVOCATES  OF  SLAVERY 

The  course  of  the  anti-slavery  movement  justified  Lincoln's  attitude.  The  Liberty 
Party  was  organized  in  the  Old  Northwest  under  the  leadership  of  James  G.  Birney. 
After  a  long  anti-slavery  religious  movement,  it  nominated  Birney  for  the  Pres- 
idency in  1840  and  gave  him  7,069  votes.  It  nominated  Birney  again  in  1844,  and  gave 
him  62,263  votes  and  many  more  than  enough  in  New  York  to  have  carried  that  State 
for  Clay,  the  Whig  candidate  for  President,  had  they  been  thrown  to  his  support. 
These  sincere  believers  in  an  issue  thereby  achieved  the  result  (also  recently  attained 
by  another  party  formed  without  any  occasion  whatsoever,  as  its  organizers  are  now 
forced  to  admit,  upon  an  isolated  idea,  or  a  sublimated  personality)  of  defeating  its 
natural  ally  and  electing  the  adversary  it  was  organized  in  order  to  and  pretended  to 
be  able  to  defeat.  Voters  heretofore  affiliated  as  Democrats  now  face  the  prospect  of 
giving  the  encouragement  to  Socialism  which  the  Abolitionists  in  1844  gave  to  Slavery. 

CIS} 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  WAS  DESIGNED  BY  ITS  FOUNDERS 

TO  BE  TEMPORARY  BUT  PROVED  TO  BE 

INHERENTLY  INDESTRUCTIBLE 

It  is  true  that  the  founders  of  The  Republican  Party  themselves  looked  upon  the 
movement  in  which  they  were  engaged  as  a  temporary  one  made  necessary  by  an 
emergency  with  the  passing  of  which  the  necessity  for  joint  action  would  pass.  Even 
after  the  crisis  was  past,  such  leaders  in  the  Party  as  Charles  Sumner,  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  and  Horace  Greeley,  as  soon  after  the  war  as  1872,  were  willing  to  bring  about 
the  dissolution  of  the  Party  by  defeating  its  candidates.  In  1884,  in  1892,  and  in  1912, 
the  same  proposal  was  made.  Often  enough  has  the  indestructibility  of  the  Party, 
based  upon  the  permanence  of  the  problem  it  solves,  been  denied,  and  perhaps  never 
has  its  true  character  been  recognized.  The  view  of  the  Constitution  ascribed  to  Glad- 
stone, as  a  work  struck  off  at  one  time  by  a  body  of  men  assembled  for  the  purpose, 
is  no  more  superficial  than  the  theory,  commonly  held,  of  The  Republican  Party  as  a 
political  organization  established,  maintained,  and  controlled  for  the  time  being  by  a 
fixed  personnel  of  political  leaders  working  to  realize  specific  objects  through  control 
of  the  government  and  to  maintain  their  own  ascendancy,  and  by  them  continued  for 
those  objects.  The  men  most  conscious  of  what  they  intended  to  achieve  by  the  forma- 
tion of  The  Republican  Party  themselves  asserted  the  correctness  of  this  theory.  The 
pledge  taken  "under  the  oaks"  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  July  6,  1854,  was  as  follows : 

"Resolved,  That,  postponing  and  suspending  all  differences  with  regard  to  politi- 
cal economy  or  administrative  policy,  in  view  of  the  imminent  danger  that 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  will  be  grasped  by  slavery,  and  a  thousand  miles  of 
slave  soil  be  thus  interposed  between  the  free  States  of  the  Atlantic  and  those 
of  the  Pacific,  we  will  act  cordially  and  faithfully  in  unison  to  avert  and  repeal 
this  gigantic  wrong  and  shame. 

"Resolved,  That  in  view  of  the  necessity  of  battling  for  the  first  principles  of  Re- 
publican government,  and  against  the  schemes  of  aristocracy,  the  most  revolt- 
ing and  oppressive  with  which  the  earth  was  ever  cursed  or  man  debased,  we 
will  co-operate  and  be  known  as  'Republicans'  until  the  contest  be  terminated." 
As  is  urged  by  Francis  Curtis,  in  his  admirable  work  in  two  large  volumes,  "The 
Republican  Party,"  in  the  following  eloquent  language : 

"This  was  not,  however,  the  first  gathering  of  Republicans  nor  the  first  time  the 
name  of  the  new  party  had  been  used.  As  when  the  seed  is  sown  and  the 
blades  of  grass  spring  up  almost  simultaneously,  now  here,  now  there,  in 
different  parts  of  the  field,  so,  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1854,  from  the 
seeds  of  Abolition  and  Anti-Slavery  Extension,  sprang  the  Republican  Party  in 
Wisconsin,  Michigan,  New  York,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Iowa,  Ohio,  and  other 
Northern  States.  But  because  of  the  fact  that,  in  a  formal  convention  assem- 
bled, a  platform  was  adopted  and  a  full  State  ticket  nominated  on  the  6th  of 
July,  1854,  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  that  day  and  place  must  be  conceded  to  be 
the  birthday  and  birthplace  of  the  Republican  party." 

Only  the  name,  however,  of  The  Republican  Party  was  the  result  of  accident  or  the 
design  of  mortal  man.  The  name,  moreover,  had  no  traditional  or  actual  relation  to 
the  objects  of  the  Party.    Besides  the  "National  Republican  Party,"  as  the  Adams- 

1162 


e^. 


v^fr 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

Clay  split,  from  1824  to  1834,  of  the  so-called  Democratic  Republican  Party,  was  called, 
there  had  been  the  party  organized  by  Jefferson  under  the  name  Republican,  which 
was  sought  to  be  continued  after  1828  without  the  nationalism  of  Adams  and  Clay 
under  the  supposedly  "popular"  and  "liberal"  names  "Democratic"  and  "Jacksonian." 
It  was  the  Jeffersonian  "Republicans"  who  sponsored  the  Kentucky  and  the  Virginia 
Resolutions  of  1798  and  1799,  the  former  of  which  began  as  follows: 

"1.  Resolved,  That  the  several  States  composing  the  United  States  of  America 
are  not  united  upon  the  principle  of  unlimited  submission  to  their  general 
government." 

Despite  the  personal  resentment  of  Andrew  Jackson  against  nullifiers,  it  was  his 
victory  in  1828  which  brought  about  the  continuance  in  power  of  Jeffersonian  Repub- 
licans, under  the  name  of  Democrats,  up  to  1860,  and  the  reaffirmation  in  the  Demo- 
cratic Platforms  of  1856  and  1860  of  the  Kentucky  and  the  Virginia  Resolutions,  as 
well  as  all  other  declarations  in  defiance  of  the  authority  of  the  national  government 
under  the  Constitution.    Since  1865  pretext  has  passed  for  reason  for  existence. 

A  PARTY  NOT  OF  ISSUES  BUT  OF  ACHIEVEMENTS 

The  Republican  Party,  on  the  other  hand,  did  not  build  itself  about  an  isolated  idea, 
or,  as  did  and  do  all  other  so-called  parties,  in  opposition  to  an  isolated  idea.  The 
standard-bearer  nominated  upon  the  first  platform  by  the  National  Convention  of  The 
Republican  Party  held  in  Music  Fund  Hall  in  Philadelphia  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  June  17,  1856,  represented  not  the  abstract  idea  of  building 
the  nation,  but  the  actual  concrete  achievement.  John  C.  Fremont,  by  his  opening 
the  path  of  settlers  to  the  Pacific,  in  realization  of  the  lifelong  passion  of  his  father- 
in-law,  Senator  Benton,  had  awakened  the  practical  sense  of  the  founders  of  The  Re- 
publican Party  to  the  necessity  of  pre-empting  the  national  territory  against  the  ag- 
gression of  the  domestic  power  of  slavery  and  the  power  of  a  foreign  foe  as  well.  As 
Parke  Godwin  wrote,  in  the  September,  1854,  number  of  Putnam's  Monthly,  under  the 
caption  "Our  Parties  and  Policies" : 

"Nebraska  and  Kansas  will  be  slave  States  if  slave-holders  go  there,  and  they  will 
be  free  States  if  freemen  go  there,  and  this  is  the  long  and  the  short  of  the 
matter.  .  .  .  It  is  one  of  the  dangers,  as  one  of  the  glories,  of  this  nation 
that  its  plans  are  executed  with  the  rapidity  of  magnetism.  A  thought  is 
scarcely  a  thought  before  it  becomes  a  deed.  We  scorn  delays;  we  strike  and 
parley  afterwards;  we  actualize  the  dreams  of  the  old  philosophers,  and  im- 
part to  our  abstract  ideas  an  instant  creative  energy.  .  .  .  As  it  now  is, 
no  man  who  expresses,  however  moderately,  a  free  opinion  of  the  slave  system 
of  the  South,  is  allowed  to  hold  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  the  General 
Government.  .  .  .  Yet  .  .  .  emancipation  is  practicable  if  not  easy. 
.  .  .  They  have  only  to  discard  all  past  alliance  in  the  single  hope  of  carry- 
ing to  speedy  victory  a  banner  inscribed  with  .  .  .  THE  HOMESTEAD 
FOR  FREE  MEN  ON  THE  PUBLIC  LANDS." 

This  was  the  practical  plan  adopted  by  The  Republican  Party  in  1856  in  the  slogan : 
"Freedom  and  Fremont."  In  the  purpose  to  knit  together  as  one  stretch  of  free  terri- 
tory the  belt  of  Northern  States  stretching  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  the  con- 
vention "under  the  oaks"  at  Jackson  was  impelled  by  the  same  concern  consistently 

CITS 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

expressed  in  the  first  three  Republican  platforms  in  the  planks  demanding  the  pushing 
of  railroads  to  the  Pacific.  To  bring  the  sections  and  the  people  of  the  sections  together 
meant  the  Union,  and,  responding  to  their  needs,  organizing  and  expressing  their  will, 
The  Republican  Party  became  at  the  outset  not  the  exponent  of  an  isolated  idea  but 
"The  Party  Fit  to  Govern,"  and  these  men  became,  in  that  sense,  The  Republican  Party. 
Roosevelt  was  never  more  characteristically  Republican  or  typically  American  than 
when  he  created  the  Panama  Canal.    Cox  like  the  others  is  "nothing  but  words." 

THE  MENACE  OF  ONE-MAN  OR  ONE-ISSUE  GOVERNMENT 

The  development  of  the  Republican  movement  after  1856  was  a  refutation  of  the 
notion  that  a  true  national  political  party  may  be  or  should  be  permitted  to  be  built 
upon  a  single  idea,  and,  having  realized  that  idea,  may  or  should  be  permitted  to  be  dis- 
banded, and  of  the  idea  that  The  Republican  Party  was  other  than  the  permanent  truly 
national  party.  A  national  government  is  an  organic  whole,  a  living  thing, 
and  vitality  and  vigor  in  every  part  are  essential  to  national  existence.  The  great 
majority  of  the  new  party  had  been  either  Whigs  or  Democrats,  and  as  such  had 
cherished  in  conflict  with  one  another  the  respective  isolated  notions  upon  which  those 
so-called  parties  were  based.  The  Whigs  asserted  their  belief  in  the  national  nature 
of  the  Union;  the  Democrats  put  forth,  as  their  claim  to  support,  their  belief  in  the 
people.  These  two  so-called  parties  maintained  that  these  beliefs  were  irreconcilable. 
It  was  the  work  of  The  Republican  Party  to  reconcile  them  and  in  so  doing  to  prove 
that  only  one  "Party  Fit  To  Govern"  is  necessary,  to  or  possible  in  the  control  of  the 
national  government  by  the  people.  No  party  could  be  built  on  Democratic  opinion 
today ! 

THE  REPURLICAN  PARTY  DOES  NOT  CREATE  ISSUES  BUT 
SOLVES  THEM  AS  THEY  ARISE 

The  successful  realization  in  actual  government  of  the  first  three  platforms  of  The 
Republican  Party  removed  forever  from  the  field  of  political  controversy  every  issue 
upon  which  the  so-called  parties  had  divided  from  the  beginning  of  national  existence 
down  to  the  close  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  and  thus  put  the  people,  through  their 
representatives,  in  control  of  the  government  in  the  place  of  the  conflicting  oligarchs 
and  oligarchies  then  cloaked  with  the  names  of  political  parties.  The  theory  of  Ameri- 
can government  thus  established  is — in  contrast  with  the  English  system  of  competing 
parties  in  office  each  flirting  with  the  chance  of  a  change  of  government  by  an  appeal 
"to  the  country,"  upon  an  isolated  issue  with  a  single  "cry"  or  slogan,  which  is  sub- 
stantially a  revolution — a  unified  control  by  trusted  representatives  of  the  people 
elected  for  a  fixed  term  with  full  power  to  organize  the  government  and  to  carry  it  on 
during  that  period  with  the  responsibility  involved  in  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  the 
people  at  elections  at  fixed  intervals  for  a  renewal  of  power.  All  great  reforms  come 
from  the  common  people  but  they  are  not  promoted  by  the  contests  of  parties  in 
elections.  A  truly  representative  party,  on  the  other  hand,  responds  to  the  urge  of 
the  people  without  regard  to  issues  or  elections,  while  the  dominating  individual  in 
office  may  not.  The  slow  response  of  President  Wilson  to  the  inevitable  in  the 
European  conflict  and  his  persistence  in  a  personal  policy  since  its  close  are  not  the 
only  illustrations  of  the  fatuity  of  supplanting  continuous  government  by  an  oc- 
casional issue.  The  lamented  McKinley  insisted  in  1896  that,  as  a  "tariff"  man,  he 
must  run  on  the  tariff  issue.    The  voters  insisted  upon  defeating  Bryan  and  electing 

D83 


tftit 


—7 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

The  Republican  Party  on  the  money  issue.  The  problems  really  solved  by  The  Repub- 
lican Party  during  the  McKinley  administration  were  those  arising  out  of  Spanish  rule 
in  Cuba.  It  is  the  failure  to  realize  the  essential  character  of  our  government  as  a 
representative  republic  kept  in  contact  with  the  people  by  a  truly  national  representa- 
tive political  party  that  accounts  for  the  plague  of  false  politics  and  the  unending 
manufacture  by  quack  statesmen  of  fictitious  political  issues.  The  pathway  of  the 
so-called  Democratic  party  is  strewn  with  the  dead  issues  upon  which  it  has  builded 
its  hopes.  Small  wonder  that  its  recall  from  limbo  of  the  defunct  League  of  Nations  is 
voiced  so  faintly  as  to  suggest  the  desire  that  it  be  not  heard.    That  issue  is  Wilson's! 

THE  ONE-MAN,  ONE-ISSUE  MOVEMENT  THREATENS  THE  NATION  NOW 

The  menace  of  political  insincerity  is  ever  present  and  was  never  greater  than  it  is 
to-day.  It  is  impossible  to  forecast  the  limit  of  the  threatened  harm.  Through  the 
votes  of  a  decided  minority  in  1912,  the  present  Democratic  incumbent  received  more 
than  four-fifths  of  the  electoral  vote  and  was  enabled  to  build  up  a  machine  by  which, 
thanks  to  a  characteristic  misrepresentation  of  the  issue  by  his  supporters  and  the 
bad  management  of  the  Republican  candidate's  supporters,  he  secured  his  re-election, 
brought  the  nation  untold  misery  and  as  a  new  issue  a  proposal  that  the  government 
be  transferred  to  a  league  of  nations.  The  existence,  too,  of  a  new  political  power  rest- 
ing upon  ignorance,  discontent,  and  words,  has  been  persistently  promoted  by  the  same 
man  in  the  same  manner.  What  a  split  of  parties  coinciding  with  a  recrudescence  of 
Mugwumpism,  to  which  the  league  of  nations  idea  particularly  appeals,  would  permit  a 
combination  of  Socialists  and  others  to  bring  upon  the  country,  it  is  impossible  to  say. 
The  Mugwump  "balance  of  power"  has  been  surrendered  to  a  new  group  of  parlor 
theorists.  They  are  watchful  of  their  opportunities  and  they  find  them  in  the  creation  of 
false  issues  by  the  so-called  other  great  political  party.  The  responsibility  of  the  Mug- 
wumps in  1884  for  the  disasters  brought  upon  the  country  by  a  so-called  Democratic 
administration  was  great,  but  it  was  negligible  compared  with  that  of  those  who  shall 
cause  to  be  organized  to-day  a  political  movement  based  upon  the  opportunist  ambition 
of  the  so-called  Democratic  party.  The  need  of  the  situation  cries  out  for  the  union  of 
all  the  people  behind  their  great,  representative,  national  political  party.  It  is  the  proud 
boast  of  The  Republican  Party  that  it  has  never  pandered  to  ignorance  or  passion,  but, 
sifting  false  issues  from  the  true,  has  worked  out  and  solved  the  problems  of  the  nation 
as  they  have  arisen.  It  was  because  the  events  that  made  Lincoln  President  were  not 
manipulated,  but  were  allowed  to  determine  the  course  of  The  Republican  Party  as  the 
savior  of  the  nation,  that  the  task  of  the  Party  became  permanent,  and  the  theory  upon 
which  the  Party  was  founded  demonstrated  the  everlasting  fitness  of  the  Party  for  that 
task.  The  view  would  be  superficial  which  would  hold  that  the  movement  in  favor 
of  slavery  and  disunion  was  the  supreme  danger  of  all  time  for  the  nation,  and  that 
once  that  danger  was  removed,  the  country  was  safe.  In  1860,  the  South  was  an 
open  foe  with  frank  and  definite  proposals  of  hostility.  To-day  a  class  struggle  more 
abhorrent  even  than  that  of  the  sections  is  being  nurtured  under  cover  by  skilled  lead- 
ers practising  upon  the  credulity  of  the  ignorant,  without  being  sensed  by  the  intelli- 
gent mass  of  the  people.  The  real  salvation  of  the  Union  was  already  accomplished 
because  Lincoln  had  by  that  time  smoked  the  South  out  and  permitted  those  de- 
voted to  the  Union  to  see  clearly  the  meaning  of  the  proposals  of  opposition.  In  so 
doing,  he  made  it  easier  for  every  succeeding  Republican  Convention  down  to  the 

C193 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

present  to  unmask  the  nation's  foes,  domestic  or  foreign.  It  is  as  an  honest,  clear- 
thinking  statesman,  fearless  in  the  right,  that  Lincoln  was  typical  of  The  Republi- 
can Party.  So  long  as  that  sort  of  political  thought  and  courage  is  necessary,  The 
Republican  Party  will  be  the  mainstay  of  national  existence.  As  such,  it  calls  by  right 
upon  every  clear-thinking,  patriotic  American,  including  those  who  have  heretofore 
called  themselves  Democrats  for  support.    The  nomination  of  Cox  was  meaningless. 

LINCOLN  NOT  A  ONE-MAN  CANDIDATE  OR  A  ONE-ISSUE  MAN 

It  must  be  emphasized  that  it  was  not  the  personality  of  Lincoln,  but  the  establish- 
ment of  The  Republican  Party,  that  created  as  an  entirely  new  thing  the  characteristic 
American  attachment  to  a  party  which  has  withstood  all  the  storm  and  stress  of  sixty 
years  and  promises  to  endure  forever.  Lincoln  cherished  hostile  personalities  in  his 
cabinet  and  fostered  the  clash  of  views  that  none  might  be  lost,  unrepresented,  or 
unweighed.  It  is  the  custom  to  assume  that  certain  lines  of  cleavage  have  been  estab- 
lished for  more  than  a  century  in  American  politics,  that  crystallization  has  taken 
place  about  the  two  opposite  poles  of  strict  construction  and  liberal  construction  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  that  nothing  less  than  a  political  convulsion 
able  to  shake  the  whole  fabric  to  its  centre  would  release  the  atoms  from  the  control 
by  which  party  traditions  and  associations  hold  them.  The  theory  that  there  is  inher- 
ent devotion  to  two  parties  expands  the  simple  notion  that  there  must  be  a  contrary 
to  every  proposal  into  undue  praise  for  the  temporary  group  of  opposition  dignified 
by  a  fallacy  with  the  name  of  party.  The  application  of  this  notion  to  the  entire 
period  of  national  existence  under  the  Constitution  is  based  upon  a  complete  mis- 
apprehension of  what  happened  in  1860.  In  a  learned  treatise  on  "The  Electoral 
System,"  published  in  1906,  the  late  J.  Hampden  Dougherty  portrayed  the  American 
people  as  victims  throughout  their  history  of  a  congenital  sentimentalism  by  which 
they  were  paired  off  in  opposing  groups  against  one  another  for  the  mere  sake  of 
maintaining  the  traditional  cleavage  and  without  considerations  of  patriotism,  self- 
interest,  or  common  sense.    He  said,  at  pages  321  and  322,  as  follows: 

"The  two  chief  party  organizations  have  somehow  shot  their  roots  down  into  the 
very  hearts  of  the  citizens  of  this  country.  They  are  not  parasitic,  and  it  is 
futile  to  think  of  seriously  changing  these  basic  adjustments,  without  the 
lapse  of  a  great  period  of  time,  except  through  some  political  cataclysm.  The 
outlook  in  the  near  future  for  some  third-party  organization  which  shall  dis- 
place one  of  the  two  great  parties  of  the  present  day  is  unpromising  indeed. 
In  politics  men  are  as  conservative  as  in  religion,  perhaps  more  so.  By  educa- 
tion, traditions,  associations,  they  are  so  inseparably  wedded  to  party,  that 
not  even  when  the  nation  is  in  an  agony  for  its  existence  will  they,  in  any 
great  degree,  ignore  party  attachments.  But  the  salvation  of  the  country  lies 
in  this  conservatism.  If  great  masses  of  voters  could  suddenly  forget  party 
affiliations,  be  detached  from  old  connections  and  become  the  sport  of  all 
sorts  of  political  forces, — demagogic,  socialistic,  aristocratic,  or  other, — the 
outlook  for  free  government  would  be  sombre  indeed.  So  great  is  the  strength 
of  party  attachment,  the  roots  of  party  sentiment  run  so  deep,  that  it  would 
be  foolish  to  propose  any  amendment  that  should  fail  to  take  account  of 
them.  .  .  .  Party  government  is  an  indispensable  factor  of  our  institu- 
tional political  progress.     One  cardinal  fault  in  propositions  to  amend  the 

C203 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

electoral  system  is  in  the  defective  philosophy  that  has  sought  to  abolish 
parties.  The  Constitution  need  not  in  terms  recognize  them  any  more  than  it 
recognizes  their  conventions  or  their  machinery,  but  no  amendment  can  ever 
be  passed  which  might  forbid  or  even  hamper  their  activity  or  impede  the 
natural  institutional  development  of  the  American  people." 

A  contrary  theory,  more  in  keeping  with  realities,  was  expressed  by  President  Bar- 
nard of  Columbia  College  in  an  article  in  The  North  American  Review  for  February, 
1885.  He  urged  that  Congress  exercise  the  functions  both  of  a  nominating  convention 
and  of  the  Electoral  College.  In  Congress,  upon  the  "one  great  party"  theory,  a  mi- 
nority with  ever-changing  personnel  remains  a  minority.  Under  the  "two  great  na- 
tional parties"  theory,  a  minority  with  fixed  personnel  is  made  up  of  the  disfranchised 
representatives  of  the  majority  vote  of  their  constituencies.  The  majority,  when  the 
so-called  Democratic  party  is  in  the  ascendant,  represents  the  Solid  South,  with  its 
disfranchised  constituents,  a  minority  of  minorities,  swaying  the  misrepresentatives  of 
Northern  communities,  thus  totally  disfranchised  either  by  the  allegiance  of  represen- 
tatives to  the  so-called  Democratic  party  or  by  allegiance  to  The  Republican  Party.  A 
so-called  Democratic  President  represents  a  one-third  minority  in  the  so-called  Demo- 
cratic national  convention.  Upon  any  theory  it  is  necessary  to  discontinue  that  ghastly 
misnomer  "The  National  Democratic  Party."  Neither  the  convention  of  that  party 
nor  of  any  party  is  the  place  to  formulate  economic  policies  or  the  action  of  the  govern- 
ment in  matters  of  finance  or  international  relations.  Representative  government  may 
not  be  established  on  the  so-called  Democratic  party.  The  true  work  of  the  War  of 
the  Rebellion  was  to  destroy  that  party.  The  greatest  indecency  of  our  political  his- 
tory has  been  the  recurrent  ghoulish  molestation  of  its  safe  and  dignified  sepulture. 

NOT  LINCOLN  BUT  THE  NATION  MADE  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 

WHICH  IN  TURN  MADE  THE  ONE  IMMORTAL  AND 

THE  OTHER  EVERLASTING 

The  abandonment  of  allegiance  to  the  so-called  traditional  parties  was  precisely 
what  characterized  the  movement  from  1854  to  1860  in  American  politics,  and  there 
was  no  sentiment  whatever  about  it.  The  Solid  South  remained  solid,  and  since  1860 
it  has  been  the  only  solid  thing  about  the  so-called  second  or  opposition  party.  The 
veerings  and  twistings  of  Democratic  tenets  have  been  motivated  purely  and  simply 
by  the  purpose  to  get  something  on  The  Republican  Party,  and  the  only  consistent 
devotion  has  been  among  those  minded  to  carp  and  quibble  and  distrust  and  consti- 
tutionally incapable  of  personal  self-suppression  in  co-operation  with  the  main  body 
of  American  citizens.  The  rest  of  the  country  has  responded  consistently  from  1854  to 
the  present  time  to  an  appeal  to  the  intellect,  and  during  all  that  time  it  was  The  Re- 
publican Party  which  made  that  appeal.  Ever  since  the  close  of  the  War  of  the  Rebel- 
lion the  door  has  been  as  wide  open  in  the  South  as  it  has  been  in  the  North  to  the 
participation  of  all  in  the  organization  of  one  great  national  political  party.  The 
moment,  however,  that  the  troops  were  withdrawn  during  the  Reconstruction  period, 
the  Solid  South  began  to  vote  solidly  "Democratic"  in  national  elections  as  it  had 
done  before  the  war,  and  for  the  same  reason,  and  has  continued  to  do  so  ever  since. 
The  Solid  South,  therefore,  just  as  it  forced  The  Republican  Party  thus  to  settle  the 
slavery  question,  has  held  aloof  from  truly  national  political  organization  ever  since 
and  has  forced  The  Republican  Party  to  settle  every  other  national  question  that  has 

C213 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

arisen.  That  circumstance  and  that  alone  has  occasioned  the  supposition  that  there 
are  two  great  national  political  parties  in  the  United  States,  despite  the  fact  that  it 
is  that  very  circumstance  which  has  disclosed  the  fitness  and  the  sufficiency  of  only 
one  great  political  party.  The  real  achievement  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  his  shaping 
of  his  own  thought  to  the  needs  of  political  organization  and  thus  bringing  the  two 
successive  victories  to  The  Republican  Party  which  determined  its  future  and  that 
of  the  nation  at  the  same  time.  In  other  words,  The  Republican  Party  was 
originally  constituted  to  represent  and  has  since  been  permitted  to  represent  alone  the 
sober  second  thought  and  common  sense  of  the  American  people.  To  surround 
Lincoln  with  a  halo  and  place  him  above  the  Party  is  to  deny  him  his  supreme  merit 
and  to  blink  both  the  facts  of  history  and  the  fundamentals  of  American  politics.  To 
do  that  at  this  time  is  not  merely  a  political  blunder  but  precisely  a  political  crime. 
The  Democratic  campaign  spells  "division."  The  San  Francisco  Convention  made  a 
gift  to  the  Socialists  of  the  motto  "Divide  and  Rule"  upon  which  Caesar  built  the  power 
of  Rome.    The  watchword  should  be  "Union"  as  it  was  in  the  crisis  faced  by  Lincoln. 

AS  A  WHIG  LINCOLN  WAS  UNINSPIRED 

It  was  not  sentiment  but  the  sheer  force  of  the  logic  of  national  existence  that  made 
out  of  the  raw  material  of  an  Illinois  legislator  the  great  figure  in  the  world's  history 
which  Abraham  Lincoln  became.  It  was  not  because  Lincoln  was  a  great  man  but 
because  he  was  personally  popular  that,  in  1838  and  1840,  he  received  the  vote  of  his 
minority  colleagues  for  the  speakership  of  the  Illinois  House  of  Represen- 
tatives. In  1842  his  attempt  to  secure  a  nomination  to  Congress  was  un- 
successful. In  the  same  year  his  interest  drifted  to  the  Washingtonian  tem- 
perance movement.  In  1846  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  National  House 
of  Representatives  by  a  majority  of  1,511  over  his  Democratic  opponent,  Peter 
Cartwright,  a  Methodist  preacher.  Lincoln  was  the  only  Whig  member  of  Congress 
elected  in  Illinois  in  1846.  In  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  22d  of  December, 
1847,  he  introduced  the  "Spot  Resolutions,"  which  quoted  statements  in  the  President's 
messages  of  the  11th  of  May,  and  the  7th  and  8th  of  December,  1846,  that  Mexican 
troops  had  invaded  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  and  asked  the  President  to  tell 
the  precise  "spot"  of  invasion;  he  made  a  speech  on  these  resolutions  in  the  House  on 
the  12th  of  January,  1848.  His  attitude  toward  the  war  and  especially  his  vote  for 
George  Ashmun's  amendment  to  the  supply  bill  at  this  session,  declaring  that  the 
Mexican  War  was  "unnecessarily  and  unconstitutionally  commenced  by  the  Presi- 
dent," greatly  displeased  his  constituents.  He  later  introduced  a  bill  regarding  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  (in  accordance  with  his  statement  of  1837)  was  to 
be  submitted  to  the  vote  of  the  District  for  approval,  and  which  provided  for  com- 
pensated emancipation,  forbade  the  bringing  of  slaves  into  the  District  of  Columbia, 
except  by  government  officials  from  slave  States,  and  the  selling  of  slaves  away  from 
the  District,  and  arranged  for  the  emancipation  after  a  period  of  apprenticeship  of 
all  slave  children  born  after  the  1st  of  January,  1850.  While  he  was  in  Congress  he 
voted  repeatedly  for  the  principle  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  At  the  close  of  his  term 
in  1848  he  declined  an  appointment  as  Governor  of  the  newly  organized  Territory  of 
Oregon  and  for  a  time  worked,  without  success,  for  an  appointment  as  Commissioner  of 
the  General  Land  Office.  During  the  Presidential  campaign  he  made  speeches  in 
Illinois,  and  in  Massachusetts  he  spoke  before  the  Whig  State  Convention  at  Wor- 


G^^/oZ^-i^>t>-^^- 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 


cester  on  the  12th  of  September,  and  in  the  next  ten  days  at  Lowell,  Dedham,  Roxbury, 
Chelsea,  Cambridge  and  Boston.  It  was  through  ordinary  party  service  that  he  be- 
came an  eloquent  and  influential  public  speaker.  In  1840  and  1844,  he  was  a  candidate 
on  the  Whig  ticket  for  Presidential  elector.  Among  Lincoln's  most  famous  cases  in  his 
law  practice  was  one  (Bailey  v.  Cromwell,  4  111.,  71 ;  frequently  cited)  before  the  Illinois 
Supreme  Court  in  July,  1841,  in  which  he  argued  against  the  validity  of  a  note  in  pay- 
ment for  a  negro  girl,  adducing  the  Ordinance  of  1787  and  other  authorities. 

CONCRETE  PROBLEMS  OF  NATIONAL  EXISTENCE  DENIED  MADE 
LINCOLN  AND  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 

From  law,  however,  Lincoln  was  soon  always  irresistibly  drawn  back  into  politics. 
The  slavery  question,  in  one  form  or  another,  had  become  the  great  overshadowing 
matter  in  national,  and  even  in  State  politics;  the  abolition  movement,  begun  in  earnest 
by  W.  L.  Garrison  in  1831,  had  stirred  the  conscience  of  the  North,  and  had  had  its  in- 
fluence even  upon  many  who  strongly  deprecated  its  extreme  radicalism;  the  Com- 
promise of  1850  had  failed  to  silence  sectional  controversy,  and  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law,  which  was  one  of  the  compromise  measures,  had  throughout  the  North  been 
bitterly  assailed  and  to  a  considerable  extent  had  been  nullified  by  State  legislation; 
and  finally  in  1854  the  slavery  agitation  was  fomented  by  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act,  which  repealed  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  gave  legislative  sanction 
to  the  principle  of  "popular  sovereignty" — the  principle  that  the  inhabitants  of  each 
Territory  as  well  as  of  each  State  were  to  be  left  free  to  decide  for  themselves  whether 
or  not  slavery  was  to  be  permitted  therein.  In  enacting  this  measure  Congress  had 
been  dominated  largely  by  one  man — Stephen  A.  Douglas  of  Illinois — then  probably 
the  most  powerful  figure  in  national  politics.  This  "issue"  of  "squatter  sovereignty" 
was  a  typical  contribution  of  a  Northern  "Democrat"  to  the  Solid  South.  Precisely 
what  Lincoln  did  was  to  expose  the  nature  of  this  sort  of  political  bargain  to  thepeople 
of  the  North  and  thus  to  cause  the  partnership  to  be  dissolved  and  the  Northern 
adjunct  of  the  Southern  Democratic  party  to  be  destroyed  as  such  adjunct. 
Lincoln  had  early  put  himself  on  record  as  opposed  to  slavery,  but  he  was 
never  technically  an  abolitionist;  he  allied  himself  rather  with  those  who 
believed  that  slavery  should  be  fought  within  the  Constitution,  that,  though 
it  could  not  be  constitutionally  interfered  with  in  individual  States,  it  should 
be  excluded  from  territory  over  which  the  national  government  had  jurisdiction. 
In  this,  as  in  other  things,  he  was  eminently  clear-sighted  and  practical.  Already  he 
had  shown  his  capacity  as  a  forceful  and  able  debater;  aroused  to  new  activity  upon 
the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  which  he  regarded  as  a  gross  breach  of 
political  faith,  he  now  entered  upon  public  discussion  with  an  earnestness  and  force 
that  by  common  consent  gave  him  leadership  in  Illinois  of  the  political  opposition 
to  slavery,  which  in  1854  elected  a  majority  of  the  legislature;  and  it  gradually  became 
clear  that  he  was  the  only  man  who  could  be  opposed  in  debate  to  the  powerful  and 
adroit  Douglas.  He  was  elected  to  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives,  from  which 
he  immediately  resigned  to  become  a  candidate  for  United  States  Senator  from  Illinois, 
to  succeed  James  Shields,  a  Democrat;  but  five  opposition  members,  of  Democratic 
antecedents,  refused  to  vote  for  Lincoln  (on  the  second  ballot  he  received  47  votes — 
50  being  necessary  to  elect)  and  he  turned  the  votes  which  he  controlled  over  to  Lyman 
Trumbull,  who  was  opposed  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  and  thus  secured  the  defeat 

C233 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

of  Joel  Aldrich  Matteson,  Democrat,  who  favored  this  act  and  who,  on  the  eighth 
ballot,  had  received  47  votes  to  35  for  Trumbull  and  15  for  Lincoln.  The  various  anti- 
Nebraska  elements  came  together,  in  Illinois  as  elsewhere,  to  form  a  new  party  at  a 
time  when  the  old  parties  were  disintegrating;  and  in  1856  The  Republican  Party  was 
formally  organized  in  the  State.  Lincoln,  before  the  State  convention  at  Bloomington 
of  "all  opponents  of  anti-Nebraska  legislation"  (the  first  Republican  State  convention 
in  Illinois),  made  on  the  29th  of  May  a  notable  address  known  as  the  "Lost  Speech." 
The  National  Convention  of  The  Republican  Party  in  1856  cast  110  votes  for  Lincoln 
as  its  Vice-Presidential  candidate  on  the  ticket  with  Fremont,  and  he  was  on  the  Repub- 
lican electoral  ticket  of  this  year,  and  made  effective  campaign  speeches  in  the  interest 
of  the  new  party.  The  campaign  in  the  State  resulted  substantially  in  a  drawn  battle, 
the  Democrats  gaining  a  majority  in  the  State  for  President,  while  the  Republicans 
elected  the  Governor  and  State  officers.  In  1858  the  term  of  Douglas  in  the  United 
States  Senate  was  expiring,  and  he  sought  re-election.  On  the  16th  of  June,  1858,  by 
unanimous  resolution  of  the  Republican  State  Convention,  Lincoln  was  declared  "the 
first  and  only  choice  of  the  Republicans  of  Illinois  for  the  United  States  Senate  as  the 
successor  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,"  who  was  the  choice  of  his  own  party  to  succeed 
himself.  Lincoln,  addressing  the  convention  which  nominated  him,  gave  expression  to 
the  following  bold  prophecy : 

"A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.    I  believe  this  Government  cannot 
endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.    I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to 
be  dissolved — I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall — but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease 
to  be  divided.    It  will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other.    Either  the  op- 
ponents of  slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the 
public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  course  of  ultimate  extinction; 
or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward,  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all 
the  States,  old  as  well  as  new — North  as  well  as  South." 
At  the  time  Lincoln  spoke  the  word  "Democratic"  had  come  to  connote  "slave" 
and  the  word  "free"  had  come  to  connote  "Republican."    To  read  the  Lincoln  prophecy 
with  the  words  indicating  the  political  groups  substituted  for  the  policies  they  stood 
for  provides  at  least  an  interesting  mental  exercise. 

LINCOLN,  THE  REPUBLICAN,  WAVED  ASIDE  POLITICAL  OPPORTUNITY  AND 

FOLLOWED  THE  LOGIC  OF  HIS  CAUSE— DOUGLAS,  THE  DEMOCRAT, 

SHAPED  HIS  LOGIC  TO  THE  PURSUIT  OF  OFFICE 

In  this  speech,  delivered  in  the  State  House  of  Representatives,  Lincoln  charged 
Pierce,  Buchanan,  Taney,  and  Douglas  with  conspiracy  to  secure  the  Dred  Scott  de- 
cision. The  effect  of  this  decision  was,  by  reason  of  the  obiter  dicta  unnecessarily  in- 
corporated in  the  opinions  of  the  majority  of  the  Court,  to  declare  that  no  State  has 
or  could  have  any  right  to  confer  citizenship  upon  negroes,  which  was  plainly  to  sup- 
port nullification  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  The  attitude  of  the  Democrats  toward 
this  decision  was  warning  enough  to  Lincoln  that  the  logic  of  national  unity 
was  working  itself  out,  and  that  the  nation  must  soon  be  either  all  slave  or  all  free. 
Yielding  to  the  wish  of  his  party  friends,  on  the  24th  of  July,  Lincoln  challenged 
Douglas  to  a  joint  public  discussion.  Douglas  and  Lincoln  first  met  in  public 
debate  (four  hours  on  a  side)  in  Springfield  in  December,  1839.  They  met  repeatedly 
in  the  campaign  of  1840.    In  1852  Lincoln  attempted  with  little  success  to  reply  to  a 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

speech  made  by  Douglas  in  Richmond.  On  the  4th  of  October,  1854,  in  Springfield,  in 
reply  to  a  speech  on  the  Nebraska  question  by  Douglas  delivered  the  day  before, 
Lincoln  made  a  remarkable  speech  four  hours  long,  to  which  Douglas  replied  on  the 
next  day;  and  in  the  fortnight  immediately  following  Lincoln  attacked  Douglas's 
record  again  at  Bloomington  and  at  Peoria.  On  the  26th  of  June,  1857,  Lincoln  in  a 
speech  at  Springfield  answered  Douglas's  speech  of  the  12th  in  which  he  made  over 
his  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  to  suit  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  Before  the  actual 
debate  in  1858,  Douglas  made  a  speech  in  Chicago  on  the  9th  of  July,  to  which  Lincoln 
replied  the  next  day;  Douglas  spoke  at  Bloomington  on  the  16th  of  July  and  Lincoln 
answered  him  in  Springfield  on  the  17th.  The  antagonists  met  in  debate  at  seven 
designated  places  in  the  State.  The  first  meeting  was  at  Ottawa,  in  the  southwestern 
part  of  the  State,  on  the  21st  of  August.  At  Freeport,  on  the  Wisconsin  boundary,  on 
the  27th  of  August,  Lincoln  answered  questions  put  to  him  by  Douglas,  and  by  his  ques- 
tions forced  Douglas  to  "betray  the  South"  by  his  enunciation  of  the  "Freeport  heresy," 
that,  no  matter  what  the  character  of  Congressional  legislation  or  the  Supreme  Court's 
decision,  "slavery  cannot  exist  a  day  or  an  hour  anywhere  unless  it  is  supported  by 
local  police  regulations."  This  adroit  attempt  to  reconcile  the  principle  of  popular 
sovereignty  with  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  though  it  undoubtedly  helped  Douglas  in 
the  immediate  fight  for  the  senatorship,  necessarily  alienated  his  Southern  supporters 
and  assured  his  defeat,  as  Lincoln  foresaw  it  must,  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
1860.  The  other  debates  were :  at  Jonesboro,  in  the  southern  part  of  the  State,  on  the 
15th  of  September;  at  Charleston,  150  miles  northeast  of  Jonesboro,  on  the  18th  of 
September;  and,  in  the  western  part  of  the  State,at  Galesburg  (Oct. 7),  Quincy  (Oct.  13) 
and  Alton  (Oct.  15).  In  these  debates  Douglas,  the  champion  of  his  party,  was  over- 
matched in  clearness  and  force  of  reasoning,  and  lacked  the  great  moral  earnestness  of 
his  opponent;  but  he  dexterously  extricated  himself  time  and  again  from  difficult  argu- 
mentative positions,  and  retained  sufficient  support  to  win  the  immediate  prize.  At 
the  November  election  the  Republican  vote  was  126,084,  the  Douglas  Democratic  vote 
was  121,940  and  the  Lecompton  (or  Buchanan)  Democratic  vote  was  5,091;  but  the 
Democrats,  through  a  favorable  apportionment  of  representative  districts,  secured  a 
majority  of  the  legislature  (Senate:  14  Democrats,  11  Republicans;  House:  40  Demo- 
crats, 35  Republicans),  which  re-elected  Douglas.  Lincoln's  speeches  in  this  campaign 
won  him  a  national  fame.  In  1859  he  made  two  speeches  in  Ohio — one  at  Columbus 
on  the  16th  of  September  criticising  Douglas's  paper  in  the  September  Harper's  Maga- 
zine, and  one  at  Cincinnati  on  the  17th  of  September,  which  was  addressed  to  Ken- 
tuckians — and  he  spent  a  few  days  in  Kansas,  speaking  in  Elwood,  Troy,  Doniphan, 
Atchison,  and  Leavenworth  in  the  first  week  of  December.  On  the  27th  day  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1860,  in  Cooper  Union,  New  York  City,  the  invitation  being  caused  by  Greeley, 
who  had  abandoned  Seward,  he  made  a  speech  (much  the  same  as  that  delivered  in 
Elwood,  Kansas,  on  the  1st  of  December)  which  made  him  known  favorably  to  the 
leaders  of  The  Republican  Party  in  the  East  and  which  was  a  careful  historical  study 
criticising  the  statement  of  Douglas  in  one  of  his  speeches  in  Ohio  that  "our  fathers 
when  they  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live  understood  this  question 
(slavery)  just  as  well  and  even  better  than  we  do  now,"  and  Douglas's  contention  that 
"the  fathers"  made  the  country  (and  intended  that  it  should  remain)  part  slave. 
Lincoln  pointed  out  that  the  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion of  1787  opposed  slavery  and  that  they  did  not  think  that  Congress  had  no  power 
to  control  slavery  in  the  Territories.    He  spoke  at  Concord,  Manchester,  Exeter  and 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN  TWENTY 

Dover  in  New  Hampshire,  and  at  Hartford  (5th  March),  New  Haven  (6th  March), 
Woonsocket  (8th  March),  and  Norwich  (9th  March).  The  Illinois  State  Convention  of 
The  Republican  Party,  held  at  Decatur  on  the  9th  and  10th  of  May,  1860,  amid  great  en- 
thusiasm declared  Abraham  Lincoln  its  first  choice  for  the  Presidential  nomination, 
and  instructed  the  delegation  to  the  National  Convention  to  cast  the  vote  of  the  State 
as  a  unit  for  him.  Yet  the  intimates  of  this  great  man  have  left  the  record  to  show  that 
he  was  conscious  of  his  unfitness  to  be  President  and  viewed  his  political  work  in  The 
Republican  Party  as  sufficient  honor  and  reward.  How  different  is  the  current  Demo- 
cratic conception  of  the  Presidency !  The  incumbent  appears  actually  to  find  the  office, 
if  not  beneath  his  contempt,  at  least  too  petty  for  his  powers  and  beneath  his  moral 
and  intellectual  worth.    For  him  the  Constitution  is  obsolete  and  parochial. 

LINCOLN  NOMINATED  RECAUSE  HE  WAS  CONSIDERED 
POLITICALLY  AVAILARLE 

The  Republican  National  Convention,  which  made  "No  Extension  of  Slavery"  the 
essential  part  of  the  party  platform,  met  at  Chicago  on  the  16th  of  May,  1860.  At  this 
time  William  H.  Seward  was  the  most  conspicuous  Republican  in  national  politics, 
and  Salmon  P.  Chase  had  long  been  in  the  forefront  of  the  political  contest  against 
slavery.  Roth  had  won  greater  national  fame  than  had  Lincoln,  and,  before  the  con- 
vention met,  each  hoped  to  be  nominated  for  President.  Chase,  however,  had  little 
chance,  and  the  contest  was  virtually  between  Seward  and  Lincoln,  who  by  many  was 
considered  more  "available,"  because  it  was  thought  that  he  could  (and  Seward  could 
not)  secure  the  vote  of  certain  doubtful  States.  Lincoln's  name  was  presented  by 
Illinois  and  seconded  by  Indiana.  At  first  Seward  had  the  strongest  support.  On  the 
first  ballot  Lincoln  received  only  102  votes  to  173V2  for  Seward.  On  the  second  ballot 
Lincoln  received  181  votes  to  Seward's  1841/2>  On  the  third  ballot  the  50^  votes  form- 
erly given  to  Simon  Cameron  were  given  to  Lincoln,  who  received  231  */2  votes  to  180 
for  Seward,  and  without  taking  another  ballot  enough  votes  were  changed  to  make 
Lincoln's  total  354  (233  being  necessary  for  a  choice)  and  the  nomination  was  then 
made  unanimous.  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President. 
The  convention  was  made  singularly  tumultuous  and  noisy  by  the  activities  of  the 
large  claques  hired  by  both  Lincoln's  and  Seward's  managers.  It  was,  however,  a  typi- 
cal Republican  convention  in  that  the  resultant  of  contending  views  as  to  candidates 
prevailed  and  was  accepted. 

THE  OPPOSITION, 

DIVIDED  RY  THE  LOGIC  OF  THE  NATIONAL  PRINCIPLE, 

DISCLOSED  FOR  THE  FIRST  TIME  IN 

ITS  TRUE  CHARACTER 

During  the  campaign  Lincoln  remained  in  Springfield  making  few  speeches  and 
writing  practically  no  letters  for  publication.  The  campaign  was  unusually  animated 
— only  tbe  Whig  campaign  for  William  Henry  Harrison  in  1840  is  comparable  to  it; 
there  were  great  torchlight  processions  of  "wide-awake"  clubs,  which  did  "rail-fence" 
or  zigzag  marches,  and  carried  rails  in  honor  of  their  candidate,  the  "rail-splitter." 
Lincoln  was  elected  by  a  popular  vote  of  1,866,452  to  1,375,157  for  Douglas,  847,953 
for  Rreckinridge  and  590,631  for  Rell.  As  the  combined  vote  of  his  opponents  was 
so  much  greater  than  his  own,  he  was  often  called  "the  minority  President."    But  the 

PW3 


** 


Hon     W'm  .  II  .  s  KW'AI!  D, 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

Solid  South  was  not  voting  on  any  national  issue,  but  in  denial  of  national  existence. 
The  North  had  already  been  educated  during  the  election  and  responded  to  the  call 
of  the  Union,  and,  as  is  usual,  came  around  even  more  emphatically  to  the  Republican 
position  after  the  election.  The  electoral  vote  was:  Lincoln,  180;  John  C.  Breckinridge, 
72;  John  Bell,  39;  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  12.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  Lincoln  was 
inaugurated  as  President. 

THE  NATIONAL  PRINCIPLE 
UNITES  THE  PEOPLE  IN  THE  FACE  OF  FAILURE 

As  Lincoln's  first  presidential  term  of  four  years  neared  its  end,  the  Democratic 
party  gathered  itself  for  a  supreme  effort  to  regain  the  ascendancy  lost  in  1860.  The 
slow  progress  of  the  war,  the  severe  sacrifice  of  life  in  campaign  and  battle,  the 
enormous  accumulation  of  public  debt,  arbitrary  arrests  and  suspension  of  habeas 
corpus,  the  rigor  of  the  draft,  and  the  proclamation  of  military  emancipation  fur- 
nished ample  subjects  of  bitter  and  vindictive  campaign  oratory.  A  partisan  coterie 
which  surrounded  McClellan  loudly  charged  the  failure  of  his  Richmond  campaign  to 
official  interference  in  his  plans.  Vallandigham  had  returned  to  his  home  in  defiance 
of  his  banishment  beyond  military  lines,  and  was  leniently  suffered  to  remain.  The 
aggressive  spirit  of  the  Democrats,  however,  pushed  them  to  a  fatal  extreme.  The 
Democratic  National  Convention  adopted  (August  29,  1864)  a  resolution  (drafted  by 
Vallandigham)  declaring  the  war  a  failure,  and  demanding  a  cessation  of  hostilities; 
it  nominated  McClellan  for  President,  and  instead  of  adjourning  sine  die  as  usual,  re- 
mained organized,  and  subject  to  be  convened  at  any  time  and  place  by  the  executive 
national  committee.  This  threatening  attitude,  in  conjunction  with  alarming  indi- 
cations of  a  conspiracy  to  resist  the  draft,  had  the  effect  of  thoroughly  consolidating  the 
war  party,  which  had  on  the  8th  of  June  unanimously  renominated  Lincoln,  and  had 
nominated  Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee  for  Vice-President.  At  the  election  held  on 
the  8th  of  November,  1864,  Lincoln  received  2,216,076  of  the  popular  vote,  and 
McClellan  (who  had  openly  disapproved  of  the  resolution  declaring  the  war  a  failure) 
but  1,808,725;  while  of  the  Presidential  electors  212  voted  for  Lincoln  and  21  for 
McClellan.  Lincoln's  second  term  of  office  began  on  the  4th  of  March,  1865.  He  died 
April  15, 1865. 

THE  BEREFT  PARTY  LEADS  IN  RECONSTRUCTION 

Were  The  Republican  Party  mortal,  its  dissolution  would  certainly  have  followed 
closely  upon  the  death  of  Lincoln.  By  that  tragic  event  there  succeeded  as  President 
Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  a  Southern  Democrat,  devoted  to  the  political  prin- 
ciples of  Andrew  Jackson,  including  a  love  of  the  Union  and  a  hatred  of  Nullification 
in  the  form  of  Secession,  the  choice  of  whom,  as  the  Republican  candidate  for  Vice- 
President  in  1864,  Lincoln  had  suggested  as  a  method  of  keeping  the  border  States  in 
line  and  as  an  answer  to  the  criticism  that  The  Republican  Party  was  sectional.  That 
Andrew  Johnson  was  a  man  of  unparalleled  moral  courage  made  the  test  for  The 
Republican  Party  only  the  more  severe.  It  was  in  the  evening  of  the  day  that  Lincoln 
first  received  the  report  of  his  own  son,  an  eye-witness,  of  the  surrender  by  General 
Lee  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  that  Lincoln  fell  by  the  fatal  bullet.  The  com- 
plete end  of  the  war  was  in  prospect.  At  no  moment  could  the  necessity  of  firm  guid- 
ance be  more  critical  in  determining  the  fate  of  the  nation.  The  leadership  of  Andrew 
Johnson  as  President  in  the  cause  to  the  realization  of  which  The  Republican  Party  had 
dedicated  itself  was  characterized  in  the  Republican  Platform  of  1868  as  follows : 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

"8.  We  profoundly  deplore  the  untimely  and  tragic  death  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
and  regret  the  accession  to  the  Presidency  of  Andrew  Johnson,  who  has  acted 
treacherously  to  the  people  who  elected  him  and  the  cause  he  was  pledged  to 
support;  who  has  usurped  high  legislative  and  judicial  functions;  who  has 
refused  to  execute  the  laws;  who  has  used  his  high  office  to  induce  other 
officers  to  ignore  and  violate  the  laws;  who  has  employed  his  executive  powers 
to  render  insecure  the  property,  the  peace,  the  liberty  and  life  of  the  citizen; 
who  has  abused  the  pardoning  power;  who  has  denounced  the  national  legis- 
lature as  unconstitutional;  who  has  persistently  and  corruptly  resisted,  by 
every  means  in  his  power,  every  proper  attempt  at  the  reconstruction  of  the 
States  lately  in  rebellion;  who  has  perverted  the  public  patronage  into  an 
engine  of  wholesale  corruption;  and  who  has  been  justly  impeached  for  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and  properly  pronounced  guilty  thereof  by  the 
vote  of  thirty-five  senators." 

NO  PERILS  IN  THE  SUCCESSION  UNDER  THE  REPURLICAN  PARTY 

The  nation  has  often  been  concerned  at  certain  defects  in  the  processes  provided  for 
succession  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  the  disability  of  the  President  and  the  Vice- 
President.  Senator  Hoar,  in  his  autobiography,  sets  forth,  in  a  passage  made  much  of 
by  Dougherty  in  his  work  on  "The  Electoral  System,"  his  conviction  that  the  Constitu- 
tion is  defective  in  failing  to  prescribe  the  mode  of  succession  in  the  case  of  the  death  of 
both  the  President  and  the  Vice-President  before  the  day  of  their  inauguration.  The 
passage  reads  as  follows: 

"That  this  is  not  an  imaginary  danger  is  shown  by  the  fact  of  the  well-known 
scheme  to  assassinate  Lincoln  on  his  way  to  the  seat  of  the  Government,  and 
also  by  the  fact  that  either  the  President  or  the  Vice-President  has  died  in 
office  so  many  times  in  the  recollection  of  men  now  living.  President  Har- 
rison died  during  his  term;  President  Taylor  died  during  his  term;  Vice- 
President  King  died  during  Pierce's  term;  President  Lincoln  died  during  his 
second  term;  Vice-President  Wilson  died  during  Grant's  term;  President  Gar- 
field died  during  his  term;  Vice-President  Hendricks  died  during  Cleveland's 
term;  Vice-President  Hobart  died  during  McKinley's  term;  and  President  Mc- 
Kinley  during  his  own  second  term.  So  within  sixty  years  eight  of  these  high 
officials  have  died  in  office;  five  of  them  within  thirty  years;  four  of  them 
within  twenty  years.  I  have  also  drawn  and  repeatedly  procured  the  passage 
through  the  Senate  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  to  protect  the 
country  against  this  danger.  That  (also)  has  failed  of  attention  in  the  House. 
I  suppose  it  is  likely  that  nothing  will  be  done  about  the  matter  until  the 
event  shall  happen,  as  is  not  unlikely,  that  both  President  and  Vice-President- 
elect shall  become  incapacitated  between  the  election  and  the  time  for  enter- 
ing upon  office." 

LINCOLN'S  CABINET  AN  ELEMENT  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 

Not  only  would  many  unnecessary  fears  for  the  safety  of  the  Republic  be  dispelled 
by  a  realization  of  the  now  not  even  half  seen  underlying  principle  of  our  govern- 
ment, namely,  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  provides  for  a  one-party 
government,  but  the  early  adoption  of  that  principle  would  have  prevented  number- 
ess  n 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

less  woes,  including  most  of  those  attributable  to  the  inferior  quality  of  elected  and 
appointed  officials  and  party  mismanagement  and  incapacity  and  worse  in  public 
service.  This  lesson  of  the  succession  of  Andrew  Johnson  is  particularly  timely  now. 
For  even  if  Johnson  had  fallen  with  Lincoln,  the  situation  would  have  been  com- 
parable to  that  when  a  President  is  under  a  disability  and  the  Vice-President  is  pre- 
vented from  succeeding  by  the  uncertainty  of  the  duration  of  that  disability  or  the  per- 
sistence of  the  President  in  retaining  control  despite  his  disability.  It  was  certainly  con- 
sidered by  the  authors  of  the  war  soon  after  April,  1865,  that  Andrew  Johnson  was  a  dog 
in  the  manger  and  under  worse  than  disability  so  far  as  the  prosecution  of  the  work  of 
reconstructing  the  nation  was  concerned.  The  conflict  between  the  President  and 
Congress  was  violent.  The  Republican  Party  took  sides  with  and  gave  its  most  em- 
phatic approval  to  the  course  of  its  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress.  The 
Republican  State  Conventions  in  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  New  York,  Ohio,  and  Pennsylvania  declared  against  the  policy  of  the  Presi- 
dent, and  affirmed  that  reconstruction  must  be  effected  by  "the  law-making  power  of 
the  Government."  In  not  a  single  State  was  the  President's  policy  approved  by  the 
Republicans.  Of  course,  the  opportunist  opposition,  arrogating  to  itself  the  false 
dignity  of  the  name  Democratic  party,  blind,  as  usual,  to  the  purpose  of  the  American 
people  to  be  a  nation  and  to  the  destiny  of  The  Republican  Party  to  make  and  keep 
the  United  States  a  nation,  united  with  the  President.  Now  Lincoln  left  Johnson 
with  a  strong  cabinet,  a  circumstance  not  fortuitous  but,  as  the  history  of  the  past 
sixty  years  has  demonstrated,  and  no  decade  more  clearly  than  the  last,  necessarily 
integral  with  Republican  administration.  The  members  were  William  H.  Seward, 
Secretary  of  State,  who  was  the  choice  of  many  as  the  candidate  for  President  in  1860; 
Hugh  McCulloch,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War; 
Gideon  Welles,  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  W.  Dennison,  Postmaster-General;  J.  P.  Usher, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and  James  Speed,  Attorney-General.  To  make  sure  that  the 
cabinet  would  remain  strong,  the  Republican  Congress  passed,  on  March  2,  1867, 
over  the  President's  veto  during  the  closing  hours  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  the 
so-called  "Tenure  of  Office  Act,"  providing  that  no  officer  subject  to  confirmation  by 
the  Senate  should  be  removed  without  the  consent  of  that  body,  but  that  during  a  re- 
cess of  the  Senate  any  such  officer  might  be  removed  by  the  President  and  a  successor 
appointed,  who  should  act  until  the  end  of  the  next  session  of  the  Senate,  an  act 
which  the  Republican  Congress,  in  Grant's  first  administration,  modified  in  a  manner 
practically  destroying  without  repealing  it,  but  saving  the  power  of  the  Senate  over 
appointments.  It  took  President  Johnson  eight  months  actually  to  make  his  removal 
of  Secretary  Stanton  effectual,  and  his  persistence  in  the  removal  came  within  one 
vote  of  causing  his  own  removal  from  office  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  Senate  sitting 
as  a  court  of  impeachment. 

THE  PARTY  FIT  TO  GOVERN  SUCCEEDS,  AND  SUCCEEDS  ITSELF 

The  fact  was  that  for  the  first  time  under  The  Republican  Party  the  United  States 
had  a  real  party  government.  President  Johnson  learned  that  not  he  as  an  individual 
but  The  Republican  Party  succeeded  the  Republican  administration  headed  by 
Abraham  Lincoln  up  to  the  time  of  his  death.  Lincoln  had  been  opposed  by  Congress, 
but  he  felt  himself  to  be  a  fellow-worker.  It  was  upon  the  plan  of  readmitting  the  South- 
ern States  and  their  representatives  that  almost  the  only  important  difference  between 
Lincoln  and  his  party  occurred.    Congress  insisted  upon  the  readmission  of  a  State  and 

MM 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

its  representatives  only  after  a  vote  of  both  Houses.  The  Lincoln  theory,  adopted  by 
Johnson  with  modifications,  was  that  the  States  had  never  been  out  of  the  Union.  The 
issue,  though  apparently  simple,  was  irreconcilable.  Lincoln's  position  was  logical 
as  the  basis  for  his  prosecution  of  the  war  and  was  based  upon  his  desire  to  hold  the 
border  States  in  line  and  to  make  ultimate  reconciliation  less  difficult.  The  Congres- 
sional bill  for  reconstruction  which  had  been  adopted  in  the  closing  hours  of  the 
session  and  laid  before  the  President  was  neither  signed  nor  vetoed,  and  failed  to  be- 
come a  law.  Senator  Sumner  afterward  declared  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  that  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  had  subsequently  expressed  to  him  his  regret  that  he  did  not  sign  the 
bill.  The  Congressional  plan  of  reconstruction  was  the  one  carried  out  and  it  is  num- 
bered as  one  of  the  great  monuments  to  the  glory  of  The  Republican  Party.  The 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  the  Thirteenth  Amendment,  the  Fourteenth  Amendment, 
and  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  were  the  work  of  The  Republican  Party,  and  the  ele- 
ments of  this  great  program  which  constituted  the  real  ratification  in  perpetuity  by 
the  whole  nation  of  the  results  of  the  war  were  the  work  of  The  Republican  Party 
after  the  death  of  Lincoln.  The  war  amendments  to  the  Constitution  for  the  first  time 
imposed  upon  the  State  governments  the  limitations  imposed  upon  the  nation  in  the 
earlier  amendments  for  the  protection  of  individual  rights.  Since  the  States  are  the 
places  where  all  the  people  live,  and  the  State  governments  those  by  which  their 
ordinary  concerns  are  affected,  these  amendments  first  brought  the  protections  of 
the  Constitution  home  to  the  people  and  made  the  Constitution  a  thoroughly  vital  in- 
strument. The  Party  Fit  To  Govern  not  only  succeeds,  but  succeeds  itself.  That  is 
the  keynote  of  the  purpose  of  the  American  people  to  maintain  political  liberty  under 
representative  government. 

NO  HIATUS  IN  GOVERNMENT  TOLERABLE  OR  NECESSARY 

The  incomparable  work  on  The  Republican  Party  by  Francis  Curtis  contains  a  very 
interesting  argument,  apparently  based  solidly  upon  original  documents,  designed  to 
prove  that  the  so-called  party  organized  by  Jefferson  under  the  name  Republican  was 
not  the  predecessor  of  the  so-called  Democratic  Party.  Attention  is  called  by  Curtis 
to  the  passage  in  Jefferson's  inaugural  message  reading  as  follows : 

"We  have  called  by  different  names  brethren  of  the  same  principle.  We  are  all 
Republicans;  we  are  all  Federalists." 

A  passage  in  a  letter  sent  by  Jefferson  to  Dr.  Joseph  Priestley  is  also  quoted  by 
Curtis,  reading  as  follows : 

"I  have  been,  above  all  things,  solaced  by  the  prospect  which  opened  upon  us,  in 
the  event  of  the  non-election  of  a  President,  in  which  case  the  federal  govern- 
ment would  have  been  in  the  situation  of  a  clock  or  a  watch  run  down. 
There  was  no  idea  of  force,  nor  any  occasion  for  it.  A  convention  invited  by 
the  Republican  members  of  Congress,  with  the  virtual  President  and  Vice- 
President,  would  have  been  on  the  ground  in  eight  weeks,  would  have  re- 
paired the  Constitution  where  it  was  defective,  and  wound  it  up  again." 

Commenting  upon  the  disposition  of  President  Monroe  to  bring  all  into  the  Repub- 
lican fold,  and  upon  the  adoption  in  April,  1820,  by  a  Congressional  caucus,  of  Clay's 
plan  to  have  Congress  simply  recommend  to  the  people  two  persons  for  the  respective 
offices  of  President  and  Vice-President,  Curtis  says : 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 


"This  action  seems  to  have  been  most  commendable,  and  was  fully  vindicated  by 
the  result,  for  Mr.  Monroe  received  every  electoral  vote  but  one,  and  even  that 
one  vote  was  not  a  hostile  one.  It  was  now  evident  that  for  the  time  being, 
at  least,  nearly  all  the  voters  of  the  country  were  Republicans,  including  most 
of  the  Federalists.  It  was  called  'A  great  Republican  fusion — resulting  in  an 
era  of  good  feeling.'  The  Republicans  had  abandoned  their  strict  construc- 
tion policy  and  adopted  the  more  liberal  principles  of  the  Federalists.  'There 
should  be  now  no  difference  of  parties,'  said  Josiah  Quincy,  'for  the  Repub- 
licans have  out-federalized  Federalism.' " 

THE  DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN  THE  TRADITIONAL  PARTIES 

Observers,  domestic  and  foreign,  Bryce  among  the  number,  have  asserted  that  there 
is  no  real  difference  between  what  they  are  pleased  to  call  the  two  great  parties  in 
the  United  States.  Democrats,  while  not  engaged  in  doing  their  best,  whether  in  or 
out,  to  wreck  the  national  government  and  scuttle  the  Ship  of  State,  are  busily  cooing 
that  there  is  no  difference  between  the  parties  and  that  their  nominees,  who  usually 
have  applied  opiates  to  intellect  and  conscience  for  long  periods  to  keep  themselves 
in  line  for  the  opportunities  of  bad  Republican  weather  when  Democrats  are  so  fond 
of  proposing  names  that  seem  to  indicate  brains  and  character,  are  superior  to  the 
nominees  of  The  Republican  Party  in  public  morality  and  personal  independence. 
The  system  of  the  so-called  great  party  labeled  "Democratic"  provides  for  perpetual 
preparedness  for  political  opportunities  combined  with  the  creation  of  such  oppor- 
tunities by  a  refusal  to  co-operate  in  the  organization  of  the  government  by  the  ma- 
jority, by  a  continual  backfire  of  carping  criticism,  and  by  the  formulation  of  false 
issues  in  no  way  related  to  the  work  of  government.  The  persistence  of  the  Demo- 
cratic group  on  the  political  horizon  is  an  enigma.  A  veteran  Northern  Democrat 
expressed  the  allure  in  this  way :  "The  trouble  with  the  party  is  that  it  hasn't  any  men 
and  it  hasn't  any  principles.  But  I  love  it  just  the  same."  Grover  Cleveland  is  credited 
by  Martin  H.  Glynn,  former  Governor  of  New  York,  who  delivered  the  "He  Kept  Us 
Out  of  War"  keynote  speech  in  the  St.  Louis  convention  of  1916,  upon  which  Wilson 
ran  in  that  election,  with  this  aphorism,  uttered  in  the  last  months  of  his  life,  after  the 
Democratic  party  had  become  the  antithesis  in  men  and  principles  of  what  he  loved: 
"Whatever  your  party  may  do,  it  is  always  a  mistake  to  vote  for  a  Republican."  Volun- 
tary blindness  is  a  poor  guide  in  public  affairs.  It  certainly  takes  a  blind  man  to  see 
the  use  of  the  so-called  Democratic  party  to-day. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  SURRENDERED  TO  SLAVERY  AND 
WAS  DESTROYED  IN  1860 

The  Republican  Party  stands  not  for  the  running  down  of  government  viewed  with 
such  complacency  by  Jefferson  but  for  continuity  in  government  and  the  full  vigor  at 
all  times  of  all  the  functions  of  all  branches  of  the  government.  The  differences  be- 
tween a  government  of  all  Republicans  and  all  Democrats  is  the  difference  between 
national  life  and  national  death.  The  "era  of  good  feeling"  when  all  became  "Repub- 
licans" in  the  Jeffersonian  sense  was  followed  by  forty  years  of  surrender  to  Slavery. 
Since  that  supporting  interest  itself  succumbed  there  has  been  no  political  party  as  its 
successor.  The  use  of  the  name  "Democratic  Party"  is  meaningless.  The  coincidence 
that  the  nucleus  of  the  compact  minority  which  uses  the  name  is  the  political  machine 

C313 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

of  the  Solid  South  merely  illustrates  the  truth  that  nothing  but  the  "trick  and  device" 
of  politics  has  succeeded  to  the  questionable  honor  of  "the  name.  The  answer  to  the 
inference  left  open  by  Curtis  that,  since  the  Jacksonian  Democratic  party  was  not  the 
true  successor  of  the  earlier  Republican  party,  The  Republican  Party  of  Lincoln  might 
lay  claim  to  the  honor,  is  that  the  Jeffersonian  party,  during  the  lifetime  of  the  men 
who  dominated  the  Democratic  party  of  1860,  exercised  not  the  slightest  influence 
on  national  politics,  and  the  party  must,  therefore,  be  considered  to  have  been  com- 
pletely destroyed,  and  to  have  been  destroyed  by  slavery,  while  The  Republican  Party 
of  Lincoln  destroyed  slavery  and  thereby  made  itself  and  the  nation  indestructible. 
The  only  pretext  for  the  assertion  that  the  Democratic  party  continued  to  exist  is  the 
assumption  that  it  continued  to  exist  as  a  minority  party,  the  very  phrase  being  a  de- 
scription of  an  institution  which  has  no  part  in  the  work  of  American  government. 
The  tolerance  of  the  existence  of  a  destructive  force  as  a  supposedly  harmless  ad- 
junct is  the  fatal  error  of  American  politics  since  the  War  of  the  Rebellion.  From  the 
beginning  of  our  national  existence,  the  proposal  of  the  so-called  other  great  party  has 
been  in  substance  that  the  nation  abdicate  its  functions.  The  first  great  boast  was  of 
parochial  localism  and  a  congenital  incapacity  for  political  action  on  a  large  scale;  then 
it  was  of  State  localism  and  sectional  localism,  and  then  of  subordination  of  national 
existence  to  Slavery.    Now  machines  anathema  locally  swing  national  conventions. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  HAS  BEEN  KEPT  ALIVE  ON  SPOILS, 
HERESIES,  AND  FALSE  ISSUES 

"To  the  victor  belong  the  spoils"  was  the  typical  Democratic  doctrine  contributed 
to  American  politics  by  Andrew  Jackson.  Consistently  down  to  Wilson  and  including 
his  "idealist"  diplomacy,  "deserving  Democrats"  have  been  permitted  to  despoil.  The 
Republican  attitude  was  expressed  in  President  Grant's  message  on  the  first  Civil 
Service  Commission,  created  by  a  Republican  Congress.    He  said: 

"We  propose  also  that  in  this  country  the  places  in  the  public  service  shall  be  re- 
stored to  those  who  are  found  to  be  fitted  for  them,  and  if  any  one  is  disposed 
to  think  that  an  abuse  of  forty  years  is  a  law  of  the  Republican  system,  a  little 
reflection  will  show  him  his  error." 

Lincoln  inherited  from  Buchanan  a  bankrupt  treasury  and  a  nation  with  impaired 
credit.  Previous  to  1861  about  sixteen  hundred  private  corporations  throughout  the 
country  were  issuing  the  bank-note  circulation  which  caused  the  severest  fluctuations 
and  great  losses  in  discount  and  exchanges.  During  the  war  itself  a  national  currency 
system  was  established  and  the  national  credit  restored.  The  refunding  of  the  na- 
tional debt  and  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  were  thus  assured.  Under  Taft, 
the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Emergency  Currency  Act  was  passed  and  the  Federal  Reserve 
System  prepared  for  adoption.  The  Democratic  program  before  and  after  1861  was 
one  of  repudiation  of  national  obligations,  and  Democratic  political  opportunity  was 
found  in  persistent  and  unintermittent  obstruction  to  the  constructive  work  of  The 
Republican  Party  to  maintain  the  honor  of  the  nation.  Under  one  cloak  or  another, 
Democrats  worked  for  a  chance  to  put  into  operation  the  theory  of  Free  Trade  which 
had  led  the  nation  into  bankruptcy  by  1860.  This  doctrine  was  based  on  two  char- 
acteristic delusions,  that  the  chief  object  of  American  industry  was  the  export  of 
cotton  for  manufacture  abroad  and  the  opening  of  American  markets  to  the  products 
of  foreign  labor.    The  classic  argument  of  all  time  for  free  trade  was  made  by  George 

C323 


CJ{jxuxx^l    H(-  beJieuf 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

McDuflie  of  South  Carolina,  who  frankly  stated  the  logical  conclusion  of  nullifica- 
tion. So  far  did  devotion  to  Slavery  lead  these  "statesmen."  It  was  the  protective 
tariff  which  financed  the  war,  paid  the  national  debt,  and  established  the  credit  and 
prosperity  of  the  nation.  No  Democratic  statesman  down  to  the  present  time  has 
balked  at  grasping  the  issue  of  Free  Trade  as  the  only  way  of  avoiding  endorsement 
of  The  Republican  Idea  based  upon  concern  for  this  country  alone.  Between  the 
two  systems  the  conflict  is  as  irreconcilable  as  that  between  right  and  wrong.  At 
the  beginning,  in  the  middle,  and  at  the  end  of  Seward's  "Irreconcilable  Conflict," 
in  1856,  in  1860,  and  in  1864,  the  same  so-called  Democrats  grasped  as  an  issue  the 
proposal  to  turn  back  and  to  repudiate  every  obligation  of  honor,  morals,  civiliza- 
tion, and  statesmanship.  Their  successors  saw  in  1896  an  issue  in  their  proposal 
to  model  the  monetary  standard  as  suited  the  owners  of  silver  mines.  And  for  nearly 
two  years  now  they  have  sacrificed  the  American  people  to  their  purpose  to  make 
an  issue  out  of  their  proposal  that  in  the  name  of  a  dream  of  international  peace  the 
hundred  and  twenty  millions  of  Americans  in  the  United  States  shall  abdicate  their 
responsible  representative  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people 
in  favor  of  the  irresponsible  representatives  of  other  nations  and  place  the  peace  of 
the  world,  preserved  at  the  price  of  such  costly  sacrifice  by  the  American  people,  in  the 
keeping  of  those  who  proved  themselves  unable  to  preserve  it  or  bring  it  back  once  dis- 
turbed. Anything  is  good  enough  for  an  issue  of  the  so-called  Democratic  party  which 
will  lend  plausibility  to  the  absurdity  entertained  by  foreigners  not  gifted  with  the 
native-born's  instinctive  perception  that  there  isn't  any  real  difference  between  "the 
two  great  parties"  and  afford  a  background  for  the  assertion  of  a  distinguishing  issue 
at  election  time.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  isn't  any  such  thing  as  a  Democratic  party. 
Between  elections,  the  thing  labeled  "Democratic,"  whether  in  or  out  of  office,  is  a  con- 
trivance suffered  by  a  thoughtless  public  to  lie  around  loose  to  be  grasped  by  any 
ambitious  person  without  hope  of  entrance  into  politics  by  membership  and  service  in 
The  Republican  Party.  Cox  was  nominated  by  the  Tammany  New  York  had  annihilated! 

CONSIGNED  TO  DESTRUCTION  BY  ITS  OWN  SUCCESSFUL  NOMINEES 

FOR  PRESIDENT 

Since  the  Civil  War  there  have  been  two  incumbents  of  the  Presidency  called 
Democratic.  The  political  career  of  each  brought  the  conviction  even  to  these  party 
chiefs  that  there  was  no  Democratic  party.  Whenever  the  thoughtlessness  of  the  voters 
has  permitted  the  country  to  be  visited  with  a  spell  of  Democrats  in  office,  there  has 
been  created  a  clarifying  crisis  in  which  the  nation  has  perceived  the  true  place  of 
The  Republican  Party  in  American  Government  and  called  it  back  to  avert  the  threat- 
ened shipwreck.    Senator  Foraker,  in  nominating  McKinley,  said : 

"The  proud  columns  that  swept  the  country  in  1892  are  broken  and  hopeless 
in  1896.  Their  boasted  principles  when  put  to  the  test  of  a  practical  appli- 
cation have  proven  delusive  fallacies  and  their  great  leaders  have  degenerated 
into  warring  chieftains  of  hostile  and  irreconcilable  factions." 

The  expectant  Cleveland,  while  awaiting  his  own  nomination,  said  to  an  intimate 
just  before  the  news  of  Blaine's  nomination  reached  him:  "Oh,  neither  Blaine  nor 
Arthur  will  be  nominated.  I  have  observed  that  in  the  time  of  a  crisis,  the  moral  sense 
of  The  Republican  Party  comes  uppermost.  The  crisis  is  here.  The  Republican  situa- 
tion demands  the  nomination  of  Edmunds.    Edmunds  will  be  nominated." 

C33I] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

What  Grover  Cleveland  said  of  the  moral  sense  of  the  Democratic  party  to  any  in- 
timate friend  in  1896  has  never  been  printed.  What  the  American  people  thought  of 
it  is  history.  Fairly  tried,  from  1893  to  1895,  the  two  Democratic  Houses  and  the  Demo- 
cratic President  were  a  "wild  team"  and  a  helpless  driver.  In  1918,  with  a  similar 
situation,  the  people  turned  the  government  in  the  middle  of  the  war  so  far  as  possible 
over  to  The  Republican  Party  by  repudiating  the  Democrats  in  the  Congressional  elec- 
tions, for  being  "too  proud  to  fight,"  for  "he  kept  us  out  of  war,"  and  for  surrender  to  a 
league  of  the  nations  we  have  saved  from  annihilation!  And  as,  in  1896,  the  Demo- 
crats found  a  new  issue  and  submitted  a  proposal  for  "the  unlimited  coinage  of  silver 
at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1  without  awaiting  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation"  and  suc- 
cumbed for  sixteen  years  of  "innocuous  desuetude"  to  the  siren  speech  of  the  issue's 
author,  so,  now,  their  platform  submits  as  an  issue,  though  the  Convention  itself  didn't 
believe  in  it,  the  Wilson  demand,  adopted  by  his  proxies  in  the  Convention,  that 
representative  government  in  the  United  States  be  abandoned  in  favor  of  a  super- 
government  of  supermen  without  responsibility  to  the  American  people.  Now  by  the 
united  vote  of  all  Americans  this  so-called  party  should  be  relegated  to  perpetual 
desuetude  or  to  the  class  of  the  petty  factions  which  have  gloried  in  the  ephemeral 
names  of  Populist,  People's,  Socialist,  and  Labor.  Was  that  a  true  American  national 
pobtical  party  which  stood  for  Free  Silver,  for  scuttling  the  Philippines,  for  Free 
Trade,  for  the  direct  "rule  of  the  people"?  In  the  British  system  no  faction  but  a 
patriotic,  constructive,  co-operating  group  is  tolerated,  and  nowhere  is  any  other  tolera- 
ble. And  Hobhouse  was  moved  by  this  fact  to  invent  the  truthful  description  of  the 
"outs"  as  "His  Majesty's  Opposition."  The  "opposition"  in  the  United  States  is  God 
knows  whose!  Under  a  Constitution  which  prescribes  what  Senator  Evarts  called 
"periodicity,"  where  an  administration  is  seated  with  responsibility  four  years  off 
and  the  political  machinery  for  responsiveness  provided  in  the  British  system  is 
waived  in  favor  of  the  indefinable  contact  with  and  influence  of  the  people  and  an  in- 
sistence upon  a  settled  prospect  for  a  continued  period,  the  continuous  and  smooth 
operation  of  the  government  is  essential  to  the  country's  welfare,  if  not  to  its  continued 
existence.  The  American  system  does  not  provide,  as  does  the  British,  for  "going  to 
the  country"  upon  every  seriously  contested  issue,  nor  on  any  issue  whatever.  The 
American  people  govern  under  the  Constitution  through  their  representatives  and  they 
both  desire  to  trust  their  representatives  and  are  able  to  keep  in  touch  with 
them.  In  American  politics  a  man  who  carries  an  issue  about  his  person  is 
a  fit  object  for  suspicion  and  a  faction  which  hatches  up  an  issue  for  the  pur- 
pose of  being  placed  in  control  of  the  national  government  through  espousing  it 
is  a  menace  to  the  country.  The  Republican  Party  was  not  established 
upon  an  issue.  As  the  nation  was  saved  by  "postponing  and  suspending 
all  differences  with  regard  to  political  economy  or  administrative  policy"  as 
urged  by  the  convention  "under  the  oaks"  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  July  6,  1854, 
so  it  is  always  to  be  saved  by  the  elimination  of  so-called  issues  from  elections, 
where  the  opposition  has  consistently  intricated  fact  and  fiction,  and  by  leav- 
ing to  the  contest  of  the  Executive,  the  two  Houses,  and  Senators  and  Representatives 
among  themselves,  the  settlement  of  "all  differences  with  regard  to  political  economy 
or  administration."  The  destruction  of  Slavery  was  worthy  of  being  ranked  with  any 
issue  since  discussed,  yet  the  actual  destruction  was  incidental  to  the  work  of  The  Re- 
publican Party  in  serving  and  saving  the  nation  itself.  For  twenty-four  years,  or  six 
four-year  terms,  after  1860,  the  only  result  of  the  national  elections  was  to  give  the 

C34] 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

opposition  power  in  Congress.  For  the  years  1875  to  1880  the  House  was  Democratic, 
and  in  1879  and  1880  the  Senate  was  Democratic  also.  From  1883  to  1888,  and  1891  to 
1894,  the  House  was  again  Democratic,  and  in  1893  and  1894  the  Senate  was  Demo- 
cratic also.  In  1895  and  1896  there  was  no  party  majority  in  the  Senate  and  the  House 
was  Republican,  the  President  being  a  Democrat  from  1892  to  1896.  From  1897  to  1912 
The  Republican  Party  served  the  country  without  hindrance  from  the  opposition, 
except  that  offered  by  an  impotent  Democratic  majority  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives from  1910  to  1912.  In  1912,  by  reason  of  a  defection  from  The  Republican  Party, 
the  opposition,  and  with  a  minority  vote,  again  had  the  Executive  and  both  Houses. 
Despite  the  power  attained  by  the  opposition  in  the  Democratic  victories  from  1875  to 
1912,  the  only  legislation  produced  by  that  so-called  party  was  the  Wilson-Gorman 
tariff,  in  force  only  from  1894  to  1897,  which  the  Democratic  President  refused  to  sign 
and  denounced  as  "party  perfidy  and  dishonor";  and  the  New  York  World,  just  before 
the  election  in  1912,  declared  that  The  Republican  Party  alone  had  produced  any  legis- 
lation since  the  Civil  War,  and  on  the  morning  of  November  6,  1912,  this  Democratic 
organ  declared: 

"Under  the  leadership  of  Woodrow  Wilson  the  Democratic  party  has  won  its 
greatest  victory  since  1852." 

It  may  now  be  safely  added  that  seven  years  of  the  leadership  of  Woodrow  Wilson 
have  left  the  Democratic  party  more  discredited  than  by  the  election  of  1860.  The 
question  may,  therefore,  be  asked:  "Who  wins  when  the  Democratic  party  has  a 
victory?"  That  the  American  people  didn't  "win  with  Wilson"  was  admitted  by  the 
same  Democratic  New  York  World  on  the  eve  of  the  disastrous  inauguration  of  the 
"rule  of  the  people."  On  March  3,  1913,  the  day  before  President  Taft  was  to  yield 
office  to  President  Wilson,  The  World  said : 

"Sixteen  years  ago,  with  William  McKinley  at  its  head,  The  Republican  Party  was 
restored  to  power.  It  has  been  supreme  in  all  departments  of  government 
during  that  time  except  for  the  last  two  years  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
It  carried  four  national  elections  by  tremendous  pluralities.  It  polled  in  1908 
for  William  H.  Taft  the  greatest  vote  ever  thrown  for  a  Presidential  candidate. 
It  goes  out  of  office  to-morrow  a  third  party,  its  candidate  the  choice  of  but 
two  small  States,  its  ranks  broken,  its  leaders  implacably  hostile  to  each 
other." 

"Yet  this  once  invincible  organization  has  a  wonderful  record  of  achievement  which 
its  successor  must  not  belittle.  During  those  sixteen  years,  with  Democratic 
assistance  it  is  true,  the  Republicans  have  established  the  gold  standard,  car- 
ried on  the  war  with  Spain,  kept  faith  with  Cuba,  liberalized  the  government 
of  the  Philippines  and  Porto  Rico,  constructed  the  Panama  Canal,  given  us 
postal  savings  banks,  rural  free  delivery,  the  parcel  post,  new  railroad-rate 
laws  and  enlightened  labor  laws,  extended  to  some  extent  the  principle  of 
international  arbitration,  and  during  the  administration  now  closing,  enforced 
vigorously  for  the  first  time  the  civil  and  criminal  law  against  trusts. 

"To  Mr.  Taft  personally  belongs  the  credit  of  upholding  in  the  face  of  many 
obstacles,  ideas  of  economy  and  of  carrying  to  success  in  Congress  his  proposi- 
tion in  favor  of  Canadian  reciprocity.  By  the  one  he  has  given  the  people  of 
all  parties  lessons,  of  lasting  value,  we  hope,  on  the  subject  of  governmental 

C353 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

extravagance.  By  the  other  he  conducted  a  campaign  of  education  against 
the  folly  and  waste  of  tariff  wars  between  neighboring  nations,  which  cannot 
fail  to  add  much  to  public  enlightenment." 

What  a  commentary  on  the  folly  of  a  "split"  from  The  Republican  Party !  What  an 
argument  for  the  "Democratic  minority"  taking  its  place  as  an  integral  part  of  the  one 
great  national  party!  What  an  answer,  supplemented  by  the  lessons  of  the  Wilson 
years,  to  the  rule  of  an  autocrat  with  the  cry  of  "the  rule  of  the  people." 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  HAS  NOT  MADE  A  REAL  ISSUE  AGAINST  THE 
REPUBLICAN  PARTY  SINCE  THE  WAR  OF  THE  REBELLION 

What  have  been  called  issues  were  not  settled  in  any  of  the  elections  except  that 
of  1860.  The  Republican  Party  had  kept  on  steadily,  whether  in  complete  or  partial 
control  of  the  Government  or  in  the  minority,  at  its  work  of  building  up  the  nation. 
The  existence  of  "periodicity"  is  not  perceived  during  a  Republican  administration, 
but  what  an  age  the  period  of  four  years  can  seem  with  a  Democratic  prophet  elected 
upon  an  issue  already  disowned  in  his  own  house  trying  to  run  the  government!  Cleve- 
land repudiated  the  Democratic  Congress  and  the  Democratic  party  repudiated 
Cleveland.  With  a  renomination  in  view,  Wilson,  from  1914  to  1917,  dared  not  stand 
for  American  rights  against  the  Democratic  Congress,  conducted  his  campaign  upon 
the  promise  that  he  would  make  good  his  boast  that  "he  kept  us  out  of  war,"  and  im- 
mediately after  his  second  inauguration  cast  aside  the  Democratic  majorities  in  Senate 
and  House,  and  admitted  that  the  Republican  minorities  had  been  right  from  the  be- 
ginning. And  in  the  Congressional  elections  of  1918,  the  people  showed  that  they  had 
discovered  that  it  was  The  Republican  Party,  even  in  the  minority,  which  was  stand- 
ing for  the  nation,  and  they  met  the  President's  second  appeal  to  stand  by  the  Presi- 
dent with  a  vote  that  meant  that  they  were  going  to  stand  by  the  nation,  and  that  to 
do  so  they  must  stand  by  The  Republican  Party.  The  people  are  not  looking  for 
"periodic"  issues;  that  is  the  trade  of  the  so-called  Democratic  party;  what  the  people 
want  is  responsiveness,  not  three  years  late  and  for  campaign  purposes  only,  but  im- 
mediate and  sincere;  and  it  is  clear  now  that  the  Democratic  use  for  issues  is  merely 
to  throw  them  as  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  voters.  In  the  Solid  South,  where  the  Demo- 
cratic party  is  known  for  what  it  is,  namely,  a  political  device  to  put  and  keep  the 
South  in  the  saddle,  there  are  no  issues  and  there  are  no  elections.  Contests  purely 
local  and  personal  are  decided  in  a  primary.  The  election  merely  ratifies  the  result 
of  the  primary.  The  Senator  or  the  Representative  represents  neither  party  nor  prin- 
ciple, but  only  one  thing,  and  that  is  the  Solid  South.  An  issue  is  looked  upon  in  the 
South  as  a  plant  not  grown  in  Southern  soil  or  safe  to  cultivate  among  the  Southern 
brethren,  whose  growth,  however,  is  fostered  in  the  North  by  the  South  and  its  politi- 
cal agents  there  to  tangle  the  feet  of  the  politically  unwary.  The  so-called  Democratic 
party,  therefore,  ekes  out  its  precarious  existence  by  refusing  to  become  national.  Its 
strong  men,  however,  have  often  risen  above  party  and  the  protest  of  Southern  states- 
men to-day  against  the  Wilson  divine  right  to  "keep  us  out  of  peace"  shows  that  Ameri- 
can statesmanship  no  longer  knows  State  or  sectional  lines  and  that  the  day  of  the 
party  based  upon  "States'  Rights"  and  "Sectionalism"  is  past.  Its  entire  history,  and 
none  more  clearly  than  its  recent  history,  is  a  confession  that  only  one  national  party 
is  necessary  and  that  The  Republican  Party  is  the  only  "Party  Fit  To  Govern"  in  the 
United  States.    Cox  stands  for  the  worst  elements  in  the  Democratic  past. 

C363 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 


THE  PLATFORM  PRETEXTS  FOR  DEMOCRATIC  NOMINATIONS 
HIGH-SOUNDING  BUT  FRIVOLOUS 

The  so-called  Democratic  platforms,  from  1856  to  1920,  have  been  absurdities  pure 
and  simple.  The  first  three,  which  amounted  to  nothing  less  than  treason,  have  already 
been  examined.  It  is  to  be  assumed  that  a  political  party  takes  full  advantage  of  the 
opportunity  afforded  by  the  drafting  of  a  platform  to  justify  its  existence.  The  so- 
called  Democratic  party  has  never  been  able  to  do  so.  The  best  that  may  be  said  for 
the  attempts  at  justification  embodied  in  the  so-called  Democratic  platforms  is  that 
they  have  always  represented  the  views  of  an  insignificant  minority  of  Republicans. 
In  1868,  for  example,  the  Democratic  platform  tendered  to  Andrew  Johnson  the  thanks 
of  the  so-called  Democratic  party  for  his  efforts  in  resisting  the  aggressions  of  the 
Republican  Congress,  to  wit,  the  representatives  of  the  loyal  North,  and  their  resolute 
program  for  completing  the  work  of  saving  the  nation.  The  so-called  Democratic 
platform  of  1872  was  introduced  by  the  following  paragraph : 

"We,  the  Democratic  electors  of  the  United  States,  in  convention  assembled,  do 
present  the  following  principles,  already  adopted  at  Cincinnati,  as  essential 
to  just  government." 

The  principles  referred  to  in  the  above  resolution  were  incorporated  in  the  so-called 
Liberal  Republican  Platform,  adopted  at  a  convention  held  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  on 
May  1,  1872,  to  nominate  Horace  Greeley,  of  New  York,  for  President  and  B.  Gratz 
Brown,  of  Missouri,  for  Vice-President.  The  so-called  Democratic  Convention  of  1872, 
held  at  Baltimore,  July  9, 1872,  nominated  the  same  candidates  and  adopted  their  plat- 
form. The  vote  for  the  Republican  electors  in  1872  was  3,597,070,  for  the  Democratic 
29,408,  for  the  others,  including  the  Liberal  Republican  electors,  2,839,687.  Both  the 
people  and  the  so-called  Democratic  party  decided  in  1872  that  there  was  no  necessity 
for  the  existence  of  the  so-called  Democratic  party.  In  1876  the  Democratic  party 
did  nominate  candidates.  The  platform,  however,  proposed  nothing  either  new  or 
constructive.    It  was  all  for  reform.    It  said: 

"Reform  can  be  had  only  by  a  peaceful  civic  revolution.  We  demand  a  change  of 
system,  a  change  of  administration,  a  change  of  parties,  that  we  may  have  a 
change  of  measures  and  of  men." 

The  thoroughgoing  quality  of  the  revolutionary  reform  proposed  to  be  brought 
about  by  the  so-called  Democratic  party,  if  put  in  power  by  the  election  of  1876,  may 
be  judged  from  the  high-sounding  thunder  of  approval  with  which  the  platform  re- 
warded the  tremendous  efforts  of  the  Democrats  in  control  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives from  1875  to  1876.  This  peacefully  revolutionary  convention  resolved  as 
follows : 

"Resolved,  That  this  convention,  representing  the  Democratic  party  of  the  United 
States,  do  cordially  indorse  the  present  House  of  Representatives  in  reducing 
and  curtailing  the  expenses  of  the  Federal  government,  in  cutting  down 
salaries,  extravagant  appropriations,  and  in  abolishing  useless  offices  and 
places  not  required  by  the  public  necessities;  and  we  shall  trust  to  the  firmness 
of  the  Democratic  members  of  the  House  that  no  committee  of  conference  and 
no  misinterpretation  of  the  rules  will  be  allowed  to  defeat  these  wholesome 
measures  of  economy  demanded  by  the  country." 

C37] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

The  manufacturing  plant  whose  payroll  would  not  exceed  to-day  what  these  con- 
structive revolutionists  thought  their  party  had  saved  the  country  up  to  1876  would  be 
small  indeed.  And  there  is  probably  no  payroll  of  any  American  manufacturing  plant 
to-day  which  would  be  in  existence,  at  least  in  the  United  States,  if  the  so-called  Demo- 
cratic party  had  been  permitted  to  put  into  operation  the  tariff  theories  proposed  as  a 
part  of  its  peaceful  revolution  of  reform. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  NOMINEE  OF  1880  CALLED  THE  TARIFF 

"A  LOCAL  ISSUE" 

The  so-called  Democratic  party  has  never  admitted  that  its  candidates  of  1876  were 
defeated.  The  platform  of  1880  proposed  that  the  people  punish  in  1880  "this  crime" 
of  declaring  Hayes  to  be  elected  President,  to  which  "the  Democratic  party,  to  pre- 
serve the  country  from  a  civil  war,  submitted  for  a  time  in  the  firm  and  patriotic  faith 
that  the  people  would  punish  this  crime  in  1880,"  which  issue  "precedes  and  dwarfs 
every  other."  Rut  the  convention  neglected  to  give  the  people  the  opportunity  to 
punish,  for,  instead  of  renominating  Tilden,  who  didn't  happen  to  own  the  nominating 
machinery  at  the  time,  the  convention  sent  "the  sympathy  and  respect  of  his  fellow- 
citizens"  after  him  into  "the  retirement"  he  had  "chosen  for  himself,"  and  assured 
the  peaceful  revolution  in  tariff  reform  by  nominating  in  the  place  of  Tilden  that 
handsome  warrior-statesman,  General  Hancock,  who  waved  aside  the  tariff  by  declar- 
ing it  a  "local  issue."  Hancock  was  right.  The  Democratic  tariff  issue  is  and  always 
has  been  local  and  its  habitat  is  the  Solid  South  and  the  Rritish  Empire. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  CANDIDATE  FROM  1884  TO  1892 
PROMISED  PROTECTION  THROUGH  THE  "TARIFF  FOR  REVENUE  ONLY" 

OF  A  FREE  TRADE  PARTY 

The  Democratic  platform  of  1884  submitted  the  "great  issue  of  reform  and  change 
in  administration"  to  the  people,  expressed  regret  that  Tilden  could  not  be  induced  to 
permit  the  people  to  vote  in  1884  upon  the  "crime"  of  1876,  attempted  to  reassure 
"interests"  that  reduction  of  the  tariff  would  not  hurt  them  or  reduce  wages,  called 
The  Republican  Party  "a  reminiscence,  so  far  as  principle  is  concerned"  and  the  pro- 
tector of  the  interests  controlling  its  machinery.  It  is  always  a  virtue  of  the  Democracy 
that  it  has  no  machinery  and  no  cohesiveness.  The  Republican  Party,  however,  for 
the  twenty-eight  years  of  its  existence  had  had,  according  to  the  Democratic  platform, 
too  much  unifying  machinery,  as  a  result  of  which  circumstance,  "during  its  legal,  its 
stolen,  and  its  bought  tenures  of  power"  it  had  "steadily  decayed  in  moral  character  and 
political  capacity,  its  platform  promises  being  now  a  list  of  its  past  failures."  This  was 
the  best  judgment  of  the  convention  which  nominated  Grover  Cleveland,  who  had  said 
a  few  weeks  before  that  "in  the  time  of  crisis  the  moral  sense  of  The  Republican  Party 
always  comes  uppermost,"  to  lead  a  tariff  reform  which  tapered  down  from  the  Free 
Trade  Mills  Bill  passed  by  the  Democratic  House  to  the  passage  of  the  Republican 
Senate's  amendments  to  the  internal  revenue  law.  It  was  the  same  Cleveland  who, 
having  straddled  the  tariff  in  1892  in  order  to  elect  himself  and  a  Free  Trade  Congress 
on  the  Protection  promises  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  before  1896  was  obliged  to  give 
up  the  so-called  Democratic  party  and  its  best  effort  on  the  tariff  in  disgust  and 
chagrin.    But  even  Cleveland  would  revolt  at  the  Wilson  surrender  Cox  swallows. 

C883 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 


THE  DEMOCRATS  INCONSISTENT  NULLIFIERS  ON  THE  TARIFF 

Every  bit  of  tariff  legislation  in  force  from  1861  to  1894  had  been  enacted  by  The 
Republican  Party.  The  Democratic  platform  of  1888  had  declared  that  "our  estab- 
lished domestic  industries  and  enterprises  should  not  and  need  not  be  endangered," 
and  submitting  its  "principles  and  professions  to  the  intelligent  suffrages  of  the  Ameri- 
can people,"  promised  to  "promote  the  advantage  of  American  labor  by  cheapening  the 
cost  of  necessaries  of  life"  by  opening  American  markets  to  the  products  of  foreign 
labor,  "and  at  the  same  time  securing  to  every  American  workingman  steady  and  re- 
munerative employment,"  presumably  in  foreign  factories.  The  intelligent  suffrages 
saw  the  point  and,  desiring  a  "full  dinner-pail"  for  American  labor,  elected  Harrison 
instead  of  Cleveland  and  also  elected  a  Republican  Congress.  It  was  probably  this  ex- 
perience and  the  enactment  of  the  McKinley  Tariff  by  the  Republicans  that  caused  the 
Democratic  platform  of  1892  to  "declare  it  to  be  a  fundamental  principle  of  the 
Democratic  party  that  the  Federal  government  has  no  Constitutional  power  to  impose 
and  collect  tariff  duties,  except  for  revenue  only."  The  tariff  being  "a  local  issue,"  this 
declaration  went  back  to  the  nullification  threats  of  1832,  and  abandoned  the  ambition 
of  the  Democratic  platform  of  1888  to  "promote  the  advantage  of  American  labor."  The 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  did  decide  that  the  internal  revenue  amendment 
of  the  Democratic  tariff  act  of  1894  was  unconstitutional,  but  Cleveland,  the  Democratic 
President,  permitted  it  to  become  a  law.  The  author  of  the  tariff  provisions,  William 
L.  Wilson,  in  apologizing  for  the  Gorman-Wilson  bill,  admitted  that  only  a  slight 
breach  had  been  made  by  the  Democratic  Congress  in  the  wall  of  Republican  protec- 
tion, and  could  only  urge  that  the  bill  was  not  as  bad  as  the  McKinley  bill.  Yet  Cleve- 
land, the  Democratic  President,  though  elected  on  a  platform  which  denounced  a  pro- 
vision for  protection  in  a  tariff  bill  to  be  a  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  though 
convinced,  as  he  wrote,  that  the  measure  had  been  passed  in  response  to  questionable 
influences  and  was  so  bad  that  he  refused  to  sign  it,  did  not  veto  the  bill  but  permitted 
it  to  become  a  law.  Senator  Mills,  the  author  of  the  Mills  bill,  condemned  the  Gorman- 
Wilson  tariff.  It  was,  in  substance,  an  attack  on  American  manufacturers,  with  pro- 
tection for  foreign  importers,  which  sort  of  protection  the  Democratic  party  has 
always  considered  justified  by  the  Constitution. 

SINCE  1896  SUCCESSIVE  FAKE  "PARAMOUNT"  ISSUES 

HAVE  SIDE-TRACKED  THE  GREAT  STAND-BY  TARIFF  HOAX 

OF  AMBITIOUS  DEMOCRATS 

The  Democratic  platform  of  1896  frankly  declared  the  Democratic  party  to  be  the 
national  purveyor  of  those  nostrums  called  paramount  issues.  Having  demonstrated 
utter  incapacity  for  framing  a  tariff  bill  during  two  years  of  control  of  all  branches  of 
the  government,  the  Democrats,  in  1896,  gave  up  the  tariff  in  disgust  as  the  paramount 
issue  and  never  have  returned  to  it  as  such  since.  The  platform  of  1896  declared  as 
follows : 

"Recognizing  that  the  money  question  is  paramount  to  all  others,  .  .  .  until 
the  money  question  is  settled,  we  are  opposed  to  any  agitation  for  further 
changes  in  our  tariff  laws,  except  such  as  are  necessary  to  meet  the  deficit 
in  revenue  caused  by  the  adverse  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  in- 
come tax." 

C39H 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


THE  "BURNING  ISSUES"  OF  FREE  SILVER  AND  ANTI-IMPERIALISM 

The  money  question  was  soon  settled  by  the  election  of  William  McKinley  and  a 
Republican  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  and  the  enactment  of  the  Dingley 
Tariff.  Yet,  though  the  House  was  again  on  fire,  the  Democrats,  despite  the  extreme 
provocation  the  Dingley  law  must  be  considered  to  have  been,  put  the  fundamental 
Constitutional  and  economic  question  of  the  tariff  aside  in  favor  of  another  paramount 
issue.  After  predicting  dire  results  as  a  consequence  of  our  occupation  of  the  Philip- 
pines, the  Democratic  platform  of  1900  proceeded  as  follows: 

"The  Filipinos  cannot  be  citizens  without  endangering  our  civilization;  they 
cannot  be  subjects  without  imperiling  our  form  of  government;  and  as  we 
are  not  willing  to  surrender  our  civilization  nor  to  convert  the  Republic  into 
an  Empire,  we  favor  an  immediate  declaration  of  the  purpose  to  give  the 
Filipinos  .  .  .  independence.  .  .  .  We  are  in  favor  of  extending  the 
Republic's  influence  among  the  nations,  but  believe  that  influence  should  be 
extended  not  by  force  and  violence,  but  through  the  persuasive  power  of  a 
high  and  honorable  example. 

"THE  PARAMOUNT  ISSUE 

"The  importance  of  other  questions  now  pending  before  the  American  people  is 
nowise  diminished  and  the  Democratic  party  takes  no  backward  step  from  its 
position  on  them,  but  the  burning  issue  of  Imperialism  growing  out  of  the 
Spanish  war  involves  the  very  existence  of  the  Republic  and  the  destruction  of 
our  free  institutions.    We  regard  it  as  the  paramount  issue  of  the  campaign." 

How  the  then  uncaptured  Aguinaldo  and  the  then  not  yet  Secretary  of  State  Bryan 
would  laugh  if  the  one  read  these  platform  utterances  of  1900  to  the  other  to-day! 
Imperialism  perished  as  an  issue  the  day  after  the  election  of  November,  1900.  It  was, 
to  be  sure,  reiterated  in  the  Democratic  platform  of  1904,  along  with  the  other  Demo- 
cratic cadavers.  But  that  meant  nothing.  The  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver 
plank  of  1896  was  actually  reiterated  in  the  Democratic  platform  of  1900. 

DEMOCRATIC  DUPLICITY  ON  SOUND  MONEY 

In  the  Democratic  convention  of  1904,  the  "gold"  plank  was  struck  out  upon  the 
demand  of  the  "free  silver"  men.  Correctly  interpreting  this  move,  the  nominee 
as  a  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  for  President,  Alton  B.  Parker,  telegraphed  to 
the  convention  that  he  would  not  accept  the  nomination  otherwise  than  as  an  advocate 
of  the  gold  standard.  The  convention  voted,  774  to  191,  to  send  to  Judge  Parker  the 
following  message : 

"The  platform  adopted  by  this  convention  is  silent  on  the  question  of  the  monetary 
standard,  because  it  is  not  regarded  by  us  as  a  possible  issue  in  this  campaign." 

Yet  in  1908  the  prophet  of  "free  silver,"  William  Jennings  Bryan,  was  nominated, 
and  in  1912,  his  choice,  Woodrow  Wilson,  was  nominated  over  the  first  choice  of  a 
large  majority  of  the  delegates  on  many  ballots,  and  Bryan  was  named  as  Wilson's 
Secretary  of  State.  One  of  the  early  products  of  the  Democratic  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  was  the  Owens-Glass  perversion  of  the  work  of  Republicans  under  the 

E40: 


&£>C~e~  t-XL 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

lead  of  Senator  Aldrich  for  an  elastic  currency  system,  by  which,  as  Senator  Root 
objected  at  the  time,  the  limit  of  note  issues  was  taken  off,  changing  elasticity  into  the 
gross  inflation  in  which  Bryan  and  his  "free  silver"  crew  should  have  great  joy. 

DEMOCRATIC  FALSE  PRETENSE 
OF  PROTECTION  THROUGH  RECIPROCITY 

The  Democratic  platform  of  1904  bore  the  unmistakable  impress  of  the  genius  of 
Bryan  in  the  veracious  statement: 

"Protection  is  a  robbery  of  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few." 

But  with  characteristic  Democratic  logic,  the  same  platform  declared  for  that  exten- 
sion of  the  theory  of  protection  which  is  associated  with  the  name  of  the  Republican 
statesman  whom  the  Democrats  assailed  more  bitterly  and  more  unjustly  than  any  of 
the  other  victims  of  their  unspeakably  dishonest  system  of  assassinating  Americanism 
wherever  it  holds  its  head  high,  whether  in  individuals  or  The  Republican  Party.  Con- 
tradicting their  denunciation  of  Blaine,  their  nullification  theory  that  protection  vio- 
lates the  Constitution,  and  their  "tariff  for  revenue  only"  pretense,  they  adopted  a 
plank  favoring  Reciprocity  as  follows : 

"We  favor  liberal  trade  arrangements  with  Canada  and  with  peoples  of  other 
countries  where  they  can  be  entered  into  with  benefit  to  American  agricul- 
ture, manufactures,  mining,  or  commerce." 

Reciprocity  treaties,  provided  for  by  the  Republicans  under  the  McKinley  law,  were 
concluded  and  proclaimed  in  the  administration  of  President  Harrison  by  James  G. 
Blaine  as  Secretary  of  State,  as  follows :  With  Brazil,  February  5, 1891 ;  with  Spain,  for 
Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  July  31st;  with  Santo  Domingo,  August  1st;  with  Salvador, 
December  31st;  with  Great  Britain,  for  British  Guiana,  Trinidad,  Tobago,  Barbadoes, 
and  the  Leeward  and  Windward  Islands,  excepting  Grenada,  February  1,  1892;  with 
Germany,  February  1st,  with  Nicaragua,  March  12th;  with  Honduras,  April  12th;  with 
Guatemala,  May  18th;  and  with  Austria-Hungary,  May  26th.  The  Democratic  plat- 
form, adopted  June  21,  1892,  denounced  these  treaties  as  "sham  reciprocity  which 
juggles  with  the  people's  desire  for  enlarged  foreign  markets  and  freer  exchanges, 
by  pretending  to  establish  closer  trade  relations  for  a  country  whose  exports  are 
almost  exclusively  agricultural  products,  with  other  countries  that  are  also  agricul- 
tural, while  erecting  a  custom  house  barrier  of  prohibitive  tariff  taxes  against  the 
richest  countries  of  the  world,  that  stand  ready  to  take  our  entire  surplus  of  products, 
and  to  exchange  therefor  commodities  which  are  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life 
among  our  own  people." 

The  Democratic  House  of  Representatives,  elected  in  1910,  drafted  and  passed  tariff 
bills  purely  sectional  which  disclosed  on  their  face  the  purpose  of  the  Democratic 
party  to  deny  protection  of  any  sort  to  American  industry.  The  purpose  to  give  sup- 
plemental aid  to  protection  by  reciprocity  conventions  was  not  disclosed.  The  preced- 
ing Republican  Congress  provided  for  a  tariff  commission  but  the  Democratic  theory 
of  tariff  legislation  requires  no  knowledge  or  investigation  and  the  next  Democratic 
House  refused  to  provide  this  commission  with  funds.  The  Congress,  of  which  both 
branches  were  Democratic,  that  went  in  with  Woodrow  Wilson  enacted  in  the  Sim- 
mons-Underwood bill  a  tariff  which  disregarded  absolutely  the  scheme  of  reciprocal 
trade  agreements,  and  Mr.  Underwood  repeatedly  declared  that  the  bill  was  based  upon 

C413 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

the  purpose  to  make  impossible  any  profit  thereunder  to  any  American  industry.  It 
took  no  less  a  cataclysm  than  the  World  War  to  save  the  nation  from  the  disaster  that 
was  impending  under  the  Simmons-Underwood  tariff. 

"THE  DEMOCRACY"  A  PERPETUAL  FALSE  ALARM 
The  consistent  design  of  the  Democrats  with  respect  to  the  tariff  and  currency  legis- 
lation has  been  that  of  William  Jennings  Rryan  when  he  advised  Democratic  Senators 
to  vote  to  ratify  the  Philippine  Treaty  so  that  the  Democrats  could  make  the  "Imperial- 
ism" created  by  such  ratification  an  issue  in  the  approaching  campaign,  when  he  re- 
sisted the  movement  of  the  Republicans  to  attain  bimetallism  by  international  ar- 
rangement in  order  that  he  might  lash  the  country  into  a  frenzy  of  hysteria  upon  the 
issue  of  "the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1  without  await- 
ing the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation,"  and  when  he  deplored  agitation  in  favor  of 
Prohibition  in  1916  upon  the  plea  that  he  was  saving  the  movement  up  for  a  paramount 
issue  in  1920. 

That  design,  with  the  purpose  to  serve  the  Solid  South  at  the  expense  of  the  rest  of 
the  country,  tells  the  whole  story  of  the  series  of  nostrums  called  Democratic  issues. 
In  1908  the  Democrats  did  not  confine  themselves  to  one  paramount  issue  but  put 
out  a  whole  line  of  nostrums.  The  guarantee  of  bank  deposits,  the  limiting  of  produc- 
tion by  any  corporation  to  the  arbitrary  amount  of  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  total  product, 
the  illusory  bait  to  the  labor  vote  of  the  promise  to  secure  by  class  legislation  the  com- 
plete exemption  of  labor  organizations  of  whatever  kind  from  the  summary  jurisdiction 
of  courts  of  equity  and  the  removal,  thus,  of  both  the  only  adequate  protection  of  law 
and  order  and  the  only  guarantee  of  the  just  settlement  of  industrial  disputes,  and  the 
arbitrary  classification  of  all  railroads  as  either  interstate  or  local,  are  some  of  the  so- 
called  issues  with  which  the  so-called  great  national  Democratic  party  disturbed  the 
rest  and  confidence  of  the  country  in  1908.  When  the  Democratic  convention  speaks 
it  is  always  with  the  accompaniment  of  fire-bells.  The  house  is  always  burning  and  the 
Democrats,  while  denying  that  they  have  themselves  set  the  conflagrations,  always  in- 
sist that  they  were  the  first  on  the  scene.  But  they  have  never  sounded  a  note,  uttered 
a  cry,  or  made  an  issue"  which  did  not  turn  out  to  be  a  false  alarm.  By  Democratic  vic- 
tory the  proof  has  been  made  the  more  clear.  The  Republican  Party,  on  the  other 
hand,  has  for  sixty  years  continuously  maintained  a  reputation  which  has  remained  a 
talisman  for  confidence,  national  unity,  and  settled  prosperity.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  no 
single  cause  has  contributed  more  to  the  miseries  that  have  from  time  to  time  befallen 
this  nation  than  the  continued  existence  of  the  nominating  machinery  falsely  labeled  as 
the  Democratic  party.  Every  conceivable  excuse  and  pretext  for  the  justification  of  this 
everlasting  menace  to  the  welfare  of  the  American  people  has  been  exhausted.  The 
system  stands  to-day  convicted  without  the  possibility  of  any  plea  even  of  extenuating 
circumstances.    Let  the  Republican  landslide  this  year  mark  the  end  of  the  folly. 

WILSON'S  AUTOCRATIC  RULE  OBTAINED  ON  THE  "RULE  OF  THE  PEOPLE" 
ISSUE  AND  SUSTAINED  BY  THE  ANNIHILATION  OF  THE  DEMO- 
CRATIC PARTY  AND  THE  DENIAL  OF  ITS  FUNDAMENTAL 
TENET  OF  "STATES'  RIGHTS" 
It  remained  for  Woodrow  Wilson  to  shatter  the  myth  of  the  militant  Democracy. 
Every  Democratic  platform  from  1830  on  pre-empted  the  role  of  trust  in  the  people  for 
the  so-called  Democratic  party.    It  remained  for  the  Convention  of  1912  to  disclose 

C423 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

that  this  trust  was  the  assumed  subjective  trust  of  the  people  in  the  so-called  Demo- 
cratic party  as  an  irresponsible  agency  to  carry  on  the  government  combined  with  a 
similarly  subjective  distrust  of  the  same  "dear  people"  for  The  Republican  Party.  The 
Democratic  platform  of  1912,  in  despair  of  divorcing  The  Republican  Party  from  its 
direct  contact  with  the  people  through  elected  representatives,  denounced  all  trust  in 
party  government.    The  paramount  issue  of  Woodrow  Wilson  was  set  forth  as  follows : 

"RULE    OF    THE    PEOPLE 

"We  direct  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Democratic  Party's  demand  for  a  return 
to  the  rule  of  the  people  expressed  in  the  national  platform  of  four  years  ago 
has  now  become  the  accepted  doctrine  of  a  large  majority  of  the  electors.  We 
again  remind  the  country  that  ONLY  BY  A  LARGER  EXERCISE  OF  THE 
RESERVED  POWER  OF  THE  PEOPLE  CAN  THEY  PROTECT  THEM- 
SELVES FROM  THE  MISUSE  OF  DELEGATED  POWER  AND  THE  USUR- 
PATION OF  DELEGATED  POWER  BY  SPECIAL  INTERESTS.  ...  The 
Democratic  party  offers  itself  to  the  country  as  an  agency  through  which  the 
complete  overthrow  and  extirpation  of  corruption,  fraud,  and  machine  rule 
in  American  politics  can  be  effected." 

Thus  came  the  so-called  Democratic  party  to  an  end.  The  only  intelligible  theory 
it  ever  represented  was  the  one  reiterated  in  the  Democratic  platform  of  1912, 
namely,  that  "the  reserved  power  of  the  people"  must  be  exercised  through  the 
governments  of  the  States.  In  the  actual  application  of  this  theory  by  its  exponents, 
it  has  always  meant  "the  governments  of  the  States  of  the  Solid  South."  The 
unit  rule  and  the  two-thirds  rule  in  Democratic  conventions  ensure  this  applica- 
tion. The  proportion  of  "the  people"  represented  by  these  States,  with  their  allotted 
power  in  Congress  and  in  the  Electoral  College,  had  become,  at  the  time  of  the  last 
census,  without  taking  into  account  the  circumstance  that  by  the  practical  disfranchise- 
ment of  the  negro  the  actual  voting  population  of  the  Southern  States  was  greatly  re- 
duced, as  follows: 

THE  SECTIONS  IN  1910-1913 

Electoral 
Population  Senate  House  Vote 

The  South 29,187,008  30  135  165 

The  Northwest 29,888,542  24  143  167 

The  Middle  States 19,518,214  8  92  100 

New  England  6,825,821  12  32  44 

The  Pacific  States 6,552,681  22  33  55 

Total  91,972,266  96  435  531 

But  the  preservation  of  the  system  by  which  little  more  than  one-half  the  population 
of  States  having  a  total  of  less  than  one-third  of  the  entire  population  of  the  country 
might  rule  the  entire  country  was  not  the  aim  of  the  purposeful  nominee  of  the  ma- 
chinery justified  by  the  trust  of  the  people  in  its  masters.  Nothing  better  illustrates 
the  deception  Woodrow  Wilson  practised  upon  the  people  when  he  bade  them  to  gaze 
longingly  on  the  prospect  of  taking  in  their  teeth  the  bit  of  direct  exercise  of  "the 
reserved  power  of  the  people"  than  the  dog  fable  made  a  classic  in  American  politics 

c«3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

by  Thomas  B.  Reed  in  his  application  of  it  to  the  lure  of  the  world  markets  held  before 
the  American  people  for  over  a  hundred  years  by  the  representatives  of  the  Solid 
South.    Mr.  Reed  said : 

"Once  there  was  a  dog.  He  was  a  nice  little  dog.  Nothing  the  matter  with  him 
except  a  few  foolish  Free-Trade  notions  in  his  head.  He  was  trotting  along  as 
happy  as  the  day,  for  he  had  in  his  mouth  a  nice  shoulder  of  succulent  mutton. 
By  and  by  he  came  to  a  stream  bridged  by  a  plank.  He  trotted  along,  and, 
looking  over  the  side  of  the  plank,  he  saw  the  markets  of  the  world  and  dived 
for  them.  A  minute  after  he  was  crawling  up  the  bank,  the  wettest,  nastiest, 
and  most  muttonless  dog  that  ever  swam  ashore." 

"DEMOCRACY"  TAPERED  FROM  OLIGARCHY  TO  AUTOCRACY 

When  Woodrow  Wilson  proposed  that  the  people  exercise  the  reserved  power  di- 
rectly, what  he  meant  and  intended  was  that  they  take  it  away  from  their  representa- 
tives, and  what  the  people  discovered  when  they  looked  for  this  power  was  that  Wood- 
row  Wilson  was  exercising  it,  by  such  withdrawal  of  it  from  the  people,  directly  him- 
self. The  term  of  the  members  of  the  Sixty-fifth  Congress  began  on  the  same  day  with 
the  second  term  of  Woodrow  Wilson,  March  4, 1917.  The  new  Congress  was  composed 
of  53  Democrats  and  42  Republicans  in  the  Senate,  and  216  Democrats,  210  Republi- 
cans, 2  Progressives,  1  Prohibitionist,  1  Socialist,  and  2  Independents  in  the  House,  with 
three  vacancies.  To  the  retiring  Congress,  more  strongly  Democratic,  the  President 
had  delivered  February  26,  1917,  an  address  recommending  "armed  neutrality."  He 
called  the  new  Congress  in  extra  session  about  thirty  days  after  his  second  inaugura- 
tion and,  without  previous  warning  of  or  consultation  with  Congress,  himself  in  effect 
made  the  declaration  of  war  upon  which  it  was  their  exclusive  province  to  decide,  and 
for  which  it  would  have  been  their  duty  had  they  not  been  lulled  into  security  by  him, 
as  it  had  been  his  duty  knowing  of  the  prospect  of  war,  to  prepare.  From  the  begin- 
ning of  the  European  struggle  the  Republican  minorities  had  been  insistent  on  the 
protection  of  American  rights,  the  maintenance  of  American  honor,  and  the  perform- 
ance of  the  duty  of  the  United  States  in  the  circumstances.  The  Democratic  majorities 
and  the  President  had  resisted  the  pressure  of  the  Republican  minorities  for  action. 
When,  after  long  delay,  permitted  to  pass  not  only  without  planning  or  preparing  for 
action  but  in  inhibiting  action  by  Congress  and  the  people,  the  President  assumed  the 
position  advocated  by  Republicans,  the  Republican  Congress  maintained,  as  it  had 
throughout  the  European  crisis,  the  attitude  of  absolute  loyalty  and  sincere  desire  to 
stand  by  the  President.  But  when,  in  the  fall  of  1918,  the  campaign  for  re-election 
to  Congress  was  on,  the  President  challenged  the  people  not  to  make  a  choice  of  repre- 
sentatives, and  not  to  vote  for  the  Republicans  who  had  upheld  him  but  for  the  can- 
didates of  the  party  which  had  followed  grudgingly  into  the  movement  for  the  main- 
tenance of  American  rights.  The  mandate  of  the  President  was  that  not  the  people 
but  he  should  rule.  The  "rule  of  the  people"  slogan  by  which  Wilson  attained  the 
Presidency  was  meant  precisely  as  the  "trust  of  the  people"  was  in  1860,  when  the 
Democratic  party  prohibited  slavery  agitation.  In  the  one  case  the  people  were  im- 
posed upon  by  oligarchs,  in  the  other  by  an  autocrat.  To  trace  the  course  of  events 
during  which  Woodrow  Wilson  showed  himself  an  autocrat  bent  upon  forcing  the 
American  people  to  abdicate  first  temporarily  to  him  and  then  in  perpetuity  to  a  super- 

C443 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

government  conceived  by  him  and  to  be  controlled  by  nations  other  than  the  United 
States  would  be  as  tedious  and  unpleasant  as  it  would  be  unnecessary.  It  suffices 
to  ask  and  to  answer  briefly  the  question  to  what  the  continued  existence  of  the  so- 
called  Democratic  party  leads  and  to  show  the  imperious  necessity  of  the  complete 
destruction  of  that  party  and  the  system  it  represents  and  to  classify  properly  its  sup- 
porters.   Cox,  not  opposing  the  Wilson  surrender,  promises  a  worse  one. 

THE  OPPOSITION  TO  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  NOW  INEVITABLY  THE 

ADJUNCT  OF  BOLSHEVISM 

The  so-called  Democratic  party  promises  to  become  nothing  but  the  nominating 
machinery  of  the  cowardly  and  dishonest  element  among  socialists.  A  man  who 
honestly  believes  that  a  government  which  owns  all  the  property  and  all  the  people 
is  a  good  government  and  says  so  may  be  respected  for  his  candor,  although  pitied  as 
of  defective  intellect.  Such  a  man  believes  in  "the  rule  of  the  people"  as  defined  in  the 
practice  of  Woodrow  Wilson.  The  "for  the  people"  and  "by  the  people"  of  Lincoln 
made  the  kind  of  popular  government  established  by  The  Republican  Party  clear.  The 
Wilson  construction  would  require  full  expression  as  follows:  a  government  of  the 
people  by  the  government  and  for  the  government,  the  President  being  the  whole 
government.  Any  man  who  takes  a  Democratic  nomination  accepts  this  and  Cox  has. 
The  definition  is  not  limitable  to  the  autocratic  attitude  of  Woodrow  Wilson.  De- 
spite the  characteristic  design  of  Democratic  politicians  to  make  it  appear  for  cam- 
paign purposes  that  President  Wilson  does  not  correctly  represent  the  Democratic 
theory  of  government,  the  fact  is  that  he  is  a  perfect  embodiment  thereof.  That  the 
personal  peculiarities  of  Woodrow  Wilson  bulk  large  on  the  political  horizon  to-day 
is  in  keeping  with  the  tradition  of  the  so-called  Democracy  that  each  successive  mani- 
festation of  the  so-called  Democratic  idea  shall  constitute  the  greatest  menace  possible 
at  the  time.  Upon  the  assumption  that  unrest  is  the  order  of  the  day,  the  so-called 
Democracy  has  set  its  sails  for  every  fetid  breath  of  disloyalty  current  in  the  atmos- 
phere. It  sails  silently  along,  a  pirate  ship  flying  the  colors  of  constituted  authority,  con- 
stantly on  the  lookout  for  an  opportunity  to  scuttle  civilized  society.  To  disguise  its 
piratical  character  by  carrying  a  charter  from  well-intentioned  persons  and  a  full  set 
of  regular  documents  is  part  and  parcel  of  the  policy  of  the  adventurers  of  the  black 
flag.  The  greatest  need  of  to-day  is  straight  thinking.  It  is  a  crime  for  any  honest 
American  to  be  uninformed.  The  true  believers  in  a  republican  form  of  government 
should  be  gathered  together  under  one  standard;  the  only  other  is  that  of  socialism, 
and  all  opposed  to  a  republican  form  of  government  should  be  herded  together  under 
it.  The  so-called  Americans  who  harbor  the  sentiments  of  socialism,  bolshevism,  or 
communism  should  be  made  to  display  the  black  flag  when  they  skulk  and  the  red 
flag  of  anarchy  when  they  stand  forth  in  their  true  colors.  Now  or  never,  once  and  for 
all,  the  decent  men  of  organized  society  must  wrest  the  red,  white,  and  blue  from  the 
masthead  of  the  so-called  Democratic  party.    Cox  abhors  "repression"  of  terrorism! 

THE  "DEMOCRATS"  ISSUE  A  SOVIET  MANIFESTO  IN  THE 
DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM 

This  need  has  been  seen  before  but  not  clearly,  although  the  evidence  in  the  case  has 
long  since  all  been  in  and  has  been  submitted  to  the  American  people.  Now  the  time 
has  come  when  the  problem  must  be  faced  with  courage.    Until  the  day  of  Soviets  and 

IT  453 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Bolshevism  and  the  specious  pretext  for  autocracy  set  up  by  Lenine  and  Trotzky,  the 
tenets  of  the  so-called  Democratic  party  were  not  viewed  in  the  light  of  their  ultimate 
objects  and  logical  consequences.  These  tenets  were,  however,  clearly  set  forth  in  the 
Democratic  national  platform  of  1908  in  the  concluding  paragraph,  as  follows : 

"CONCLUSION 

"The  Democratic  party  stands  for  Democracy;  The  Republican  Party  has  drawn 
to  itself  all  that  is  aristocratic  and  plutocratic.  The  Democratic  party  is 
the  champion  of  equal  rights  and  opportunities  to  all;  The  Republican  Party 
is  the  party  of  privilege  and  private  monopoly.  The  Democratic  party  listens 
to  the  voice  of  the  whole  people  and  gauges  progress  by  the  prosperity  and 
advancement  of  the  average  man;  The  Republican  Party  is  subservient  to  the 
comparatively  few  who  are  the  beneficiaries  of  governmental  favoritism.  We 
invite  the  co-operation  of  all,  regardless  of  previous  political  affiliation  or  past 
differences,  who  desire  to  preserve  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people, 
and  for  the  people,  and  who  favor  SUCH  AN  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE 
GOVERNMENT  AS  WILL  INSURE,  AS  FAR  AS  HUMAN  WISDOM  CAN, 
THAT  EACH  CITIZEN  SHALL  DRAW  FROM  SOCIETY  A  REWARD  COM- 
MENSURATE WITH  HIS  CONTRIBUTION  TO  THE  WELFARE  OF  SO- 
CIETY." 

The  promise  was  held  out  to  what  the  Democratic  platforms  are  pleased  to  call 
"labor"  that  no  acts  of  that  special  class  or  anybody  pretending  to  act  as  its  representa- 
tive or  as  a  member  of  the  class  should  be  enjoined  by  any  Federal  court  or  judge 
and  that  no  "labor"  organization  should  be  subject  to  be  regarded  as  an  illegal  com- 
bination in  restraint  of  trade.  The  Democratic  platforms  of  1896,  1904, 1908,  and  1912 
made  the  same  promise  to  "labor"  with  regard  to  immunity  from  restraint.  The  plat- 
forms of  1908  and  1912  held  out  the  promise  of  unlimited  right  of  organization  without 
regard  to  the  principles  of  law  applicable  to  combinations  and  conspiracies.  The  ad- 
ministration elected  on  the  Democratic  platform  of  1912  has  since  that  time  led  "labor" 
around  the  vicious  circle  which  begins  with  surrender  to  any  demands  of  "organized 
labor"  for  higher  wages  and  ends  with  the  withdrawal  of  more  than  the  increase  from 
the  purchasing  power  of  the  new  wages  and  an  actual  reduction  of  the  purchasing 
power  of  the  wages  of  labor,  organized  and  unorganized.  The  conditions  of  the  war 
saved  "labor,"  the  country,  and  the  Wilson  administration  from  the  consequences  of 
this  policy  as  in  the  case  of  the  tariff  policy  embodied  in  the  Simmons-Underwood  bill. 
The  deluge  has  been  held  back  but  the  flood  is  now  ready  to  burst. 

The  self-appreciation  expressed  in  the  Republican  platform  of  1908  as  a  reply  to  the 
Democratic  declaration  seemed  at  the  time  sufficient.  But  the  need  of  to-day  is  not 
partisan  self-praise  but  a  general  alarm.  If  the  reply  of  the  Republican  platform  of 
1908  was  true  then,  that  truth  cries  out  for  arresting  utterance  now.  The  plank  reads 
as  follows : 

"REPUBLICANISM   AND   DEMOCRACY   CONTRASTED 

"We  call  the  attention  of  the  American  people  to  the  fact  that  none  of  the  great 
measures  here  advocated  by  The  Republican  Party  could  be  inaugurated  and 
none  of  the  forward  steps  here  proposed  could  be  taken  under  a  Democratic 
administration,  nor  under  one  in  which  the  party  responsibility  is  divided. 
The  continuance  of  the  present  policies  absolutely  requires  the  continuance 

C46] 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

in  power  of  that  party  which  believes  in  them  and  which  possesses  the  capacity 
to  put  them  into  operation. 

"Beyond  all  platform  declarations  there  are  fundamental  differences  between  The 
Republican  Party  and  its  chief  opponent  which  make  one  worthy  and  the 
other  unworthy  of  public  trust.  In  history  the  difference  between  Democracy 
and  Republicanism  is  that  one  stood  for  debased  currency,  the  other  for  hon- 
est money;  the  one  for  free  silver,  the  other  for  honest  currency;  the  one  for 
free  trade,  the  other  for  protection;  the  one  for  the  contraction  of  American 
influence,  the  other  for  expansion.  One  has  been  forced  to  abandon  every 
position  it  has  taken  on  the  great  issues  before  the  people,  the  other  has  held 
and  vindicated  all. 

"In  experience  the  difference  between  Democracy  and  Republicanism  is  that  the 
one  means  adversity,  while  the  other  means  prosperity.  One  means  low' 
wages,  the  other  means  high  wages.  One  means  doubt  and  debt,  the  other 
means  confidence  and  thrift. 

"In  principle  the  difference  between  Democracy  and  Republicanism  is  that  one 
stands  for  vacillation  and  timidity  in  government,  the  other  for  strength  and 
purpose.  One  stands  for  obstruction,  the  other  for  construction.  One  prom- 
ises, the  other  performs.  One  finds  fault,  the  other  finds  work.  The  present 
tendencies  of  the  two  parties  are  more  marked  by  inherent  differences.  The 
trend  of  Democracy  is  toward  socialism,  while  The  Republican  Party  stands 
for  a  wise  and  regulated  individualism.  Socialism  would  destroy  wealth, 
Republicanism  would  prevent  its  abuse.  Socialism  would  give  to  each  an 
equal  right  to  take,  Republicanism  would  give  to  each  an  equal  right  to  earn. 
Socialism  would  offer  an  equality  of  position  which  would  soon  leave  no  one 
anything  to  possess.  Republicanism  would  give  equality  to  each;  it  would 
assure  to  each  his  share  of  the  constantly  increasing  sum  of  possession. 

"In  line  with  this  tendency  the  Democratic  party  to-day  believes  in  government 
ownership,  while  the  Republican  party  believes  in  government  legislation. 
Ultimately  Democracy  would  have  the  nation  own  the  people,  while  Republi- 
canism would  have  the  people  own  the  nation. 

"Upon  this  platform  of  principles  and  purposes,  reaffirming  our  adherence  to 
every  Republican  doctrine  proclaimed  since  the  birth  of  the  party,  we  go  be- 
fore the  country  asking  the  support  not  only  of  those  who  have  acted  with  us 
heretofore  but  of  all  our  fellow-citizens  who,  regardless  of  political  differ- 
ences, unite  in  a  desire  to  maintain  the  policies,  perpetuate  the  blessings,  and 
make  secure  the  achievements  of  a  greater  America." 
If  the  Democratic  party  is  to  reassert  the  principles  enunciated  in  its  recent  plat- 
forms, it  will  stand  as  the  party  of  socialism;  if  it  turns  its  back  on  its  recent  past,  it 
should  be  logical  and  admit  that  such  action  was  dictated  by  the  necessity  for  the 
union  of  all  constructive  forces  against  the  menace  of  socialism.    And  it  cannot  lead! 

THE  SOLID  SOUTH  SHOULD  BECOME  WITH  THE  REST  OF 
THE  COUNTRY  REPUBLICAN 
In  the  campaign  of  1908,  Mr.  Taft  exposed  the  secret  of  the  continued  existence  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  adherence  of  Southern  voters  to  a  mere  name  in  the  face 
of  their  realization  that  it  is  now  used  merely  as  a  cloak  for  sinister  designs  and  dis- 
astrous purposes. 

IW1 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

What  William  H.  Taft  said  at  Chattanooga,  Tennessee,  October  16,  1908,  is  as  true 
to-day  as  it  was  then  and  is  now  more  pregnant  with  meaning.       He  said : 

"The  enormous  industrial  expansion  of  the  South  which  has  taken  place  since 
1895,  and  largely  under  the  auspices  of  Republican  administration,  ought,  it 
seems  to  me,  to  demonstrate  to  the  thoughtful  men  of  the  South  that  their 
logical  position  is  in  the  party  which  makes  such  prosperity  possible.  Right 
here  in  the  centre  of  the  manufacturing  industries  of  the  South,  does  it  need 
an  argument  to  convince  you  that  the  protective  system  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  the  continuance  and  maintenance  of  your  prosperity?  I  know  how 
that  thing  is  adjusted.  The  Congressmen  that  represent  each  district  are  in 
favor  of  free  trade  for  every  other  State,  but  they  are  in  favor  of  protection 
for  their  own  particular  spot.  A  Democratic  Congressman  down  in  the  south- 
western part  of  Missouri  feels  that  they  need  a  little  protection  for  zinc,  and 
is  in  favor  of  the  protection  of  zinc  against  Mexico,  but  is  for  free  trade  in 
everything  else.  I  think  you  ought  to  come  over  to  the  party  that  is  in  favor  of 
distributing  the  favors  of  protection  all  over  the  country  in  order  to  main- 
tain all  the  industries  of  the  country  as  they  have  been  maintained  by  the 
system  of  protection.  There  are  a  great  many  men  in  the  South,  and  doubt- 
less within  the  sound  of  my  voice,  who  are  strictly  Democrats.  They  are  to 
be  divided  into  three  classes.  The  first  class  are  going  to  vote  for  me.  The 
second  class  are  not  going  to  vote  at  all.  And  the  third  class  are  going  to 
vote  for  my  opponent  and  hope  that  I  will  be  elected.  I  think,  my  friends, 
that  you  know,  as  I  know,  that  that  is  a  fair  statement.  So  I  have  come  here  to 
see  if  I  cannot  convince  the  two  latter  classes  that  what  they  ought  to  do  is  to 
come  right  out  and  take  their  first  cold  bath  in  leaving  historic  tradition  that 
is  naturally  dear  to  their  hearts  and  come  right  into  the  party  whose  principles 
they  approve." 

The  persistence  of  the  Solid  South  as  the  nucleus  of  the  so-called  Democratic  party 
is  a  perfect  illustration  of  what  is  called  in  literary  composition  "the  pathetic  fallacy," 
which  consists  in  attributing  feeling  to  inanimate  objects,  such  as  trees  and  fields.  The 
ante-bellum  Solid  South  has  long  been  a  thing  of  the  dead  past.  To  keep  it  in  politics 
as  a  unit  to  the  detriment  of  the  people  of  the  South  and  of  the  whole  nation  is  a  politi- 
cal fallacy  that  is  indeed  pathetic. 

As  The  Republican  Party  was  formed  by  all  who  wished  to  save  the  nation  in  1860 
and  stood  loyal  and  united  behind  the  President  in  the  world  war,  and  thereby  the 
whole  nation  fused  into  one  working  body  for  the  salvation  of  civilization,  our  com- 
mon welfare,  and  the  national  honor,  so  North  and  South  and  East  and  West  should 
stand  to-day  and  evermore  in  an  adamantine  union  of  all  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  a  wall  against  the  progress  of  Socialism,  Bolshevism,  and  Communism,  shutting 
out  of  political  power  all  professional  organizers  of  discontent  and  from  political 
activity  all  who  are  unwilling  to  stand  forth  in  their  true  character  as  enemies  of 
the  Republic.  An  invitation  to  the  Solid  South  to  take  its  place  in  the  councils  of  The 
Republican  Party  was  issued  May  25,  1920,  by  Senator  Lodge  in  the  following 
statement: 

"The  spirit  of  national  unity  is  vital  to  the  United  States.  It  has  been  the  dearest 
hope  of  all  right-thinking  men  ever  since  the  civil  war  to  see  that  spirit  rule 
throughout  the  country.    Wonderfully  developed  by  the  few  months  of  the 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

Spanish  war,  it  has  become  under  the  stress  of  the  great  war  with  Germany 
stronger  and  more  vivid  than  ever,  and  should  be  cultivated  by  all  men  and 
women  and  by  all  parties. 
"We  are  now  confronted  by  the  gravest  problems,  at  home  and  abroad,  which  this 
country  has  ever  faced  except  in  days  of  war.  For  their  successful  solution 
we  must  have  the  keenest  sense  of  national  unity  every  where.  We  must  all 
deal  with  these  problems  as  Americans  and  without  any  sensational  leanings 
or  prejudices.  The  Republican  Party  should  make  its  appeal,  North  and 
South,  East  and  West,  to  all  Americans  who  love  their  country,  without  regard 
to  section  or  difference  of  long  ago,  now  happily  dispersed  and  gone,  we  be- 
lieve, forever." 

THE  DEMOCRATS  ARE  NOW  WITHOUT  AN  ISSUE 
If  there  is  one  thing  certain,  it  is  that  Woodrow  Wilson  will  cease  to  be  President 
after  March  4,  1921.  It  is  not  less  certain  that  the  Democratic  platform  was  imposed 
upon  the  convention  by  Woodrow  Wilson.  The  power  to  do  this  was  derived  not  only 
from  the  President's  control  of  office-holder  delegates,  but  also  from  the  impossibility 
in  which  all  the  delegates  found  themselves  of  endorsing  The  Republican  Platform  by 
repudiating  the  Democratic  administration.  It  is  quite  certain,  also,  that  as  a  matter  of 
policy  the  convention  was  under  the  necessity  of  nominating  as  standard-bearer  a 
statesman  acceptable  to  the  opponents  of  Wilson  in  the  convention  and  among  the 
voters.  This  need  was  so  imperious  that  only  conflicting  counsels  of  policy  prevented 
the  Democratic  delegates  from  responding  to  the  true  demand  of  the  people  by  en- 
dorsing the  nominee  of  The  Republican  Convention.  The  Democrats  went  as  far  in 
that  direction  as  they  could  and  tried  to  find  a  candidate  as  unlike  Wilson  and  as  like 
Harding  as  possible.  What  they  did  was  to  attempt  to  avoid  the  issue  made  by  the 
nomination  of  Harding.  Rut  even  if  the  Democratic  candidate  could  carry  out  the 
pose,  the  attendant  Democrats  would  soon  betray  the  disguise  and  disclose  the  im- 
posture. And  this  they  will  not  be  slow  to  do.  The  pitcher  of  ice-water  on  the  table 
for  the  audience  to  see  while  the  backers  on  the  stage  view  the  protruding  bottle  on 
the  hip,  kissing  the  stars  and  stripes  while  pledging  devotion  to  the  un-American 
League  of  Nations  Covenant,  and  blinking  the  red  flag  while  quoting  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  may  be  excellent  political  expedients,  but  even  such  a  successful 
straddler  as  the  Democratic  candidate  can  find  in  them  no  issue  against  The  Repub- 
lican Party.  The  Republicans,  on  the  contrary,  will  find  weighty  arguments  in  their 
favor  in  every  utterance  of  the  Democratic  candidates.  Indeed,  former  Democratic 
voters  may  be  relied  upon  by  the  Republicans  to  see  the  point  without  argument.  The 
forgery  in  the  Democratic  platform  of  an  article  attributed  to  Senator  Lodge  with  date 
and  context  changed  and  the  denial  to  the  late  Senator  Aldrich  and  The  Republican 
Party  of  the  authorship  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Act,  conceded  even  by  the  Democratic 
New  York  Times,  as  well  as  of  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Emergency  Currency  Act  by 
which  the  exigencies  of  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War  were  met,  have  already  lost 
the  Democratic  campaign  the  respect  of  the  voters,  leaving  Cox  Pro-Germanism  out. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARAMOUNT  ISSUE  OF  1920  DEAD 
REFORE  THE  CONVENTION  ADJOURNED 
Just  as,  in  1896,  William  Jennings  Rryan  commanded  that  agitation  of  the  tariff  issue 
be  postponed  until  the  Free  Silver  battle  should  be  won,  so  Woodrow  Wilson  sup- 
pressed, in  1920,  platform  utterances  upon  former  burning  issues  in  order  that  the 

£493 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

League  of  Nations  issue  might  be  made  paramount.  But  the  convention  nominated  as 
protagonist  for  this  issue  a  man  who  had  written  down  his  doubt  that  the  issue  was 
worth  fighting  for.  In  an  article  in  the  New  York  Times  of  May  23,  1920,  James  M. 
Cox  wrote  the  following  paragraph : 

"The  important  thing  now  is  to  enable  the  world  to  go  to  work,  but  the  beginning 
must  not  be  on  the  soft  sands  of  an  unsound  plan.  If  this  question  passes  to  the 
next  Administration  there  should  be  no  fetich  developed  over  past  differences.  Yet 
at  the  same  time  there  must  be  no  surrender  of  vital  principle.  It  may  be  necessary, 
if  partition  and  reparation  require  changing,  to  assemble  representatives  of  the 
people  making  up  the  nations  of  the  League,  in  which  event  revision  may  not  be  so 
much  an  affair  of  diplomats.  But,  I  repeat,  the  pressing  task  is  getting  started,  being 
careful,  however,  that  we  are  starting  with  an  instrument  worth  while,  and  not  a 
mere  shadow." 

It  is  the  straddler's  hard  luck  that  the  strategy  by  which  he  seeks  to  hedge  against 
the  making  of  an  issue  against  him,  prevents  him  from  ever  making  an  issue  for 
himself.  Certain  it  is  that  the  pious  wishes  of  James  M.  Cox  should  seem  as  impious 
to  Woodrow  Wilson  as  the  Americanism  of  Warren  G.  Harding  and  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge.  The  only  possible  issue  made  by  the  candidacy  of  James  M.  Cox  is  the  States' 
Bights  issue  in  the  precise  form  in  which  it  was  settled  in  the  campaign  of  1860  and 
again  recently  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  And  that  issue  is  not 
avowed  either  by  the  platform  or  the  candidate.    And  why  turn  for  diplomacy  to  Cox! 

BEPUBLICAN  SUCCESS  WILL  BBING  BACK  THE  OLD  PBOSPEBITY  AND 
SECUBITY  AND  BETAIN  THE  NEW  KIND  OF  WAGES 

Twenty  years  ago  the  Socialist  Party  proposed  to  go  out  of  existence.  It  received  a 
new  lease  of  life  from  the  course  of  agitation  initiated  by  the  Democrats.  For  the 
class  struggle  that  is  disturbing  the  world  the  Democrats  are  entirely  responsible. 
They  have  fanned  the  flames  of  discontent  by  dishonest  and  destructive  denunciation. 
The  consistent  course  of  The  Bepublican  Party,  on  the  other  hand,  has  given  conclusive 
assurance  that  constructive  social  reforms  may  best  be  worked  out  and  the  conditions 
of  society  ameliorated  by  the  orderly  processes  of  representative  government.  There 
never  was  a  more  liberal  government  on  earth  than  that  of  the  United  States  nor 
greater  progressive  liberalism  than  that  developed  through  the  deliberate  and  con- 
tinuous policy  of  The  Bepublican  Party  of  sixty-four  years.  Two  opposing  theories 
now  stand  face  to  face  the  world  over;  the  one  that  there  is  a  class  struggle  between 
labor  and  capital,  the  other  that  the  interests  of  labor  and  capital  are  common.  The 
Bepublican  Party  was  established  on  the  platform  of  free  labor.  Alone  it  has  main- 
tained that  capital  and  labor  must  both  work  to  create  the  product  from  which  the 
reward  of  wages  or  profit  which  is  the  incentive  to  work  is  derived.  Labor  is  not  more 
sensitive  than  capital,  but  labor  is  at  this  disadvantage  that  while  capital  may  find 
a  sure  reward  in  government  bonds  and  other  investments,  labor  must  derive  its  sup- 
port from  current  work.  The  political  groups  which  denounce  capital  for  political 
advantage  and  thus  drive  capital  to  the  sure  reward  of  government  bonds  deceive 
labor  and  cause  the  shrinkage  of  the  product  out  of  which  labor  gets  its  reward.  Chief 
among  the  groups  pretending  friendship  to  labor  through  hostility  to  capital  is  the 
so-called  Democratic  party.  It  is  and  has  been  for  sixty  years  the  source  and  fountain- 
head  of  all  denunciation.    Despite  its  attempts  to  conceal  the  fact  in  the  paramount 

C50] 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT 

issue  of  Wilson  internationalism,  it  is  more  dangerous  to-day  than  ever  before.  The 
Democratic  candidate  is  either  oblivious  that  powerful  and  purposeful  elements  are 
making  a  direct  issue  of  Socialism  against  Civilization  or  is  unconcerned.  The  fact  is 
that  in  the  Times  article  quoted  above  he  promised  them  his  kindly  toleration.  The 
avowed  purpose  of  these  elements  is  to  set  Labor  against  Capital  and  to  destroy  capital 
as  an  element  of  production.  In  this  day  labor  no  longer  doubts  its  power  to  exact 
its  fair  share  of  the  product  or  the  interest  of  capital  that  labor  shall  be  fairly  com- 
pensated. The  power  of  labor  to  bargain  with  capital  depends  upon  the  existence  of  a 
demand  for  labor.  The  influence  that  stimulates  and  assures  American  industry  and 
commerce  creates  this  demand  and  keeps  it  strong  and  constant.  The  Republican 
Party  alone  in  American  politics  has  represented  the  policy  of  fostering  and  develop- 
ing American  industry  and  commerce  and  alone  has  cherished  the  true  interests  of 
American  labor.  The  consistent  policy  of  the  Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  has  been 
to  make  political  capital  for  the  so-called  Democratic  party  at  the  expense  of 
American  labor  by  encouraging  labor  to  consider  its  interests  antagonistic  to  those 
of  the  community  and  attempting  to  enlist  its  support  by  one  bait  or  another 
for  policies  threatening  to  American  commerce  and  industry  and  destructive  of 
the  general  prosperity  upon  which  the  welfare  of  labor  depends.  The  Republican 
Party  alone  for  more  than  sixty  years  has  maintained  that  the  policy  of  govern- 
ment should  be  to  foster  the  common  aims  of  American  capital  and  American 
labor, — not,  be  it  understood,  that  capital  and  labor,  or  either  of  them,  should 
work  for  the  government,  or  that  the  government  should  work  for  capital  and  labor 
or  either  of  them,  but  that  government  should  encourage  capital  and  labor  to  work 
for  themselves  and  together.  Democratic  agitation  has  consistently  driven  capital 
to  cover,  deprived  labor  of  employment,  and  produced  hard  times.  The  Democratic 
candidate  has  already  shown  himself  an  enemy  of  industry  by  his  proposal  of  a 
tax  measured  by  the  volume  of  business.  Rryan  never  proposed  anything  worse 
or  more  stupid.  Democratic  policy  has  fed  labor  with  a  shadow  and  has  aimed 
to  prove  to  labor  that  it  is  friendly  by  showing  its  hostility  to  business. 
What  appear  large  wages  to-day  shrink  before  the  price  level  caused  by  Democratic 
inflation  and  by  Democratic  demoralization  of  the  productive  energies  of  labor  and 
capital.  As  the  economic  effects  of  war  conditions  recede,  wages  and  employment 
threaten  to  disappear  for  a  time  almost  altogether.  The  course  of  industry,  however, 
warrants  the  assurance  that  with  conditions  stabilized  under  Republican  policies,  the 
normal  methods  of  co-operative  production  by  capital  and  labor  resumed,  and  the  nor- 
mal price  level  thereby  re-established,  the  typical  Democratic  disaster  will  be  averted 
and  the  artificial  prosperity  attendant  upon  the  war  made  permanent  and  real.  It 
should  be  the  prayer  of  every  good  citizen  that  this  may  be  so. 

THIS  ELECTION  SHOULD  RE-ESTARLISH  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT 
REPRESENTATIVE  OF  THE  WHOLE  PEOPLE 

No  issue  of  politics  has  been  formulated  which  justifies  any  individual  group 
or  party  in  withholding  support  from  the  common  cause.  Political  ambition,  agitation, 
and  strife  have  no  place  in  the  order  of  the  day.  As  in  every  Republican  convention, 
so  in  the  Chicago  Convention  of  1920,  no  consideration  but  for  the  highest  good  of  this 
great  nation  and  all  its  people  prevailed.  The  candidates  nominated,  United  States 
Senator  Warren  G.  Harding,  of  Ohio,  and  Governor  Calvin  Coolidge,  of  Massachusetts, 

nsin 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

were  chosen  not  to  satisfy  any  ambition  but  upon  their  merits  as  tried  statesmen  and 
public  servants  truly  representative  of  The  Republican  Party  in  that  they  agitate  little 
but  never  disappoint.  Upon  the  record  of  The  Republican  Party  and  of  its  candidates, 
it  is  the  duty  of  all  American  citizens  to  co-operate  in  the  nomination  of  Republican 
candidates  for  Congress  and  to  help  elect  them  and  thus  to  organize  the  government 
once  more,  not  under  an  autocrat  with  legislative  pawns,  but  under  one  Great  National 
American  Political  Party,  representative  of  and  responsible  to  the  people,  virile,  con- 
structive, and  progressive  in  all  its  branches.  The  Republican  Party  is  The  Party  of 
Co-operation  and  The  Party  Fit  to  Govern.  It  aims  to  co-operate  with  all  the  people 
in  all  parts  of  the  country  and  to  bring  all  the  people  and  all  their  interests  into  co- 
operation. As  such  it  is  entitled  to  ask  the  support  and  the  co-operation  of  every 
citizen. 


C523 


Part  II 

DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

ILLUSTRATIVE  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF 

REPRESENTATIVE  NATIONAL  POPULAR  GOVERNMENT 

IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 


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0) 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


THE  GROWTH  OF  PRINCIPLES 

FROM   AN   ADDRESS   DELIVERED   AT   SARATOGA,   AUGUST  1,   1875 

HON.  JOSEPH  NEILSON 
Chief  Justice  of  the  City  Court  of  Brooklyn;     Presiding  Justice  of  the  Tilton-Beecher  Trial 

A  T  the  sea  shore  you  pick  up  a  pebble,  fashioned  after  a  law  of  nature,  in  the  exact 
f\  form  that  best  resists  pressure,  and  worn  as  smooth  as  glass.  It  is  so  perfect 
J.  JL  that  you  take  it  as  a  keepsake.  But  could  you  know  its  history  from  the  time 
when  a  rough  fragment  of  rock  fell  from  the  overhanging  cliff  into  the  sea,  to  be  taken 
possession  of  by  the  under  currents,  and  dragged  from  one  ocean  to  another,  perhaps 
around  the  world,  for  a  hundred  years,  until  in  reduced  and  perfect  form  it  was  cast 
upon  the  beach  as  you  find  it,  you  would  have  a  fit  illustration  of  what  many  principles, 
now  in  familiar  use,  have  endured,  thus  tried,  tortured  and  fashioned  during  the  ages. 
We  stand  by  the  river  and  admire  the  great  body  of  water  flowing  so  sweetly  on;  could 
you  trace  it  back  to  its  source,  you  might  find  a  mere  rivulet,  but  meandering  on, 
joined  by  other  streams  and  by  secret  springs,  and  fed  by  the  rains  and  dews  of  heaven, 
it  gathers  volume  and  force,  makes  its  way  through  the  gorges  of  the  mountains,  plows, 
widens  and  deepens  its  channel  through  the  provinces,  and  attains  its  present  majesty. 
Thus  it  is  that  our  truest  systems  of  science  had  small  beginnings,  gradual  and  count- 
less contributions,  and  finally  took  their  place  in  use,  as  each  of  you,  from  helpless 
childhood  and  feeble  boyhood,  have  grown  to  your  present  strength  and  maturity.  No 
such  system  could  be  born  in  a  day.  It  was  not  as  when  nature  in  fitful  pulsations  of 
her  strength  suddenly  lifted  the  land  into  mountain  ranges,  but  rather,  as  with  small 
accretions,  gathered  in  during  countless  years,  she  builds  her  islands  in  the  seas. 

It  took  a  long  time  to  learn  the  true  nature  and  office  of  governments;  to  discover 
and  secure  the  principles  commonly  indicated  by  such  terms  as  "Magna  Charta,"  the 
"Bill  of  Rights,"  "Habeas  Corpus,"  and  the  "Right  of  trial  by  jury";  to  found  the  family 
home,  with  its  laws  of  social  order,  regulating  the  rights  and  duties  of  each  member 
of  it,  so  that  the  music  at  the  domestic  hearth  might  flow  on  without  discord;  the 
household  gods  so  securely  planted  that  "Though  the  wind  and  the  rain  might  enter, 
the  king  could  not";  to  educate  noise  into  music,  and  music  into  melody;  to  infuse  into 
the  social  code  and  into  the  law  a  spirit  of  Christian  charity,  something  of  the  benign 
temper  of  the  New  Testament,  so  that  no  man  could  be  persecuted  for  conscience  sake, 
so  that  there  should  be  an  end  of  human  sacrifice  for  mere  faith  or  opinion;  the 
smouldering  fires  at  the  foot  of  the  stake  put  out,  now,  thank  God,  as  effectually  as  if 
all  the  waters  that  this  night  flood  the  rivers  had  been  poured  in  upon  them.  It  took 
a  long  time  to  learn  that  war  was  a  foolish  and  cruel  method  of  settling  international 
differences  as  compared  with  arbitration;  to  learn  that  piracy  was  less  profitable  than 
a  liberal  commerce;  that  unpaid  labor  was  not  as  good  as  well-requited  toil;  that  a 
splenetic  old  woman,  falling  into  trances  and  shrieking  prophecies,  was  a  fit  subject  for 
the  asylum  rather  than  to  be  burned  as  a  witch. 

It  took  a  long,  long  time  after  the  art  of  printing  had  been  perfected  before  we 
learned  the  priceless  value,  the  sovereign  dignity  and  usefulness  of  a  free  press. 

But  these  lessons  have  been  taught  and  learned;  taught  for  the  most  part  by  the 
prophets  of  our  race,  men  living  in  advance  of  their  age,  and  understood  only  by  the 
succeeding  generations.    But  you  have  the  inheritance. 

C55H 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


THE  MAYFLOWER  COMPACT 

from  Bradford's  history  of  Plymouth  plantation 

THE     2.    BOOKE. 

THE  rest  of  this  History  (if  God  give  me  life,  &  opportunitie)  I  shall,  for  brevitis 
sake,  handle  by  way  of  annalls,  noteing  only  the  heads  of  principall  things, 
and  passages  as  they  fell  in  order  of  time,  and  may  seeme  to  be  profitable  to 
know,  or  to  make  use  of.    And  this  may  be  as  ye  2.  Booke. 

The  remainder  of  Ano:  1620. 

I  shall  a  litle  returne  backe  and  begine  with  a  combination  made  by  them  before 
they  came  ashore,  being  ye  first  foundation  of  their  govermente  in  this  place;  oc- 
casioned partly  by  ye  discontented  &  mutinous  speeches  that  some  of  the  strangers 
amongst  them  had  let  fall  from  them  in  ye  ship  —  That  when  they  came  a  shore  they 
would  use  their  owne  libertie;  for  none  had  power  to  coniand  them,  the  patente  they 
had  being  for  Virginia,  and  not  for  New-england,  which  belonged  to  an  other  Gover- 
ment,  with  which  ye  Virginia  Company  had  nothing  to  doe.  And  partly  that  shuch  an 
[54]  acte  by  them  done  (this  their  condition  considered)  might  be  as  firme  as  any 
patent,  and  in  some  respects  more  sure. 

The  forme  was  as  followeth : 

In  ye  name  of  God,  Amen.  We  whose  names  ance  of  ye  ends  aforesaid;  and  by  vertue  hear- 
are  underwriten,  the  loyall  subjects  of  our  dread  of  to  enacte,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  & 
soveraigne  Lord,  King  James,  by  ye  grace  of  equall  lawes,  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions,  & 
God,  of  Great  Britaine,  Franc,  &  Ireland  king,  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought 
defender  of  ye  faith,  &c,  haveing  undertaken,  most  meete  &  convenient  for  ye  generall  good 
for  ye  glorie  of  God,  and  advancemente  of  ye  of  ye  Colonie,  unto  which  we  promise  all  due 
Christian  faith,  and  honour  of  our  king  submission  and  obedience.  In  witnes  wherof 
countrie,  a  voyage  to  plant  ye  first  colonie  in  ye  we  have  hereunder  subscribed  our  names  at 
Northerne  parts  of  Virginia,  doe  by  these  pres-  Cap-Codd  ye  11.  of  November,  in  ye  year  of  ye 
ents  solemnly  &  mutualy  in  ye  presence  of  God,  raigne  of  our  soveraigne  lord,  King  James,  of 
and  one  of  another,  covenant  &  combine  our  England,  France,  &  Ireland  ye  eighteenth,  and 
selves  togeather  into  a  civill  body  politick,  for  of  Scotland  ye  flftie  fourth.  Ano:  Dom.  1620. 
our  better  ordering  &  preservation  &  further- 
After  this  they  chose,  or  rather  confirmed,  Mr.  John  Carver  (a  man  godly  &  well 
approved  amongst  them)  their  Governour  for  that  year.  And  after  they  had  provided 
a  place  for  their  goods,  or  comone  store,  (which  were  long  in  unlading  for  want  of 
boats,  foulnes  of  winter  weather,  and  sicknes  of  diverce,)  and  begune  some  small 
cottages  for  their  habitation,  as  time  would  admitte,  they  mette  and  consulted  of  lawes 
&  orders,  both  for  their  civill  &  military  Govermente,  as  ye  necessitie  of  their  condition 
did  require,  still  adding  therunto  as  urgent  occasion  in  severall  times,  and  as  cases 
did  require. 


£5611 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


THE  DEPLORABLE  EXPERIMENT  IN  SOCIALISM 

from  Bradford's  history  of  Plymouth  plantation 
Anno  Dom:  1623. 

It  may  be  thought  Strang  that  these  people  should  fall  to  these  extremities  in  so  short 
a  time,  being  left  competently  provided  when  ye  ship  left  them,  and  had  an  addition 
by  that  moyetie  of  corn  that  was  got  by  trade,  besids  much  they  gott  of  ye  Indans 
wher  they  lived,  by  one  means  &  other.  It  must  needs  be  their  great  disorder,  for 
they  spent  excesseivly  whilst  they  had,  or  could  get  it;  and,  it  may  be,  wasted  parte 
away  among  ye  Indeans  (for  he  yt  was  their  cheef  was  taxed  by  some  amongst  them 
for  keeping  Indean  women,  how  truly  I  know  not).  And  after  they  begane  to  come 
into  wants,  many  sould  away  their  cloathes  and  bed  coverings;  others  (so  base  were 
they)  became  servants  to  ye  Indeans,  and  would  cutt  them  woode  &  fetch  them  water, 
for  a  cap  full  of  corne;  others  fell  to  plaine  stealing,  both  night  &  day,  from  ye 
Indeans,  of  which  they  greevosly  complained.  In  ye  end,  they  came  to  that  misery, 
that  some  starved  &  dyed  with  could  &  hunger.  One  in  geathering  shell-fish  was  so 
weake  as  he  stuck  fast  in  ye  mudd,  and  was  found  dead  in  ye  place.  At  last  most 
of  them  left  their  dwellings  &  scatered  up  &  downe  in  ye  [94]  woods,  &  by  ye  water 
sids,  wher  they  could  find  ground  nuts  &  clames,  hear  6.  and  ther  ten.  By  which  their 
cariages  they  became  contemned  &  scorned  of  ye  Indeans,  and  they  begane  greatly 
to  insulte  over  them  in  a  most  insolente  maner;  insomuch,  many  times  as  they  lay 
thus  scatered  abrod,  and  had  set  on  a  pot  with  ground  nuts  or  shell-fish,  when  it  was 
ready  the  Indeans  would  come  and  eate  it  up;  and  when  night  came,  wheras  some  of 
them  had  a  sorie  blanket,  or  such  like,  to  lappe  them  selves  in,  the  Indeans  would 
take  it  and  let  ye  other  lye  all  nighte  in  the  could;  so  as  their  condition  was  very 
lamentable.  Yea,  in  ye  end  they  were  faine  to  hange  one  of  their  men,  whom  they 
could  not  reclaime  from  stealing,  to  give  ye  Indeans  contente. 

All  this  whille  no  supply  was  heard  of,  neither  knew  they  when  they  might  expecte 
any.  So  they  begane  to  thinke  how  they  might  raise  as  much  corne  as  they  could,  and 
obtaine  a  beter  crope  then  they  had  done,  that  they  might  not  still  thus  languish  in 
miserie.  At  length,  after  much  debate  of  things,  the  Govr  (with  ye  advise  of  ye 
cheefest  amongest  them)  gave  way  that  they  should  set  corne  every  man  for  his 
owne  perticuler,  and  in  that  regard  trust  to  them  selves;  in  all  other  things  to  goe  on 
in  ye  generall  way  as  before.  And  so  assigned  to  every  family  a  parcell  of  land, 
according  to  the  proportion  of  their  number  for  that  end,  only  for  present  use  (but 
made  no  devission  for  inheritance),  and  ranged  all  boys  &  youth  under  some  familie. 
This  had  very  good  success;  for  it  made  all  hands  very  industrious,  so  as  much  more 
corne  was  planted  then  other  waise  would  have  bene  by  any  means  ye  Govr  or  any 
other  could  use,  and  saved  him  a  great  deall  of  trouble,  and  gave  farr  better  contente. 
The  women  now  wente  willingly  into  ye  feild,  and  tooke  their  litle-ons  with  them 
to  set  corne,  which  before  would  aledg  weaknes,  and  inabilitie;  whom  to  have  com- 
pelled would  have  bene  thought  great  tiranie  and  oppression. 

The  experience  that  was  had  in  this  comone  course  and  condition,  tried  sundrie 
years,  and  that  amongst  godly  and  sober  men,  may  well  evince  the  vanitie  of  that 

C573 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


THE  MAYFLOWER  COMPACT 

from  Bradford's  history  of  Plymouth  plantation 

THE     2.    BOOKE. 

THE  rest  of  this  History  (if  God  give  me  life,  &  opportunitie)  I  shall,  for  brevitis 
sake,  handle  by  way  of  annalls,  noteing  only  the  heads  of  principall  things, 
and  passages  as  they  fell  in  order  of  time,  and  may  seeme  to  be  profitable  to 
know,  or  to  make  use  of.    And  this  may  be  as  ye  2.  Booke. 

The  remainder  of  Ano:  1620. 

I  shall  a  litle  returne  backe  and  begine  with  a  combination  made  by  them  before 
they  came  ashore,  being  ye  first  foundation  of  their  govermente  in  this  place;  oc- 
casioned partly  by  ye  discontented  &  mutinous  speeches  that  some  of  the  strangers 
amongst  them  had  let  fall  from  them  in  ye  ship  —  That  when  they  came  a  shore  they 
would  use  their  owne  libertie;  for  none  had  power  to  comand  them,  the  patente  they 
had  being  for  Virginia,  and  not  for  New-england,  which  belonged  to  an  other  Gover- 
ment,  with  which  ye  Virginia  Company  had  nothing  to  doe.  And  partly  that  shuch  an 
[54]  acte  by  them  done  (this  their  condition  considered)  might  be  as  firme  as  any 
patent,  and  in  some  respects  more  sure. 

The  forme  was  as  f olloweth : 

In  ye  name  of  God,  Amen.  We  whose  names  ance  of  ye  ends  aforesaid;  and  by  vertue  hear- 
are  underwriten,  the  loyall  subjects  of  our  dread  of  to  enacte,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  & 
soveraigne  Lord,  King  James,  by  ye  grace  of  equall  lawes,  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions,  & 
God,  of  Great  Britaine,  Franc,  &  Ireland  king,  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought 
defender  of  ye  faith,  &c,  haveing  undertaken,  most  meete  &  convenient  for  ye  generall  good 
for  ye  glorie  of  God,  and  advancemente  of  ye  of  ye  Colonie,  unto  which  we  promise  all  due 
Christian  faith,  and  honour  of  our  king  submission  and  obedience.  In  witnes  wherof 
countrie,  a  voyage  to  plant  ye  first  colonie  in  ye  we  have  hereunder  subscribed  our  names  at 
Northerne  parts  of  Virginia,  doe  by  these  pres-  Cap-Codd  ye  11.  of  November,  in  ye  year  of  ye 
ents  solemnly  &  mutualy  in  ye  presence  of  God,  raigne  of  our  soveraigne  lord,  King  James,  of 
and  one  of  another,  covenant  &  combine  our  England,  France,  &  Ireland  ye  eighteenth,  and 
selves  togeather  into  a  civill  body  politick,  for  of  Scotland  ye  flftie  fourth.  Ano:  Dom.  1620. 
our  better  ordering  &  preservation  &  further- 
After  this  they  chose,  or  rather  confirmed,  Mr.  John  Carver  (a  man  godly  &  well 
approved  amongst  them)  their  Governour  for  that  year.  And  after  they  had  provided 
a  place  for  their  goods,  or  comone  store,  (which  were  long  in  unlading  for  want  of 
boats,  foulnes  of  winter  weather,  and  sicknes  of  diverce,)  and  begune  some  small 
cottages  for  their  habitation,  as  time  would  admitte,  they  mette  and  consulted  of  lawes 
&  orders,  both  for  their  civill  &  military  Govermente,  as  ye  necessitie  of  their  condition 
did  require,  still  adding  therunto  as  urgent  occasion  in  severall  times,  and  as  cases 
did  require. 


IT  56  J 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


THE  DEPLORABLE  EXPERIMENT  IN  SOCIALISM 

from  Bradford's  history  of  Plymouth  plantation 
Anno  Dom:  1623. 

It  may  be  thought  Strang  that  these  people  should  fall  to  these  extremities  in  so  short 
a  time,  being  left  competently  provided  when  ye  ship  left  them,  and  had  an  addition 
by  that  moyetie  of  corn  that  was  got  by  trade,  besids  much  they  gott  of  ye  Indans 
wher  they  lived,  by  one  means  &  other.  It  must  needs  be  their  great  disorder,  for 
they  spent  excesseivly  whilst  they  had,  or  could  get  it;  and,  it  may  be,  wasted  parte 
away  among  ye  Indeans  (for  he  yt  was  their  cheef  was  taxed  by  some  amongst  them 
for  keeping  Indean  women,  how  truly  I  know  not).  And  after  they  begane  to  come 
into  wants,  many  sould  away  their  cloathes  and  bed  coverings;  others  (so  base  were 
they)  became  servants  to  ye  Indeans,  and  would  cutt  them  woode  &  fetch  them  water, 
for  a  cap  full  of  corne;  others  fell  to  plaine  stealing,  both  night  &  day,  from  ye 
Indeans,  of  which  they  greevosly  complained.  In  ye  end,  they  came  to  that  misery, 
that  some  starved  &  dyed  with  could  &  hunger.  One  in  geathering  shell-fish  was  so 
weake  as  he  stuck  fast  in  ye  mudd,  and  was  found  dead  in  ye  place.  At  last  most 
of  them  left  their  dwellings  &  scatered  up  &  downe  in  ye  [94]  woods,  &  by  ye  water 
sids,  wher  they  could  find  ground  nuts  &  clames,  hear  6.  and  ther  ten.  By  which  their 
cariages  they  became  contemned  &  scorned  of  ye  Indeans,  and  they  begane  greatly 
to  insulte  over  them  in  a  most  insolente  maner;  insomuch,  many  times  as  they  lay 
thus  scatered  abrod,  and  had  set  on  a  pot  with  ground  nuts  or  shell-fish,  when  it  was 
ready  the  Indeans  would  come  and  eate  it  up;  and  when  night  came,  wheras  some  of 
them  had  a  sorie  blanket,  or  such  like,  to  lappe  them  selves  in,  the  Indeans  would 
take  it  and  let  ye  other  lye  all  nighte  in  the  could;  so  as  their  condition  was  very 
lamentable.  Yea,  in  ye  end  they  were  faine  to  hange  one  of  their  men,  whom  they 
could  not  reclaime  from  stealing,  to  give  ye  Indeans  contente. 

All  this  whille  no  supply  was  heard  of,  neither  knew  they  when  they  might  expecte 
any.  So  they  begane  to  thinke  how  they  might  raise  as  much  corne  as  they  could,  and 
obtaine  a  beter  crope  then  they  had  done,  that  they  might  not  still  thus  languish  in 
miserie.  At  length,  after  much  debate  of  things,  the  Govr  (with  ye  advise  of  ye 
cheefest  amongest  them)  gave  way  that  they  should  set  corne  every  man  for  his 
owne  perticuler,  and  in  that  regard  trust  to  them  selves;  in  all  other  things  to  goe  on 
in  ye  generall  way  as  before.  And  so  assigned  to  every  family  a  parcell  of  land, 
according  to  the  proportion  of  their  number  for  that  end,  only  for  present  use  (but 
made  no  devission  for  inheritance),  and  ranged  all  boys  &  youth  under  some  familie. 
This  had  very  good  success;  for  it  made  all  hands  very  industrious,  so  as  much  more 
corne  was  planted  then  other  waise  would  have  bene  by  any  means  ye  Govr  or  any 
other  could  use,  and  saved  him  a  great  deall  of  trouble,  and  gave  farr  better  contente. 
The  women  now  wente  willingly  into  ye  feild,  and  tooke  their  litle-ons  with  them 
to  set  corne,  which  before  would  aledg  weaknes,  and  inabilitie;  whom  to  have  com- 
pelled would  have  bene  thought  great  tiranie  and  oppression. 

The  experience  that  was  had  in  this  comone  course  and  condition,  tried  sundrie 
years,  and  that  amongst  godly  and  sober  men,  may  well  evince  the  vanitie  of  that 

1571 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

conceite  of  Platos  &  other  ancients,  applauded  by  some  of  later  times; — that  ye  taking 
away  of  propertie,  and  bringing  in  comunitie  into  a  comone  wealth,  would  make  them 
happy  and  florishing;  as  if  they  were  wiser  then  God.  For  this  comunitie  (so  farr 
as  it  was)  was  found  to  breed  much  confusion  &  discontent,  and  retard  much 
imploymet  that  would  have  been  to  their  benefite  and  comforte.  For  ye  yong-men 
that  were  most  able  and  fitte  for  labour  &  service  did  repine  that  they  should  spend 
their  time  &  streingth  to  worke  for  other  mens  wives  and  children,  with  out  any 
recompense.  The  strong,  or  man  of  parts,  had  no  more  in  devission  of  victails  & 
cloaths,  then  he  that  was  weake  and  not  able  to  doe  a  quarter  ye  other  could;  this 
was  thought  injuestice.  The  aged  and  graver  men  to  be  ranked  and  [97]  equalised 
in  labours,  and  victails,  cloaths,  &c,  with  ye  meaner  &  yonger  sorte,  thought  it  some 
indignite  &  disrespect  unto  them.  And  for  mens  wives  to  be  commanded  to  doe  servise 
for  other  men,  as  dresing  their  meate,  washing  their  cloaths,  &c,  they  deemd  it  a  kind 
of  slaverie,  neither  could  many  husbands  well  brooke  it.  Upon  ye  poynte  all  being  to 
have  alike,  and  all  to  doe  alike,  they  thought  them  selves  in  ye  like  condition,  and  one 
as  good  as  another;  and  so,  if  it  did  not  cut  of  those  relations  that  God  hath  set 
amongest  men,  yet  it  did  at  least  much  diminish  and  take  of  ye  mutuall  respects  that 
should  be  preserved  amongst  them.  And  would  have  bene  worse  if  they  had  been  men 
of  another  condition.  Let  none  objecte  this  is  men's  corruption,  and  nothing  to  ye 
course  it  selfe.  I  answer,  seeing  all  men  have  this  corruption  in  them,  God  in  his  wis- 
dome  saw  another  course  titer  for  them.     [See  citation  below.] 

By  reason  of  ye  plottings  of  the  Narigansets,  (ever  since  ye  Pequents  warr,)  the 
Indeans  were  drawne  into  a  generall  conspiracie  against  ye  English  in  all  parts,  as  was 
in  part  discovered  ye  yeare  before;  and  now  made  more  plaine  and  evidente  by  many 
discoveries  and  free-conffessions  of  sundrie  Indeans  (upon  severall  occasions)  from 
diverse  places,  concuring  in  one;  with  such  other  concuring  circomstances  as  gave 
them  suffissently  to  understand  the  trueth  therof,  and  to  thinke  of  means  how  to  pre- 
vente  ye  same,  and  secure  them  selves.  Which  made  them  enter  into  this  more  nere 
union  &  confederation  following. 

SOCIALISM  AS  A 
NATIONAL  MENACE  TODAY 

"Broadly  speaking,  the  two  fundamental  aims  of  modern  Socialists  are  the  violent 
overthrow  of  the  existing  order  throughout  the  world  and  the  appropriation  by  the 
proletarians  of  all  the  means  of  production  and  distribution.  It  is,  indeed,  a  daring 
enterprise.  They  openly  advocate  a  'Soviet  regime'  which  would  do  away  with  Magna 
Charta  in  Great  Britain  and  the  Constitution  in  the  United  States." — Socialism  vs. 
Civilization,  by  Boris  Brasol,  published  February,  1920. 


C583 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  CONFEDERATION 

[257]  Articles  of  Confederation  betweene  ye  Plantations  under  ye  Govermente  of  Mas- 
sachusetss,  ye  plantations  under  ye  govermente  of  new-plimoth,  ye  plantations 
under  ye  Govermente  of  Conightecute,  and  ye  Govermente  of  New-Haven,  with  ye 
Plantations  in  combination  therwith. 


Wheras  we  all  came  into  these  parts  of 
America  with  one  and  ye  same  end  and  aime, 
namly,  to  advance  the  kingdome  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  &  to  injoye  ye  liberties  of  ye 
Gospell  in  puritie  with  peace;  and  wheras  in 
our  setling  (by  a  wise  providence  of  God)  we 
are  further  disperced  upon  ye  sea  coasts  and 
rivers  then  was  at  first  intended,  so  yt  we  can- 
not, according  to  our  desires,  with  conveniencie 
comunicate  in  one  govermente  &  jurisdiction; 
and  wheras  we  live  encompassed  with  people 
of  severall  nations  and  Strang  languages,  which 
hereafter  may  prove  injurious  to  us  and  our 
posteritie;  and  for  as  much  as  ye  natives  have 
formerly  comitted  sundrie  insolencies  and  out- 
rages upon  severall  plantations  of  ye  English, 
and  have  of  late  combined  them  selves  against 
us;  and  seeing,  by  reason  of  those  distractions 
in  England  (which  they  have  heard  of)  and  by 
which  they  know  we  are  hindered  from  yt 
humble  way  of  seeking  advice  or  reaping  those 
comfurtable  fruits  of  protection  which  at  other 
times  we  might  well  expecte;  we  therfore  doe 
conceive  it  our  bounden  duty,  without  delay, 
to  enter  into  a  presente  consociation  amongst 
our  selves,  for  mutuall  help  &  strength  in  all  our 
future  concernments.  That  as  in  nation  and 
religion,  so  in  other  respects,  we  be  &  continue 
one,  according  to  ye  tenor  and  true  meaning  of 
the  insuing  articles.  (1)  Wherfore  it  is  fully 
agreed  and  concluded  by  &  betweene  ye  parties 
or  jurisdictions  above  named,  and  they  joyntly 
&  severally  doe  by  these  presents  agree  &  con- 
clude, that  they  all  be  and  henceforth  be  called 
by  ye  name  of  The  United  Colonies  of  New- 
England. 

2.  The  said  United  Collonies,  for  them  selves 
&  their  posterities,  doe  joyntly  &  severally  here- 
by enter  into  a  flrme  &  perpetuall  league  of 
frendship  &  amitie,  for  offence  and  defence, 
mutuall  advice  and  succore  upon  all  just  occa- 
sions, both  for  preserving  &  propagating  ye 
truth  of  ye  Gospell,  and  for  their  owne  mutuall 
saftie  and  wellfare. 

3.  It  is  further  agreed  that  the  plantations 
which  at  presente  are  or  hereafter  shall  be  setled 


with  [in]  ye  limites  of  ye  Massachusets  shall  be 
for  ever  under  ye  Massachusets,  and  shall  have 
peculier  jurisdiction  amonge  them  selves  in  all 
cases,  as  an  intire  body.  And  yt  Plimoth, 
Conightecutt,  and  New-Haven  shall  each  of  them 
have  like  peculier  jurisdition  and  govermente 
within  their  limites  and  in  refference  to  ye 
plantations  which  allready  are  setled,  or  shall 
hereafter  be  erected,  or  shall  setle  within  their 
limites,  respectively;  provided  yt  no  other  juris- 
dition shall  hereafter  be  taken  in,  as  a  distincte 
head  or  member  of  this  confederation,  nor  shall 
any  other  plantation  or  jurisdiction  in  presente 
being,  and  not  allready  in  combination  or  under 
ye  jurisdiction  of  any  of  these  confederals,  be 
received  by  any  of  them;  nor  shall  any  tow  of 
ye  confederats  joyne  in  one  jurisdiction,  with- 
out consente  of  ye  rest,  which  consete  to  be 
interpreted  as  is  expresed  in  ye  sixte  article 
ensewing. 

4.  It  is  by  these  conffederats  agreed,  yt  the 
charge  of  all  just  warrs,  whether  offencive  or 
defencive,  upon  what  parte  or  member  of  this 
confederation  soever  they  fall,  shall,  both  in 
men,  provissions,  and  all  other  disbursments, 
be  borne  by  all  ye  parts  of  this  confederation, 
in  differente  proportions,  according  to  their 
differente  abillities,  in  maner  following:  name- 
ly, yt  the  comissioners  for  each  jurisdiction, 
from  time  to  time,  as  ther  shall  be  occasion, 
bring  a  true  accounte  and  number  of  all  their 
males  in  every  plantation,  or  any  way  belonging 
too  or  under  their  severall  jurisdictions,  of  what 
qualitie  or  condition  soever  they  be,  from  16. 
years  old  to  60.  being  inhabitants  ther;  and  yt 
according  to  ye  differente  numbers  which  from 
time  to  time  shall  be  found  in  each  jurisdiction 
upon  a  true  &  just  accounte,  the  service  of  men 
and  all  charges  of  ye  warr  be  borne  by  ye 
pole;  each  jurisdiction  or  plantation  being  left 
to  their  owne  just  course  &  custome  of  rating 
them  selves  and  people  according  to  their  dif- 
ferente estates,  with  due  respects  to  their  quali- 
ties and  exemptions  amongst  them  selves,  though 
the  confederats  take  no  notice  of  any  such 
priviledg.    And  yt  according  to  their  differente 


C59] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


charge  of  each  jurisdiction  &  plantation,  the 
whole  advantage  of  ye  warr,  (if  it  please  God 
to  blesse  their  indeaours,)  whether  it  be  in 
lands,  goods,  or  persons,  shall  be  proportion- 
ably  devided  amonge  ye  said  confederats. 

5.  It  is  further  agreed,  that  if  these  juris- 
dictions, or  any  plantation  under  or  in  comby- 
nacion  with  them,  be  invaded  by  any  enemie 
whomsoever,  upon  notice  &  requeste  of  any  3. 
[258]  magistrats  of  yt  jurisdiction  so  invaded, 
ye  rest  of  ye  confederats,  without  any  further 
meeting  or  expostulation,  shall  forthwith  send 
ayde  to  ye  confederate  in  danger,  but  in  dif- 
ferente  proportion;  namely,  ye  Massachusets  an 
hundred  men  sufficently  armed  &  provided 
for  such  a  service  and  journey,  and  each  of  ye 
rest  forty  five  so  armed  &  provided,  or  any 
lesser  number,  if  less  be  required  according  to 
this  proportion.  But  if  such  confederate  in 
danger  may  be  supplyed  by  their  nexte  con- 
federates, not  exeeding  ye  number  hereby 
agreed,  they  may  crave  help  ther,  and  seeke 
no  further  for  ye  presente;  ye  charge  to  be 
borne  as  in  this  article  is  exprest,  and  at  ye  re- 
turne  to  be  victuled  &  suplyed  with  powder  & 
shote  for  their  jurney  (if  ther  be  need)  by  yt 
jurisdiction  which  imployed  or  sent  for  them. 
But  none  of  ye  jurisdictions  to  exceede  these 
numbers  till,  by  a  meeting  of  ye  comissioners 
for  this  confederation,  a  greater  aide  appear 
nessessarie.  And  this  proportion  to  continue 
till  upon  knowlege  of  greater  numbers  in  each 
jurisdiction,  which  shall  be  brought  to  ye  nexte 
meeting,  some  other  proportion  be  ordered. 
But  in  such  case  of  sending  men  for  presente 
aide,  whether  before  or  after  such  order  or 
alteration,  it  is  agreed  yt  at  ye  meeting  of  ye 
comissioners  for  this  confederation,  the  cause 
of  such  warr  or  invasion  be  duly  considered; 
and  if  it  appeare  yt  the  falte  lay  in  ye  parties 
so  invaded,  yt  then  that  jurisdiction  or  planta- 
tion make  just  satisfaction  both  to  ye  invaders 
whom  they  have  injured,  and  beare  all  ye 
charges  of  ye  warr  them  selves,  without  requir- 
ing any  allowance  from  ye  rest  of  ye  con- 
federats towards  ye  same.  And  further,  yt  if 
any  jurisdiction  see  any  danger  of  any  invasion 
approaching,  and  ther  be  time  for  a  meeting, 
that  in  such  a  case  3.  magistrats  of  yt  jurisdic- 
tion may  sumone  a  meeting,  at  such  conve- 
niente  place  as  them  selves  shall  thinke  meete, 
to  consider  &  provid  against  ye  threatened  dan- 
ger, provided  when  they  are  mett,  they  may 
remove  to  what  place  they  please;  only,  whilst 
any  of  these  foure  confederats  have  but  3  magis- 
trats in  their  jurisdiction,  their  requeste,  or 
summons,   from   any   2.   of  them   shall  be   ac- 


counted of  equall  force  with  ye  3.  mentioned 
in  both  the  clauses  of  this  article,  till  ther  be 
an  increase  of  majestrats  ther. 

6.  It  is  also  agreed  yt,  for  ye  managing  & 
concluding  of  all  affairs  propper,  &  concerning 
the  whole  confederation,  tow  comissioners  shall 
be  chosen  by  &  out  of  each  of  these  4.  jurisdic- 
tions; namly,  2.  for  ye  Massachusets,  2.  for 
Plimoth,  2.  for  Gonightecutt,  and  2.  for  New- 
Haven,  being  all  in  church  fellowship  with  us, 
which  shall  bring  full  power  from  their  severall 
Generall  Courts  respectively  to  hear,  examene, 
waigh,  and  detirmine  all  affairs  of  warr,  or 
peace,  leagues,  aids,  charges,  and  numbers  of 
men  for  warr,  divissions  of  spoyles,  &  whatso- 
ever is  gotten  by  conquest;  receiving  of  more 
confederats,  or  plantations  into  combination 
with  any  of  ye  confederates,  and  all  things  of 
like  nature,  which  are  ye  proper  concomitants 
or  consequences  of  such  a  confederation,  for 
amitie,  offence,  &  defence;  not  intermedling 
with  ye  govermente  of  any  of  ye  jurisdictions, 
which  by  ye  3.  article  is  preserved  entirely  to 
them  selves.  But  if  these  8.  comissioners  when 
they  meete  shall  not  all  agree,  yet  it  concluded 
that  any  6.  of  the  8.  agreeing  shall  have  power 
to  setle  &  determine  ye  bussines  in  question. 
But  if  6.  doe  not  agree,  that  then  such  proposi- 
tions, with  their  reasons,  so  farr  as  they  have 
been  debated,  be  sente,  and  referred  to  ye  4. 
Generall  Courts,  viz.  ye  Massachusets,  Plimoth, 
Conightecutt,  and  New-haven;  and  if  at  all  ye 
said  Generall  Courts  ye  bussines  so  referred  be 
concluded,  then  to  be  prosecuted  by  ye  con- 
federats, and  all  their  members.  It  was  further 
agreed  that  these  8.  comissioners  shall  meete 
once  every  year,  besids  extraordinarie  meetings, 
(according  to  the  flfte  article,)  to  consider, 
treate,  &  conclude  of  all  affaires  belonging  to 
this  confederation,  which  meeting  shall  ever  be 
ye  first  Thursday  in  September.  And  yt  the 
next  meeting  after  the  date  of  these  presents, 
which  shall  be  accounted  ye  second  meeting, 
shall  be  at  Boston  in  ye  Massachusets,  the  3.  at 
Hartford,  the  4.  at  New-Haven,  the  5.  at  Plimoth, 
and  so  in  course  successively,  if  in  ye  meane 
time  some  midle  place  be  not  found  out  and 
agreed  on,  which  may  be  comodious  for  all  ye 
jurisdictions. 

7.  It  is  further  agreed,  yt  at  each  meeting 
of  these  8.  comissioners,  whether  ordinarie,  or 
extraordinary,  they  all  6.  of  them  agreeing  as 
before,  may  chuse  a  presidente  out  of  them 
selves,  whose  office  &  work  shall  be  to  take  care 
and  directe  for  order,  and  a  comly  carrying  on 
of  all  proceedings  in  ye  present  meeting;  but  he 
shall  be  invested  with  no  such  power  or  re- 


1601 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


specte,  as  by  which  he  shall  hinder  ye  pro- 
pounding or  progrese  of  any  bussines,  or  any 
way  cast  ye  scailes  otherwise  then  in  ye  pre- 
cedente  article  is  agreed. 

[259]  8.  It  is  also  agreed,  yt  the  comis- 
sioners  for  this  confederation  hereafter  at  their 
meetings,  whether  ordinary  or  extraordinarie, 
as  they  may  have  comission  or  opportunitie,  doe 
indeaover  to  frame  and  establish  agreements  & 
orders  in  generall  cases  of  a  civill  nature,  wher- 
in  all  ye  plantations  are  interessed,  for  ye  pre- 
serving of  peace  amongst  them  selves,  and  pre- 
venting as  much  as  may  be  all  occasions  of  warr 
or  difference  with  others;  as  aboute  ye  free  & 
speedy  passage  of  justice,  in  every  jurisdic- 
tion, to  all  ye  confederals  equally  as  to  their 
owne;  not  receiving  those  yt  remove  from  one 
plantation  to  another  without  due  certificate; 
how  all  ye  jurisdictions  may  carry  towards  ye 
Indeans,  that  they  neither  growe  insolente,  nor 
be  injured  without  due  satisfaction,  least  warr 
breake  in  upon  the  confederals  through  such 
miscarriages.  It  is  also  agreed,  yt  if  any  ser- 
vante  rune  away  from  his  maister  into  another 
of  the  confederated  jurisdictions,  that  in  such 
case,  upon  ye  certificate  of  one  magistrate  in  ye 
jurisdiction  out  of  which  ye  said  servante  fledd, 
or  upon  other  due  proofe,  the  said  servante  shall 
be  delivered,  either  to  his  maister,  or  any  other 
yt  pursues  &  brings  such  certificate  or  proofe. 
And  yt  upon  ye  escape  of  any  prisoner  whatso- 
ever, or  fugitive  for  any  criminall  cause, 
whether  breaking  prison,  or  getting  from  ye 
officer,  or  otherwise  escaping,  upon  ye  certifi- 
cate of  2.  magistrats  of  ye  jurisdiction  out  of 
which  ye  escape  is  made,  that  he  was  a  prisoner, 
or  such  an  offender  at  ye  time  of  ye  escape,  they 
magistrats,  or  sume  of  them  of  yt  jurisdiction 
wher  for  ye  presente  the  said  prisoner  or  fugi- 
tive abideth,  shall  forthwith  grante  such  a  war- 
rante  as  ye  case  will  beare,  for  ye  apprehend- 
ing of  any  such  person,  &  ye  delivering  of  him 
into  ye  hands  of  ye  officer,  or  other  person  who 
pursues  him.  And  if  ther  be  help  required,  for 
ye  safe  returning  of  any  such  offender,  then  it 
shall  be  granted  to  him  yt  craves  ye  same,  he 
paying  the  charges  therof. 

9.  And  for  yt  the  justest  warrs  may  be  of 
dangerous  consequence,  espetially  to  ye  smaler 
plantations  in  these  United  Collonies,  it  is 
agreed  yt  neither  ye  Massachusets,  Plimoth,  Co- 
nightecutt,  nor  New-Haven,  nor  any  member  of 
any  of  them,  shall  at  any  time  hear  after  begine, 
undertake,  or  ingage  them  selves,  or  this  con- 
federation, or  any  parte  therof,  in  any  warr 
whatsoever,   (sudden*  exegents,  with  ye  neces- 

•Substituted  for  sundry  on  the  authority  of  the  original 
MS.  Records.  r  __ 

Lol 


sary  consequents  therof  excepted,  which  are 
also  to  be  moderated  as  much  as  ye  case  will 
permitte,)  without  ye  consente  and  agreemente 
of  ye  forementioned  8.  comissioners,  or  at  ye 
least  6.  of  them,  as  in  ye  sixt  article  is  provided. 
And  yt  no  charge  be  required  of  any  of  they 
confederals,  in  case  of  a  defensive  warr,  till  ye 
said  comissioners  have  mett,  and  approved  ye 
justice  of  ye  warr,  and  have  agreed  upon  ye 
sume  of  money  to  be  levied,  which  sume  is  then 
to  be  paid  by  the  severall  confederals  in  pro- 
portion according  to  ye  fourth  article. 

10.  That  in  extraordinary  occasions,  when 
meetings  are  summoned  by  three  magistrates  of 
any  jurisdiction,  or  2.  as  in  ye  5.  article,  if  any 
of  ye  comissioners  come  not,  due  warning  being 
given  or  sente,  it  is  agreed  yt  4.  of  the  comis- 
sioners shall  have  power  to  directe  a  warr 
which  cannot  be  delayed,  and  to  send  for  due 
proportions  of  men  out  of  each  jurisdiction,  as 
well  as  6.  might  doe  if  all  mett;  but  not  less  then 
6.  shall  determine  the  justice  of  ye  warr,  or 
alow  ye  demands  or  bills  of  charges,  or  cause 
any  levies  to  be  made  for  ye  same. 

11.  It  is  further  agreed,  yt  if  any  of  ye  con- 
federals shall  hereafter  breake  any  of  these 
presente  articles,  or  be  any  other  ways  injuri- 
ous to  any  one  of  ye  other  jurisdictions,  such 
breach  of  agreemente  or  injurie  shall  be  duly 
considered  and  ordered  by  ye  comissioners  for 
ye  other  jurisdiction;  that  both  peace  and  this 
presente  confederation  may  be  intirly  preserved 
without  violation. 

12.  Lastly,  this  perpetuall  confederation,  and 
ye  severall  articles  therof  being  read,  and  seri- 
ously considered,  both  by  ye  Generall  Courte 
for  ye  Massachusets,  and  by  ye  comissioners  for 
Plimoth,  Conigtecute,  &  New-Haven,  were  fully 
alowed  &  confirmed  by  3.  of  ye  forenamed  con- 
federals, namly,  ye  Massachusets,  Conighte- 
cutt,  and  New-Haven;  only  ye  comissioners  for 
Plimoth  haveing  no  comission  to  conclude,  de- 
sired respite  till  they  might  advise  with  their 
Generall  Courte;  wher  upon  it  was  agreed  and 
concluded  by  ye  said  Courte  of  ye  Massachusets, 
and  the  comissioners  for  ye  other  tow  con- 
federals, that,  if  Plimoth  consente,  then  the 
whole  treaty  as  it  stands  in  these  present  articls 
is,  and  shall  continue,  flrme  &  stable  without 
alteration.  But  if  Plimoth  come  not  in,  yet  ye 
other  three  confederals  doe  by  these  presents 
[260]  confeirme  ye  whole  confederation,  and 
ye  articles  therof;  only  in  September  nexte, 
when  ye  second  meeting  of  ye  comissioners  is 
to  be  at  Boston,  new  consideration  may  be  taken 
of  ye  6.  article,  which  concerns  number  of 
comissioners  for  meeting  &  concluding  the  af- 

n 


DRAFTING     THE     DECLARATION    OF    INDEPENDENCE 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

(Unanimously  Adopted  in  Congress,  July  4,  1776,  at  Philadelphia) 

WHEN,  in  the  Course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  for  one  people  to 
dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to 
assume  among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which 
the  Laws  of  Nature  and  of  Nature's  God  entitles  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions 
of  mankind  requires  that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the 
separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  Rights,  that  among  these  are  Life, 
Liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  Happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights,  Governments  are 
instituted  among  Men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. 
That  whenever  any  Form  of  Government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the 
Right  of  the  People  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  Government,  laying  its 
foundation  on  such  principles  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall 
seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  Safety  and  Happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate 
that  Governments  long  established  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient 
causes;  and  accordingly  all  experience  hath  shewn,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to 
suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to 
which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursu- 
ing invariably  the  same  Object  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute  Despo- 
tism, it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off  such  Government,  and  to  provide  new 
Guards  for  their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  Colo- 
nies; and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  former  Systems 
of  Government.  The  history  of  the  present  King  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  re- 
peated injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of  an 
absolute  Tyranny  over  these  States.  To  prove  this,  let  Facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid 
world. 

He  has  refused  his  Assent  to  Laws,  the  most  wholesome  and  necessary  for  the  public 
good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  Governors  to  pass  Laws  of  immediate  and  pressing  importance, 
unless  suspended  in  their  operation  till  his  Assent  should  be  obtained;  and  when  so 
suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  Laws  for  the  accommodation  of  large  districts  of  people, 
unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right  of  Representation  in  the  Legislature,  a 
right  inestimable  to  them  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  uncomfortable,  and  dis- 
tant from  the  depository  of  their  public  Records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them 
into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  Representative  Houses  repeatedly,  for  opposing  with  manly  firm- 
ness his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time,  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause  others  to  be  elected; 
whereby  the  Legislative  powers,  incapable  of  Annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  People 

1631 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

at  large  for  their  exercise;  the  State  remaining  in  the  meantime  exposed  to  all  the 
dangers  of  invasion  from  without,  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  States;  for  that  purpose 
obstructing  the  Laws  for  Naturalization  of  Foreigners;  refusing  to  pass  others  to 
encourage  their  migrations  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  Appropriations 
of  Lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  Administration  of  Justice,  by  refusing  his  Assent  to  Laws  for 
establishing  Judiciary  Powers. 

He  has  made  Judges  dependent  on  his  Will  alone,  for  the  tenure  of  their  offices,  and 
the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  New  Offices,  and  sent  hither  swarms  of  Officers  to 
harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  Standing  Armies  without  the  Consent  of 
our  Legislature. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  Military  independent  of  and  superior  to  the  Civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to  our  constitu- 
tion, and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws;  giving  his  Assent  to  their  Acts  of  pretended 
Legislation : 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us. 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  Trial,  from  punishment  for  any  Murders  which  they 
should  commit  on  the  Inhabitants  of  these  States: 

For  cutting  off  our  Trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world : 

For  imposing  Taxes  on  us  without  our  Consent : 

For  depriving  us  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  Trial  by  jury: 

For  transporting  us  beyond  Seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offences : 

For  abolishing  the  free  System  of  English  Laws  in  a  neighboring  Province,  establish- 
ing therein  an  Arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging  its  Boundaries  so  as  to  render  it  at 
once  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into  these 
Colonies : 

For  taking  away  our  Charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable  Laws,  and  altering 
fundamentally  the  Forms  of  our  Governments : 

For  suspending  our  own  Legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves  invested  with  power 
to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  Government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  Protection  and  waging 
War  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  Coasts,  burnt  our  towns,  and  destroyed  the 
lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  Armies  of  foreign  Mercenaries  to  complete  the 
works  of  death,  desolation  and  tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumstances  of  Cruelty 
&  perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the 
Head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-Citizens  taken  captive  on  the  high  Seas  to  bear  Arms 
against  their  Country,  to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  Brethren,  or  to 
fall  themselves  by  their  Hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has  endeavored  to  bring  on 
the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers,  the  merciless  Indian  Savages,  whose  known  rule  of 
warfare,  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions. 

C643 


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en 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


In  every  stage  of  these  Oppressions  We  have  Petitioned  for  Redress  in  the  most 
humble  terms:  Our  repeated  Petitions  have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury. 
A  Prince,  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a  Tyrant,  is 
unlit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  British  brethren.  We  have  warned 
them  from  time  to  time  of  attempts  by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable 
jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigration 
and  settlement  here.  We  have  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and 
we  have  conjured  them  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred  to  disavow  these  usurpa- 
tions, which  would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections  and  correspondence.  They 
too  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore, 
acquiesce  in  the  necessity,  which  denounces  our  Separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold 
the  rest  of  mankind,  Enemies  in  War,  in  Peace  Friends. 

WE  THEREFORE,  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  General 
Congress,  Assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude 
of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the  Name,  and  by  authority  of  the  good  People  of  these 
Colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  That  these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  Right 
ought  to  be  free  and  independent  States;  that  they  are  Absolved  from  all  Allegiance 
to  the  British  Crown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them  and  the  State  of 
Great  Britain  is  and  ought  to  be  totally  dissolved;  and  that  as  free  and  independent 
States,  they  have  full  Power  to  levy  War,  conclude  Peace,  contract  Alliances,  establish 
Commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  Acts  and  Things  which  independent  States  may  of  right 
do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  Declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of 
Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  Lives,  our  Fortunes,  and  our 
sacred  Honor. 


Adams,  John 
Adams,  Samuel 
Bartlett,  Josiah 
Braxton,  Carter 
Carroll,  Charles 
Chase,  Samuel 
Clark,  Abraham 
Clymer,  George 
Ellery,  William 
Floyd,  William 
Franklin,  Benjamin 
Gerry,  Elbridge 
Gwinnett,  Button 
Hall,  Lyman 
Hancock,  John 
Harrison,  Benjamin 
Hart,  John 
Hewes,  Joseph 
Heyward,  Jr.,  Thomas 


Hooper,  William 
Hopkins,  Stephen 
Hopkinson,  Francis 
Huntington,  Samuel 
Jefferson,  Thomas 
Lee,  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  Francis  Lightfoot 
Lewis,  Francis 
Livingston,  Philip 
Lynch,  Jr.,  Thomas 
McKean,  Thomas 
Middleton,  Arthur 
Morris,  Lewis 
Morris,  Robert 
Morton,  John 
Nelson,  Jr.,  Thomas 
Paca,  William 
Paine,  Robert  Treat 
Penn,  John 


Read,  George 
Rodney,  Caesar 
Ross,  George 
Rush,  Benjamin 
Rutledge,  Edward 
Sherman,  Roger 
Smith,  James 
Stockton,  Richard 
Stone,  Thomas 
Taylor,  George 
Thornton,  Matthew 
Walton,  George 
Whipple,  William 
Williams,  William 
Wilson,  James 
Witherspoon,  John 
Wolcott,  Oliver 
Wythe,  George 


C65H 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION 

Ratified  by  the  last  of  the  States,  March  1st,  1781 

k  RTICLES  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union  between  the  States  of  New 
l\  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode   Island  and  Providence  Plantations, 
JTjL  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia. 

Article  I.    The  style  of  this  Confederacy  shall  be,  "The  United  States  of  America." 

Article  II.  Each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independence,  and  every 
power,  jurisdiction,  and  right,  which  is  not  by  this  Confederation  expressly  delegated 
to  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

Article  III.  The  said  States  hereby  severally  enter  into  a  firm  league  of  friendship 
with  each  other,  for  their  common  defence,  the  security  of  their  liberties,  and  their 
mutual  and  general  welfare,  binding  themselves  to  assist  each  other  against  all  force 
offered  to,  or  attacks  made  upon  them,  or  any  of  them,  on  account  of  religion,  sov- 
ereignty, trade,  or  any  other  pretence  whatever. 

Article  IV.  The  better  to  secure  and  perpetuate  mutual  friendship  and  intercourse 
among  the  people  of  the  different  States  in  this  Union,  the  free  inhabitants  of  each  of 
these  States,  paupers,  vagabonds,  and  fugitives  from  justice  excepted,  shall  be  entitled 
to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  free  citizens  in  the  several  States;  and  the  people 
of  each  State  shall  have  free  ingress  and  regress  to  and  from  any  other  State,  and  shall 
enjoy  therein  all  the  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce  subject  to  the  same  duties, 
impositions,  and  restrictions  as  the  inhabitants  thereof  respectively;  provided  that 
such  restrictions  shall  not  extend  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  removal  of  property  imported 
into  any  State  to  any  other  State  of  which  the  owner  is  an  inhabitant;  provided  also, 
that  no  imposition,  duties,  or  restriction  shall  be  laid  by  any  State  on  the  property  of 
the  United  States  or  either  of  them.  If  any  person  guilty  of,  or  charged  with,  treason, 
felony,  or  other  high  misdemeanor  in  any  State  shall  flee  from  justice  and  be  found  in 
any  of  the  United  States,  he  shall,  upon  demand  of  the  Governor  or  executive  power  of 
the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up  and  removed  to  the  State  having  jurisdic- 
tion of  his  offence.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  of  these  States  to  the 
records,  acts,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  the  courts  and  magistrates  of  every  other 
State. 

Article  V.  For  the  more  convenient  management  of  the  general  interests  of  the 
United  States,  delegates  shall  be  annually  appointed  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature 
of  each  State  shall  direct,  to  meet  in  Congress  on  the  first  Monday  in  November,  in 
every  year  with  a  power  reserved  to  each  State  to  recall  its  delegates,  or  any  of  them, 
at  any  time  within  the  year,  and  to  send  others  in  their  stead  for  the  remainder  of  the 
year.  No  State  shall  be  represented  in  Congress  by  less  than  two,  nor  by  more  than 
seven  members;  and  no  person  shall  be  capable  of  being  a  delegate  for  more  than 
three  years  in  any  term  of  six  years;  nor  shall  any  person,  being  a  delegate,  be  capable 
of  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  for  which  he,  or  another  for  his  benefit, 
receives  any  salary,  fees,  or  emolument  of  any  kind.  Each  State  shall  maintain  its 
own  delegates  in  any  meeting  of  the  States  and  while  they  act  as  members  of  the 

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ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

committee  of  the  States.  In  determining  questions  in  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  each  State  shall  have  one  vote.  Freedom  of  speech  and  debate  in  Con- 
gress shall  not  be  impeached  or  questioned  in  any  court  or  place  out  of  Congress;  and 
the  members  of  Congress  shall  be  protected  in  their  persons  from  arrests  and  imprison- 
ment during  the  time  of  their  going  to  and  from,  and  attendance  on,  Congress,  except 
for  treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace. 

Article  VI.  No  State,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress 
assembled,  shall  send  any  embassy  to,  or  receive  any  embassy  from,  or  enter  into  any 
conference,  agreement,  alliance,  or  treaty  with  any  king,  prince,  or  State;  nor  shall 
any  person  holding  any  ollice  of  profit  or  trust  under  the  United  States,  or  any  of 
them,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  ollice,  or  title  of  any  kind  whatever  from  any 
king,  prince,  or  foreign  State;  nor  shall  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  or 
any  of  them,  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

No  two  or  more  States  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  confederation,  or  alliance  what- 
ever between  them,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
specifying  accurately  the  purposes  for  which  the  same  is  to  be  entered  into,  and  how 
long  it  shall  continue. 

No  State  shall  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  which  may  interfere  with  any  stipulations  in 
treaties  entered  into  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  with  any  king,  prince, 
or  State,  in  pursuance  of  any  treaties  already  proposed  by  Congress  to  the  courts  of 
France  and  Spain. 

No  vessels  of  war  shall  be  kept  up  in  time  of  peace  by  any  State,  except  such  num- 
ber only  as  shall  be  deemed  necessary  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
for  the  defence  of  such  State  or  its  trade,  nor  shall  any  body  of  forces  be  kept  up 
by  any  State  in  time  of  peace,  except  such  number  only  as,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  be  deemed  requisite  to  garrison  the  forts 
necessary  for  the  defence  of  such  State;  but  every  State  shall  always  keep  up  a  well- 
regulated  and  disciplined  militia,  sufficiently  armed  and  accoutered,  and  shall  provide 
and  constantly  have  ready  for  use  in  public  stores  a  due  number  of  field-pieces  and 
tents,  and  a  proper  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  and  camp  equipage. 

No  State  shall  engage  in  any  war  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State  be  actually  invaded  by  enemies,  or  shall  have 
received  certain  advice  of  a  resolution  being  formed  by  some  nation  of  Indians  to 
invade  such  State,  and  the  danger  is  so  imminent  as  not  to  admit  of  a  delay  till  the 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  can  be  consulted;  nor  shall  any  State  grant 
commissions  to  any  ships  or  vessels  of  war,  nor  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal,  except 
it  be  after  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  and  then 
only  against  the  kingdom  or  state,  and  the  subjects  thereof,  against  which  war  has 
been  so  declared,  and  under  such  regulations  as  shall  be  established  by  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State  be  infested  by  pirates,  in  which  case 
vessels  of  war  may  be  fitted  out  for  that  occasion,  and  kept  so  long  as  the  danger 
shall  continue,  or  until  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  determine 
otherwise. 

Article  VII.  When  land  forces  are  raised  by  any  State  for  the  common  defence, 
all  officers  of  or  under  the  rank  of  colonel  shall  be  appointed  by  the  legislature  of 
each  State  respectively  by  whom  such  forces  shall  be  raised,  or  in  such  manner  as 
such  State  shall  direct,  and  all  vacancies  shall  be  filled  up  by  the  State  which  first 
made  the  appointment. 

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REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Article  VIII.  All  charges  of  war,  and  all  other  expenses  that  shall  be  incurred 
for  the  common  defence,  or  general  welfare,  and  allowed  by  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  shall  be  defrayed  out  of  a  common  treasury,  which  shall  be  sup- 
plied by  the  several  States  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  all  land  within  each  State, 
granted  to,  or  surveyed  for,  any  person,  as  such  land  and  the  buildings  and  improve- 
ments thereon  shall  be  estimated,  according  to  such  mode  as  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  shall,  from  time  to  time,  direct  and  appoint.  The  taxes  for 
paying  that  proportion  shall  be  laid  and  levied  by  the  authority  and  direction  of  the 
legislatures  of  the  several  States,  within  the  time  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States, 
in  Congress  assembled. 

Article  IX.  The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  have  the  sole  and 
exclusive  right  and  power  of  determining  on  peace  and  war,  except  in  the  cases  men- 
tioned in  the  sixth  Article;  of  sending  and  receiving  ambassadors;  entering  into 
treaties  and  alliances,  provided  that  no  treaty  of  commerce  shall  be  made,  whereby 
the  legislative  power  of  the  respective  States  shall  be  restrained  from  imposing  such 
imposts  and  duties  on  foreigners  as  their  own  people  are  subjected  to,  or  from  pro- 
hibiting the  exportation  or  importation  of  any  species  of  goods  or  commodities  what- 
ever; of  establishing  rules  for  deciding,  in  all  cases,  What  captures  on  land  and  water 
shall  be  legal,  and  in  what  manner  prizes  taken  by  land  or  naval  forces  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States  shall  be  divided  or  appropriated;  of  granting  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisal  in  times  of  peace;  appointing  courts  for  the  trial  of  piracies  and  felonies 
committed  on  the  high  seas;  and  establishing  courts  for  receiving  and  determining 
finally  appeals  in  all  cases  of  captures;  provided  that  no  member  of  Congress  shall  be 
appointed  a  judge  of  any  of  the  said  courts. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  also  be  the  last  resort  on  appeal  in 
all  disputes  and  differences  now  subsisting,  or  that  hereafter  may  arise  between  two  or 
more  States  concerning  boundary,  jurisdiction,  or  any  other  cause  whatever;  which 
authority  shall  always  be  exercised  in  the  manner  following:  Whenever  the  legislative 
or  executive  authority,  or  lawful  agent  of  any  State  in  controversy  with  another,  shall 
present  a  petition  to  Congress,  stating  the  matter  in  question,  and  praying  for  a  hear- 
ing, notice  thereof  shall  be  given  by  order  of  Congress  to  the  legislative  or  executive 
authority  of  the  other  State  in  controversy,  and  a  day  assigned  for  the  appearance  of 
the  parties  by  their  lawful  agents,  who  shall  then  be  directed  to  appoint,  by  joint  con- 
sent, commissioners  or  judges  to  constitute  a  court  for  hearing  and  determining  the 
matter  in  question;  but  if  they  cannot  agree,  Congress  shall  name  three  persons  out  of 
each  of  the  United  States,  and  from  the  list  of  such  persons  each  party  shall  alter- 
nately strike  out  one,  the  petitioners  beginning,  until  the  number  shall  be  reduced  to 
thirteen;  and  from  that  number  not  less  than  seven  nor  more  than  nine  names,  as 
Congress  shall  direct,  shall  in  the  presence  of  Congress  be  drawn  out  by  lot;  and 
the  persons  whose  names  shall  be  so  drawn,  or  any  five  of  them,  shall  be  commis- 
sioners or  judges,  to  hear  and  finally  determine  the  controversy,  so  always  as  a  major 
part  of  the  judges  who  shall  hear  the  cause  shall  agree  in  the  determination;  and  if 
either  party  shall  neglect  to  attend  at  the  day  appointed,  without  showing  reasons 
which  Congress  shall  judge  sufficient,  or  being  present,  shall  refuse  to  strike,  the  Con- 
gress shall  proceed  to  nominate  three  persons  out  of  each  State,  and  the  secretary  of 
Congress  shall  strike  in  behalf  of  such  party  absent  or  refusing;  and  the  judgment  and 
sentence  of  the  court,  to  be  appointed  in  the  manner  before  prescribed,  shall  be  final 
and  conclusive;  and  if  any  of  the  parties  shall  refuse  to  submit  to  the  authority  of 

C683 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

such  court,  or  to  appear  or  defend  their  claim  or  cause,  the  court  shall  nevertheless 
proceed  to  pronounce  sentence  or  judgment,  which  shall  in  like  manner  be  final  and 
decisive;  the  judgment  or  sentence  and  other  proceedings  being  in  either  case  trans- 
mitted to  Congress,  and  lodged  among  the  Acts  of  Congress  for  the  security  of  the 
parties  concerned;  provided,  that  every  commissioner,  before  he  sits  in  judgment, 
shall  take  an  oath,  to  be  administered  by  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  or  Supe- 
rior Court  of  the  State  where  the  cause  shall  be  tried,  "well  and  truly  to  hear  and 
determine  the  matter  in  question,  according  to  the  best  of  his  judgment,  without  favor, 
affection,  or  hope  of  reward."  Provided,  also,  that  no  State  shall  be  prived  of  terri- 
tory for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States. 

All  controversies  concerning  the  private  right  of  soil  claimed  under  different 
grants  of  two  or  more  States,  whose  jurisdictions,  as  they  may  respect  such  lands  and 
the  States  which  passed  such  grants,  are  adjusted,  the  said  grants  or  either  of  them 
being  at  the  same  time  claimed  to  have  originated  antecedent  to  such  settlement  of 
jurisdiction,  shall,  on  the  petition  of  either  party  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
be  finally  determined,  as  near  as  may  be,  in  the  same  manner  as  is  before  prescribed 
for  deciding  disputes  respecting  territorial  jurisdiction  between  different  States. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  also  have  the  sole  and  exclusive 
right  and  power  of  regulating  the  alloy  and  value  of  coin  struck  by  their  own  author- 
ity, or  by  that  of  the  respective  States;  fixing  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures 
throughout  the  United  States;  regulating  the  trade  and  managing  all  affairs  with  the 
Indians,  not  members  of  any  of  the  States;  provided  that  the  legislative  right  of  any 
State,  within  its  own  limits,  be  not  infringed  or  violated;  establishing  and  regulating 
post-offices  from  one  State  to  another,  throughout  all  the  United  States,  and  exacting 
such  postage  on  the  papers  passing  through  the  same  as  may  be  requisite  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  the  said  office;  appointing  all  officers  of  the  land  forces  in  the  service  of 
the  United  States,  excepting  regimental  officers;  appointing  all  the  officers  of  the 
naval  forces,  and  commissioning  all  officers  whatever  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States;  making  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  said  land  and  naval 
forces,  and  directing  their  operations. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  have  authority  to  appoint  a  com- 
mittee, to  sit  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  to  be  denominated,  "A  Committee  of  the 
States,"  and  to  consist  of  one  delegate  from  each  State,  and  to  appoint  such  other 
committees  and  civil  officers  as  may  be  necessary  for  managing  the  general  affairs  of 
the  United  States  under  their  direction;  to  appoint  one  of  their  number  to  preside; 
provided  that  no  person  be  allowed  to  serve  in  the  office  of  president  more  than  one 
year  in  any  term  of  three  years;  to  ascertain  the  necessary  sums  of  money  to  be  raised 
for  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  to  appropriate  and  apply  the  same  for  defray- 
ing the  public  expenses;  to  borrow  money  or  emit  bills  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States,  transmitting  every  half  year  to  the  respective  States  an  account  of  the  sums  of 
money  so  borrowed  or  emitted;  to  build  and  equip  a  navy;  to  agree  upon  the  number 
of  land  forces,  and  to  make  requisitions  from  each  State  for  its  quota,  in  proportion  to 
the  number  of  white  inhabitants  in  such  State,  which  requisition  shall  be  binding;  and 
thereupon  the  legislature  of  each  State  shall  appoint  the  regimental  officers,  raise  the 
men,  and  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  them  in  a  soldier-like  manner,  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States;  and  the  officers  and  men  so  clothed,  armed,  and  equipped,  shall  march 
to  the  place  appointed,  and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United  States,  in  Con- 
gress assembled;  but  if  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall,  on  considera- 
te 3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

tion  of  circumstances,  judge  proper  that  any  State  should  not  raise  men,  or  should 
raise  a  smaller  number  than  its  quota,  and  that  any  other  State  should  raise  a  greater 
number  of  men  than  the  quota  thereof,  such  extra  number  shall  be  raised,  officered, 
clothed,  armed,  and  equipped  in  the  same  manner  as  the  quota  of  such  State,  unless  the 
legislature  of  such  State  shall  judge  that  such  extra  number  cannot  be  safely  spared 
out  of  the  same,  in  which  case  they  shall  raise,  officer,  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  as  many 
of  such  extra  number  as  they  judge  can  be  safely  spared,  and  the  officers  and  men  so 
clothed,  armed,  and  equipped  shall  march  to  the  place  appointed,  and  within  the  time 
agreed  on  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  never  engage  in  a  war,  nor  grant 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  time  of  peace,  nor  enter  into  any  treaties  or  alliances, 
nor  coin  money,  nor  regulate  the  value  thereof,  nor  ascertain  the  sums  and  expenses 
necessary  for  the  defence  and  welfare  of  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them,  nor  emit 
bills,  nor  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  nor  appropriate  money, 
nor  agree  upon  the  number  of  vessels  of  war  to  be  built  or  purchased,  or  the  number 
of  land  or  sea  forces  to  be  raised,  nor  appoint  a  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  or 
navy,  unless  nine  States  assent  to  the  same,  nor  shall  a  question  on  any  other  point, 
except  for  adjourning  from  day  to  day,  be  determined,  unless  by  the  votes  of  a  majority 
of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  have  power  to  adjourn  to  any  time  within  the 
year,  and  to  any  place  within  the  United  States,  so  that  no  period  of  adjournment  be 
for  a  longer  duration  than  the  space  of  six  months,  and  shall  publish  the  journal  of 
their  proceedings  monthly,  except  such  parts  thereof  relating  to  treaties,  alliances,  or 
military  operations  as  in  their  judgment  require  secrecy;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the 
delegates  of  each  State,  on  any  question,  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal  when  it  is 
desired  by  any  delegate;  and  the  delegates  of  a  State,  or  any  of  them,  at  his  or  their 
request,  shall  be  furnished  with  a  transcript  of  the  said  journal  except  such  parts  as  are 
above  excepted,  to  lay  before  the  legislatures  of  the  several  States. 

Article  X.  The  committee  of  the  States,  or  any  nine  of  them,  shall  be  authorized 
to  execute,  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  such  of  the  powers  of  Congress  as  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  by  the  consent  of  nine  States,  shall,  from  time  to  time, 
think  expedient  to  vest  them  with;  provided  that  no  power  be  delegated  to  the  said 
committee,  for  the  exercise  of  which,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  the  voice  of 
nine  States  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  assembled  is  requisite. 

Article  XL  Canada,  acceding  to  this  Confederation,  and  joining  in  the  measures 
of  the  United  States,  shall  be  admitted  into,  and  entitled  to  all  the  advantages  of  this 
Union;  but  no  other  colony  shall  be  admitted  into  the  same,  unless  such  admission  be 
agreed  to  by  nine  States. 

Article  XII.  All  bills  of  credit  emitted,  moneys  borrowed,  and  debts  contracted 
by  or  under  the  authority  of  Congress,  before  the  assembling  of  the  United  States,  in 
pursuance  of  the  present  Confederation,  shall  be  deemed  and  considered  as  a  charge 
against  the  United  States,  for  payment  and  satisfaction  whereof  the  said  United  States 
and  the  public  faith  are  hereby  solemnly  pledged. 

Article  XIII.  Every  State  shall  abide  by  the  determinations  of  the  United  States, 
in  Congress  assembled,  on  all  questions  which  by  this  Confederation  are  submitted  to 
them.  And  the  Articles  of  this  Confederation  shall  be  inviolably  observed  by  every 
State,  and  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual;  nor  shall  any  alteration  at  any  time  here- 
to:] 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

alter  be  made  in  any  of  them,  unless  such  alteration  be  agreed  to  in  a  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  be  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  legislatures  of  every  State. 

And  whereas  it  hath  pleased  the  great  Governor  of  the  world  to  incline  the  hearts 
of  the  legislatures  we  respectively  represent  in  Congress  to  approve  of,  and  to  author- 
ize us  to  ratify,  the  said  Articles  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  Union,  know  ye,  that 
we,  the  undersigned  delegates,  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  to  us  given  for 
that  purpose,  do,  by  these  presents,  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  our  respective  con- 
stituents, fully  and  entirely  ratify  and  confirm  each  and  every  of  the  said  Articles  of 
Confederation  and  perpetual  Union,  and  all  and  singular  the  matters  and  things 
therein  contained.  And  we  do  further  solemnly  plight  and  engage  the  faith  of  our 
respective  constituents,  that  they  shall  abide  by  the  determinations  of  the  United  States, 
in  Congress  assembled,*  on  all  questions  which  by  the  said  Confederation  are  submitted 
to  them;  and  that  the  articles  thereof  shall  be  inviolably  observed  by  the  States  we 
respectively  represent,  and  that  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual.  In  witness  whereof, 
we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands  in  Congress.  Done  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania,  the  ninth  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1778,  and  in  the  third 
year  of  the  Independence  of  America. 

*THE  IMPORTANT  ENACTMENT  OF  THE  CONGRESS  OF 
THE  CONFEDERATION 

The  Congress  of  the  Confederation  laid  the  ground,  by  enacting  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  both  for 
the  Constitution  and  the  logic  of  the  struggle  for  a  free  and  united  nation  by  The  Republican  Party. 

"The  Treaty  of  Paris  was  promptly  ratified  by  the  Congress  whose  orders  had  been  so  flagrantly  violated  In  the 
negotiation  of  it,  and  the  Confederation  of  states  entered  upon  the  possession  of  the  western  domain.  Perhaps,  we 
should  say  that  the  states,  rather  than  the  Confederation,  did  so.  For  there  was  as  yet  no  nation,  and  there  was  no 
national  domain.  The  region  west  of  the  mountains  was  largely  claimed  by  individual  states.  At  the  time  of  the 
Treaty  of  Paris  the  division  of  territory  was  substantially  as  follows:  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  New  Jersey, 
Delaware,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland  had  their  present  boundaries.  Massachusetts  had  her  present  area,  and  in 
addition  what  is  now  the  state  of  Maine,  all  of  what  is  now  New  York  west  of  Utlca  and  south  of  Cape  Vincent,  the 
southern  parts  of  Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  and  the  northern  part  of  Illinois.  Connecticut  In  addition  to  her  present 
area  had  a  broad  strip  extending  from  Pennsylvania  to  the  Mississippi  River  across  the  northern  parts  of  Ohio,  In- 
diana, and  Illinois.  New  York  had  claimed,  in  addition  to  the  eastern  part  of  her  present  state,  all  of  Vermont,  the 
northern  parts  of  Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  and  the  eastern  third  of  Minnesota,  but  in  1781,  anticipating  subsequent 
events,  had  ceded  those  western  regions  to  the  Confederation,  thus  laying  the  foundation  of  a  federal  domain  and  set- 
ting an  example  of  incalculable  importance.  Virginia  had  her  present  area,  and  also  West  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and 
the  southern  parts  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois.  She  had,  by  the  way,  offered,  in  January,  1781,  to  give  all  her  lands 
north  of  the  Ohio  River  to  the  Confederacy,  thus  anticipating  New  York's  cession,  but  the  actual  transfer  was  not 
made  until  1784.  North  Carolina  had  her  present  area  and  Tennessee.  South  Carolina,  in  addition  to  her  present 
stale,  had  a  narrow  strip  just  south  of  Tennessee,  running  across  the  northern  ends  of  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Missis- 
sippi to  the  Mississippi  River.  Georgia  had  her  present  area,  excepting  the  South  Carolina  strip,  and  also  Alabama 
and  Mississippi  north  of  the  Florida  line. 

"lleginning  with  New  York  on  March  1,  1781,  and  followed  by  Virginia  on  March  1,  1781,  state  after  state  relin- 
l|atshfl<]  the  western  lands  to  the  Confederation,  and  thus  established  a  national  domain,  owned  and  administered  by 
all  the  slates  in  common.  The  importance  of  this  action  upon  the  development  of  a  national  spirit,  national  institu- 
tions, and  the  nation  itself,  is  not  easily  to  be  overestimated.  The  common  ownership  of  enormous  properties  was  a 
strong  bond  of  union,  and  a  potent  force,  making  for  still  more  complete  unification.  The  result  of  Clark's  adven- 
tures and  of  Jay's  strenuous  diplomacy  was,  therefore,  not  only  the  acquisition  of  territory  but  the  development  of 
nnlionnlity. 

"It  was  even  more  than  that.  It  in  a  measure  shaped  the  fundamental  policy  of  the  nation  that  was  to  be.  It  was 
Virginia,  under  the  lead  of  Jefferson,  then  her  governor,  that  first  offered  to  the  Confederation  the  lands  north  of  the 
Ohio.  Later,  when  the  cession  to  the  general  government  had  actually  been  effected,  it  was  Virginia,  also  under  Jeffer- 
son's lead,  that  moved  for  the  establishment  of  an  organised  government  over  those  lands.  The  Ordinance  of  1787, 
for  the  government  of  the  Northwest  Territory,  was  one  of  the  most  important  pieces  of  legislation  made  by  the  Con- 
gress of  the  Confederation.  Daniel  Webster  doubted  'whether  one  single  law  of  any  lawgiver,  ancient  or  modern,  has 
produced  effects  of  more  distinct,  marked,  and  lasting  character.'  George  F.  Hoar  has  declared  that  It  'belongs  with 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution*  as  'one  of  the  three  title  deeds  of  American  constitutional  liberty.' 

"These  lofty  estimates  are  not  overdrawn.  It  was  that  ordinance  that  established  the  principle  of  congressional 
government  of  territories  belonging  to  the  United  States  but  not  yet  incorporated  into  the  Union,  and  that  provided  for 
the  creation  of  states  out  of  territories,  and  for  their  admission  Into  the  Union.  The  ordinance  also  provided  that 
after  the  year  1800  human  slavery  should  not  exist  north  of  the   Ohio   River,  a  provision   which   formed  the   corner- 

C713 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

stone  of  the  free  state  power  of  the  North,  and  which  half  a  century  later  led  to  results  of  vast  Importance.  We  have 
said  that  Jefferson  was  the  author  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  It  was  not  adopted  just  as  he  would  have  had  it.  He  ear- 
nestly urged  the  application  of  the  anti-slavery  clause  to  the  territory  south  of  the  Ohio,  too.  Had  his  counsel  pre- 
vailed, the  slavery  question  would  have  been  settled  and  disposed  of  at  the  very  beginning  of  our  national  life.  We 
may  smile  at  Jefferson's  fantastic  proposals  to  call  the  new  transmontane  states  by  such  names  as  Assenisipia,  Met- 
ropotamia,  Polypotamia,  Pelisipia,  and  Illinoia.  They  were  survivals  of  his  green  and  salad  days  when  he  habitu- 
ally referred  to  his  adored  Belinda  as  'Campana  in  Die* — a  polyglot  pun  almost  deserving  of  capital  punishment.  But 
.we  must  rank  among  the  great  glories  of  his  career  his  strenuous  support  of  Clark's  conquest  of  the  northwest,  and 
his  statesmanlike  leadership  in  giving  to  that  region  a  free  republican  constitution  and  in  opening  to  it  the  doors  of 
the  Federal  Union.  Of  a  truth,  expansion  was  well  provided  for,  even  before  we  became  a  nation.  The  possibility  of 
ten  new  states  was  secured  to  us,  and  the  transformation  of  the  Confederation  into  a  Federal  Union,  and  of  the  colonies 
into  a  nation,  was  irrevocably  assured." 

From  "A  Century  of  Expansion,"  by  Willis  Fletcher  Johnson. 

"Concerning  the  authorship  of  this  important  document  there  has  been  much  discussion.  On  this  interesting  ques- 
tion there  seems  to  have  been  little  comment  at  the  time,  for  the  Ordinance  was  passed  by  a  moribund  Congress,  from 
which  most  of  the  talent  was  already  withdrawn.  Credit  has  at  times  been  ascribed  to  Cutler,  and  one  might  expect 
to  And  in  his  detailed  journal  full  information  on  the  whole  subject.  He  took  a  lively  interest  in  his  journey  to  New 
York,  but  he  describes  in  his  diary  everything  but  the  one  thing  which  we  should  like  to  know;  he  tells  of  wine  din- 
ners, of  pleasant  companions,  of  entertaining  and  well-dressed  young  women,  but  of  the  excellences  of  this  fundamen- 
tal Ordinance  he  says  nothing  at  all.  He  did  propose  some  amendments  to  the  report  pending  in  Congress;  he  did 
meet  the  committee  in  charge;  and  he  may  well  have  advocated  the  insertion  of  the  fundamental  maxims  of  liberty, 
for  he  well  knew  the  monetary  value  of  having  it  well  understood  that  certain  principles  of  freedom  were  to  obtain 
in  the  western  country;  but  his  diary  would  lead  one  to  think  that  it  was  the  shrewd  bargain  for  the  purchase  of  land 
that  filled  his  mind  and  thoughts. 

"Nathan  Dane,  a  member  of  Congress  and  of  the  committee,  claimed  in  his  later  years  the  credit  of  the  authorship, 
and  his  case  is  fairly  clear.  He  may  have  been  influenced  by  Cutler;  he  was  surely  influenced  by  other  men,  for  a 
large  part  of  the  Ordinance  was  a  condensation  of  portions  of  the  Massachusetts  constitution  of  1780;  but  he,  more 
than  any  other  man,  draughted  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  and  his  name  should  not  be  forgotten  in  the  list  of  makers  of 
the  American  nation.  Credit  should  also  be  given  to  Rufus  King,  who,  though  not  in  Congress  when  the  Ordinance 
was  passed,  was  at  least  responsible  in  part  for  the  most  famous  clause  in  it,  the  clause  prohibiting  slavery.  But  of 
course,  when  all  is  said,  the  credit  of  authorship  cannot  be  given  to  two  or  three  men;  the  significance  of  the  Ordi- 
nance lies  in  the  fact  that  it  was  the  result  of  a  long  effort  to  settle  the  western  question.  In  many  of  its  essentials 
it  was — like  other  great  historical  documents  momentous  in  human  annals — the  product  of  years.  It  crystallized  the 
principles  of  colonial  organization  about  which  men  had  been  disputing  for  a  generation." 

From  "The  American  Nation:  A  History,"  edited  by  Albert  Bushnell  Hart,  Vol.  10, 
"The  Confederation  and  the  Constitution,"  by  Andrew  C.  McLaughlin,  page  12k. 

"The  judgment  of  the  Court  was  that  Dred  Scott  was  not  a  citizen  of  Missouri  in  the  sense  in  which  'citizen*  is  used 
in  the  Constitution;  that  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States  for  that  reason  had  no  Jurisdiction  in  the  case  and 
could  give  no  judgment,  and  that  its  Judgment  therefore  must  be  reversed  and  a  mandate  issued  directing  the  suit  to 
be  dismissed  for  want  of  jurisdiction.  With  this,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Republicans,  the  court  should  have  stopped. 
The  only  question  before  it  was,  Is  Dred  Scott  a  citizen  of  the  United  States?  No  justice  of  the  court  had  a  right  to 
discuss,  decide,  or  even  express  an  opinion  on  any  other  question.  Yet  the  five  pro-slavery  justices,  laying  aside  de- 
corum and  usage,  had  given  opinions  on  Ave  constitutional  questions  of  vital  importance  to  the  free  States  of  the 
Union.  Three  held  that  the  ordinance  of  1787  was  valid  under  the  articles  of  confederation,  but  expired  with  them, 
and  the  act  of  Congress  confirming  it  was  void  because  Congress  had  no  authority  under  the  Constitution  to  legislate 
for  the  Territories." 

From  "History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,"  by  John  Bach  McMaster,  Vol.  S,  page  2S0. 


£723 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


THE  NORTHWEST  ORDINANCE  OF  1787 

AN  ORDINANCE  FOR  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  TERRITORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

NORTHWEST  OF  THE  RIVER  OHIO 

Section  1. — Be  it  ordained  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  said 
Territory,  for  the  purpose  of  temporary  government,  be  one  district,  subject,  however, 
to  be  divided  into  two  districts,  as  future  circumstances  may,  in  the  opinion  of  Congress, 
make  it  expedient. 

Section  2 — Be  it  ordained  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  the  estates  both  of  resident 
and  non-resident  proprietors  in  the  said  territory,  dying  intestate,  shall  descend  to, 
and  be  distributed  among  their  children  and  the  descendants  of  a  deceased  child  in 
equal  parts  among  them;  and  where  there  shall  be  no  children  or  descendants,  then 
in  equal  parts  to  the  next  of  kin,  in  equal  degree;  and  among  collaterals,  the  children 
of  a  deceased  brother  or  sister  of  the  intestate  shall  have,  in  equal  parts  among  them, 
their  deceased  parent's  share;  and  there  shall,  in  no  case,  be  a  distinction  between 
kindred  of  the  whole  and  half  blood;  saving  in  all  cases  to  the  widow  of  the  intestate, 
her  third  part  of  the  real  estate  for  life,  and  one-third  part  of  the  personal  estate;  and 
this  law  relative  to  descents  and  dower,  shall  remain  in  full  force  until  altered  by 
the  legislature  of  the  district.  And  until  the  governor  and  judges  shall  adopt  laws  as 
hereinafter  mentioned,  estates  in  the  said  territory  may  be  devised  or  bequeathed 
by  wills  in  writing,  signed  and  sealed  by  him  or  her  in  whom  the  estate  may  be  (being 
of  full  age),  and  attested  by  three  witnesses;  and  real  estates  may  be  conveyed  by  lease 
and  release,  or  bargain  and  sale,  signed,  sealed,  and  delivered  by  the  person,  being  of 
full  age,  in  whom  the  estate  may  be,  and  attested  by  two  witnesses,  provided  such  wills 
be  duly  proved,  and  such  conveyances  be  acknowledged,  or  the  execution  thereof  duly 
proved,  and  be  recorded  within  one  year  after  proper  magistrates,  courts,  and  regis- 
ters, shall  be  appointed  for  that  purpose;  and  personal  property  may  be  transferred 
by  delivery,  saving,  however,  to  the  French  and  Canadian  inhabitants,  and  other 
settlers  of  the  Kaskaskies,  Saint  Vincents,  and  the  neighboring  villages,  who  have  here- 
tofore professed  themselves  citizens  of  Virginia,  their  laws  and  customs  now  in  force 
among  them,  relative  to  the  descent  and  conveyance  of  property. 

Section  3 — Be  it  ordained  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  there  shall  be  appointed, 
from  time  to  time,  by  Congress,  a  governor,  whose  commission  shall  continue  in  force 
for  the  term  of  three  years,  unless  sooner  revoked  by  Congress;  he  shall  reside  in  the 
district,  and  have  a  freehold  estate  therein,  in  one  thousand  acres  of  land,  while  in  the 
exercise  of  his  office. 

Section  4 — There  shall  be  appointed  from  time  to  time,  by  Congress,  a  secretary,  whose 
commission  shall  continue  in  force  for  four  years,  unless  sooner  revoked;  he  shall 
reside  in  the  district,  and  have  a  freehold  estate  therein,  in  five  hundred  acres  of  land, 
while  in  the  exercise  of  his  office.  It  shall  be  his  duty  to  keep  and  preserve  the  acts 
and  laws  passed  by  the  legislature,  and  the  public  records  of  the  district,  and  the 
proceedings  of  the  governor  in  his  executive  department,  and  transmit  authentic  copies 

C73H 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

of  such  acts  and  proceedings  every  six  months  to  the  Secretary  of  Congress.  There 
shall  also  be  appointed  a  court,  to  consist  of  three  judges,  any  two  of  whom  to  form  a 
court,  who  shall  have  a  common-law  jurisdiction  and  reside  in  the  district,  and  have 
each  therein  a  freehold  estate,  in  five  hundred  acres  of  land,  while  in  the  exercise  of 
their  offices;  and  their  commission  shall  continue  in  force  during  good  behavior. 

Section  5 — The  governor  and  judges,  or  a  majority  of  them,  shall  adopt  and  publish 
in  the  district  such  laws  of  the  original  States,  criminal  and  civil,  as  may  be  necessary, 
and  best  suited  to  the  circumstances  of  the  district,  and  report  them  to  Congress  from 
time  to  time,  which  laws  shall  be  in  force  in  the  district  until  the  organization  of  the 
general  assembly  therein,  unless  disapproved  of  by  Congress;  but  afterwards  the  legis- 
lature shall  have  authority  to  alter  them  as  they  shall  think  iit. 

Section  6 — The  governor,  for  the  time  being,  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  militia, 
appoint  and  commission  all  officers  in  the  same  below  the  rank  of  general  officers;  all 
general  officers  shall  be  appointed  and  commissioned  by  Congress. 
Section  7 — Previous  to  the  organization  of  the  general  assembly  the  governor  shall 
appoint  such  magistrates,  and  other  civil  officers,  in  each  county  or  township,  as  he 
shall  find  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace  and  good  order  in  the  same. 
After  the  general  assembly  shall  be  organized  the  powers  and  duties  of  magistrates 
and  other  civil  officers  shall  be  regulated  and  defined  by  the  said  assembly;  but  all 
magistrates  and  other  civil  officers,  not  herein  otherwise  directed,  shall,  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  this  temporary  government,  be  appointed  by  the  governor. 
Section  8 — For  the  prevention  of  crimes,  and  injuries,  the  laws  to  be  adopted  or  made 
shall  have  force  in  all  parts  of  the  district,  and  for  the  execution  of  process,  criminal 
and  civil,  the  governor  shall  make  proper  divisions  thereof;  and  he  shall  proceed, 
from  time  to  time,  as  circumstances  may  require,  to  lay  out  the  parts  of  the  district  in 
which  the  Indian  titles  shall  have  been  extinguished,  into  counties  and  townships, 
subject,  however,  to  such  alterations  as  may  thereafter  be  made  by  the  legislature. 
Section  9— So  soon  as  there  shall  be  five  thousand  free  male  inhabitants,  of  full 
age,  in  the  district,  upon  giving  proof  thereof  to  the  governor,  they  shall  receive 
authority,  with  time  and  place,  to  elect  representatives  from  their  counties  or  town- 
ships, to  represent  them  in  the  general  assembly :  Provided,  That  for  every  five  hundred 
free  male  inhabitants  there  shall  be  one  representative,  and  so  on,  progressively,  with 
the  number  of  free  male  inhabitants,  shall  the  right  of  representation  increase,  until 
the  number  of  representatives  shall  amount  to  twenty-five;  after  which  the  number 
and  proportion  of  representatives  shall  be  regulated  by  the  legislature;  Provided,  That 
no  person  be  eligible  or  qualified  to  act  as  a  representative,  unless  he  shall  have  been 
a  citizen  of  one  of  the  United  States  three  years,  and  be  a  resident  in  the  district,  or 
unless  he  shall  have  resided  in  the  district  three  years;  and,  in  either  case,  shall  like- 
wise hold  in  his  own  right,  in  fee-simple,  two  hundred  acres  of  land  within  the  same; 
Provided  also,  That  a  freehold  in  fifty  acres  of  land  in  the  district,  having  been  a 
citizen  of  one  of  the  States,  and  being  resident  in  the  district,  or  the  like  freehold  and 
two  years'  residence  in  the  district,  shall  be  necessary  to  qualify  a  man  as  an  elector 
of  a  representative. 

Section  10 — The  representatives  thus  elected  shall  serve  for  the  term  of  two  years;  and 
in  case  of  the  death  of  a  representative,  or  removal  from  office,  the  governor  shall 
issue  a  writ  to  the  county  or  township,  for  which  he  was  a  member,  to  elect  another 
in  his  stead,  to  serve  for  the  residue  of  the  term. 

C743 


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ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

Section  11 — The  general  assembly,  or  legislature,  shall  consist  of  the  governor,  legis- 
lative council,  and  a  house  of  representatives.  The  legislative  council  shall  consist 
of  five  members,  to  continue  in  office  five  years,  unless  sooner  removed  by  Congress; 
any  three  of  whom  to  be  a  quorum;  and  the  members  of  the  council  shall  be  nominated 
and  appointed  in  the  following  manner,  to  wit:  As  soon  as  representatives  shall  be 
elected  the  governor  shall  appoint  a  time  and  place  for  them  to  meet  together,  and 
when  met  they  shall  nominate  ten  persons,  resident  in  the  district,  and  each  possessed 
of  a  freehold  in  five  hundred  acres  of  land,  and  return  their  names  to  Congress,  five 
of  whom  Congress  shall  appoint  and  commission  to  serve  as  aforesaid;  and  whenever 
a  vacancy  shall  happen  in  the  council,  by  death  or  removal  from  office,  the  house  of 
representatives  shall  nominate  two  persons,  qualified  as  aforesaid,  for  each  vacancy, 
and  return  their  names  to  Congress,  one  of  whom  Congress  shall  appoint  and  com- 
mission for  the  residue  of  the  term;  and  every  five  years,  four  months  at  least  before 
the  expiration  of  the  time  of  service  of  the  members  of  the  council,  the  said  house 
shall  nominate  ten  persons,  qualified  as  aforesaid,  and  return  their  names  to  Congress, 
five  of  whom  Congress  shall  appoint  and  commission  to  serve  as  members  of  the  coun- 
cil five  years,  unless  sooner  removed.  And  the  governor,  legislative  council,  and  house 
of  representatives  shall  have  authority  to  make  laws  in  all  cases  for  the  good  govern- 
ment of  the  district,  not  repugnant  to  the  principles  and  articles  in  this  ordinance 
established  and  declared.  And  all  bills,  having  passed  by  a  majority  in  the  house,  and 
by  a  majority  in  the  council,  shall  be  referred  to  the  governor  for  his  assent,  but  no 
bill,  or  legislative  act  whatever,  shall  be  of  any  force  without  his  assent.  The  governor 
shall  have  power  to  convene,  prorogue,  and  dissolve  the  general  assembly  when,  in 
his  opinion,  it  shall  be  expedient. 

Seciion  12 — The  governor,  judges,  legislative  council,  secretary  and  such  other  officers 
as  Congress  shall  appoint  in  the  district,  shall  take  an  oath  or  affirmation  of  fidelity, 
and  of  office;  the  governor  before  the  President  of  Congress,  and  all  other  officers 
before  the  governor.  As  soon  as  a  legislature  shall  be  formed  in  the  district,  the  council 
and  house  assembled,  in  one  room,  shall  have  authority,  by  joint  ballot,  to  elect  a 
delegate  to  Congress,  who  shall  have  a  seat  in  Congress,  with  a  right  of  debating,  but 
not  of  voting,  during  this  temporary  government. 

Section  13 — And  for  extending  the  fundamental  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
which  form  the  basis  whereon  these  republics,  their  laws  and  constitutions,  are 
erected;  to  fix  and  establish  those  principles  as  the  basis  of  all  laws,  constitutions,  and 
governments,  which  forever  hereafter  shall  be  formed  in  the  said  territory;  to  provide, 
also,  for  the  establishment  of  States,  and  permanent  government  therein,  and  for  their 
admission  to  a  share  in  the  Federal  councils  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original 
States,  at  as  early  periods  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  general  interest: 

Section  Ik — It  is  hereby  ordained  and  declared,  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  the 
following  articles  shall  be  considered  as  articles  of  compact,  between  the  original 
States  and  the  people  and  States  in  the  said  territory,  and  forever  remain  unalterable, 
unless  by  common  consent,  to  wit: 

Article  1 

No  person,  demeaning  himself  in  a  peaceable  and  orderly  manner,  shall  ever  be 
molested  on  account  of  his  mode  of  worship,  or  religious  sentiments,  in  the  said 
territory. 

C75] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Article  2 
The  inhabitants  of  the  said  territory  shall  always  be  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  the 
writs  of  habeas  corpus,  and  of  the  trial  of  the  jury;  of  a  proportionate  representation 
of  the  people  in  the  legislature,  and  of  judicial  proceedings  according  to  the  course 
of  the  common  law.  All  persons  shall  be  bailable,  unless  for  capital  offences,  where 
the  proof  shall  be  evident,  or  the  presumption  great.  All  fines  shall  be  moderate;  and 
no  cruel  or  unusual  punishments  shall  be  inflicted.  No  man  shall  be  deprived  of  his 
liberty  or  property,  but  by  the  judgment  of  his  peers,  or  the  law  of  the  land,  and  should 
the  public  exigencies  make  it  necessary,  for  the  common  preservation,  to  take  any 
person's  property,  or  to  demand  his  particular  services,  full  compensation  shall  be 
made  for  the  same.  And,  in  the  just  preservation  of  rights  and  property,  it  is  under- 
stood and  declared,  that  no  law  ought  ever  to  be  made  or  have  force  in  the  said  terri- 
tory, that  shall,  in  any  manner  whatever,  interfere  with  or  affect  private  contracts,  or 
engagements,  bona  fide,  and  without  fraud  previously  formed. 

Article  3 

Religion,  morality,  and  knowledge  being  necessary  to  good  government  and  the 
happiness  of  mankind,  schools  and  the  means  of  education  shall  be  forever  encouraged. 
The  utmost  good  faith  shall  always  be  observed  towards  the  Indians;  their  lands  and 
property  shall  never  be  taken  from  them  without  their  consent;  and  in  their  property, 
rights,  and  liberty  they  never  shall  be  invaded  or  disturbed,  unless  in  just  and  lawful 
wars  authorized  by  Congress;  but  laws  founded  in  justice  and  humanity  shall,  from 
time  to  time,  be  made,  for  preventing  wrongs  being  done  to  them,  and  for  preserving 
peace  and  friendship  with  them. 

Article  4 

The  said  territory,  and  the  States  which  may  be  formed  therein,  shall  forever  remain 
a  part  of  this  confederacy  of  the  United  States  of  America,  subject  to  the  articles  of 
Confederation,  and  to  such  alterations  therein  as  shall  be  constitutionally  made;  and 
to  all  the  acts  and  ordinances  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  conformable 
thereto.  The  inhabitants  and  settlers  in  the  said  territory  shall  be  subject  to  pay  a 
part  of  the  Federal  debts,  contracted,  or  to  be  contracted,  and  a  proportional  part  of 
the  expenses  of  government  to  be  apportioned  on  them  by  Congress,  according  to  the 
same  common  rule  and  measure  by  which  apportionments  thereof  shall  be  laid  and 
levied  by  the  authority  and  direction  of  the  legislatures  of  the  district,  or  districts,  or 
new  States,  as  in  the  original  States,  within  the  time  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled.  The  legislatures  of  those  districts,  or  new  States,  shall  never 
interfere  with  the  primary  disposal  of  the  soil  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  as- 
sembled, nor  with  any  regulations  Congress  may  find  necessary  for  securing  the  title 
in  such  soil  to  the  bona-fide  purchasers.  No  tax  shall  be  imposed  on  lands  the  prop- 
erty of  the  United  States;  and  in  no  case  shall  non-resident  proprietors  be  taxed  higher 
than  residents.  The  navigable  waters  leading  into  the  Mississippi  and  Saint  Lawrence, 
and  the  carrying  places  between  the  same,  shall  be  common  highways,  and  forever 
free,  as  well  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  territory  as  to  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  those  of  any  other  States  that  may  be  admitted  into  the  confederacy,  with- 
out any  tax,  impost,  or  duty  therefor. 

Article  5 

There  shall  be  formed  in  the  said  territory  not  less  than  three  nor  more  than  five 
States;  and  the  boundaries  of  the  States,  as  soon  as  Virginia  shall  alter  her  act  of 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

cession  and  consent  to  the  same,  shall  become  fixed  and  established  as  follows;  to  wit: 
The  western  State,  in  the  said  territory,  shall  be  bounded  by  the  Mississippi,  the  Ohio, 
and  the  Wabash  Rivers;  a  direct  line  drawn  from  the  Wabash  and  Post  Vincents,  due 
north,  to  the  territorial  line  between  the  United  States  and  Canada;  and  by  the  said 
territorial  line  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  and  Mississippi.  The  middle  State  shall  be 
bounded  by  the  said  direct  line,  the  Wabash  from  Post  Vincents  to  the  Ohio,  by  the 
Ohio,  by  a  direct  line  drawn  due  north  from  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Miami  to  the  said 
territorial  line,  and  by  the  said  territorial  line.  The  eastern  State  shall  be  bounded 
by  the  last-mentioned  direct  line,  the  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  and  the  said  territorial  line : 
Provided,  however,  And  it  is  further  understood  and  declared,  that  the  boundaries  of 
these  three  States  shall  be  subject  so  far  to  be  altered,  that  if  Congress  shall  hereafter 
find  it  expedient,  they  shall  have  authority  to  form  one  or  two  States  in  the  part  of  the 
said  territory  which  lies  north  of  an  east  and  west  line  drawn  through  the  southerly 
bend  or  extreme  of  Lake  Michigan.  And  whenever  any  of  the  said  States  shall  have 
sixty  thousand  free  inhabitants  therein,  such  State  shall  be  admitted  by  its  delegates, 
into  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States, 
in  all  respects  whatever;  and  shall  be  at  liberty  to  form  a  permanent  constitution  and 
State  government:  Provided,  the  constitution  and  government,  so  to  be  formed,  shall 
be  republican,  and  in  conformity  to  the  principles  contained  in  these  articles,  and,  so 
far  as  it  can  be  consistent  with  the  general  interest  of  the  confederacy,  such  admission 
shall  be  allowed  at  an  earlier  period,  and  when  there  may  be  a  less  number  of  free 
inhabitants  in  the  State  than  sixty  thousand. 

Article  6 

There  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  the  said  territory,  other- 
wise than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con- 
victed :  Provided  always,  That  any  person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom  labor  or 
service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  one  of  the  original  States,  such  fugitive  may  be  law- 
fully reclaimed,  and  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service  as 
aforesaid. 

Be  it  ordained  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  the  resolutions  of  the  23d  of  April, 
1784,  relative  to  the  subject  of  this  ordinance,  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby,  repealed, 
and  declared  null  and  void. 

Done  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  the  13th  day  of  July,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1787,  and  of  their  sovereignty  and  independence  the  twelfth. 


C773 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


THE  CHANGE 
FROM  LEAGUE  OF  STATES  TO  NATION 

THE  ANNAPOLIS  CONVENTION 

THE  history  of  the  formation  of  the  government  is  that  of,  first,  a  statement  of 
the  necessity  of  national  commerce,  and  then,  an  admission  that  perfect  con- 
solidation was  necessary  to  give  the  statement  any  force.  This  concession  was 
perfectly  expressed  in  the  two  propositions  that  the  regulation  of  commerce  is  a 
national  function,  and  that  commerce  is  intercourse.  An  examination  of  the  causes 
which  resulted  in  the  formation  of  a  nation,  instead  of  a  league,  will  reveal  how  im- 
portant a  part  the  subject  of  commerce  played  in  the  purposes  of  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution.  On  the  21st  of  January,  1786,  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  passed  the 
following  resolution : 

"Resolved,  that  Edmund  Randolph,  James  sider  how  far  a  uniform  system  in  their  coin- 
Madison,  Jr.,  Walter  Jones,  St.  George  Tucker,  mercial  regulations  may  be  necessary  to  their 
and  Meriwether  Smith,  Esquires,  be  appointed  common  interest  and  their  perfect  harmony; 
Commissioners,  who,  or  any  three  of  them,  shall  and  to  report  to  the  several  States  such  an  act, 
meet  such  Commissioners  as  may  be  appointed  relative  to  this  great  object,  as,  when  unani- 
in  the  other  States  of  the  Union,  at  a  time  and  mously  ratified  by  them,  will  enable  the  United 
place  agreed  on,  to  take  into  consideration  the  States  in  Congress  effectually  to  provide  for 
trade  of  the  United  States;  to  examine  the  rela-  the  same." 
tive  situations  and  trade  of  said  States;  to  con- 

Pursuant  to  this  resolution,  the  Commissioners  assembled  at  Annapolis  in  the  fol- 
lowing September,  but  delegates  from  five  States  only  were  present.  Under  the  cir- 
cumstances of  this  partial  representation,  the  Commissioners  did  not  deem  it  advisable 
to  proceed  with  their  commission,  but  resorted  to  a  draft,  framed  by  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton, of  a  recommendation  to  the  various  States,  a  part  of  which  was  as  follows : 

"In  this  persuasion,  your  Commissioners  sub-  tions  on  the  subject,  they  have  been  induced 

mit  an  opinion  that  the  idea  of  extending  the  to  think  that  the  power  of  regulating  trade  is 

powers  of  their  Deputies  to  other  objects  than  of  such  comprehensive  extent,  and  will  enter 

those   of   commerce,  which  has   been   adopted  so  far  into  the  general  system  of  the  Federal 

by  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  was  an  improve-  Government,  that  to  give  it  efficacy,  and  to  obvi- 

ment   on   the   original   plan,   and  will   deserve  ate  questions  and  doubts  concerning  its  precise 

to  be  incorporated  into  that  of  a  future  con-  nature  and  limits,  may  require  a  correspond- 

vention.     They  are  the  more  naturally  led  to  ing  adjustment  of  other  parts  of  the  Federal 

this  conclusion,  as,  in  the  course  of  their  reflec-  system." 

The  draft  concluded  with  the  suggestion  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  which  by 
sanction  of  Congress  was  afterwards  convened  in  May,  1787. 

From  "The  Power  to  Regulate  Corporations  and  Commerce,"  by  Frank  Hendrick 


C783 


^-^-^&- — 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

PREAMBLE 

WE,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence, 
promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  hlessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 
and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of 
America. 

Article  I 
Section  1 — (Legislative  powers:  in  whom  vested.) 

All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

Section  2 — (House  of  Representatives,  how  and  by  whom  chosen.  Qualifications  of  a 
Representative.  Representatives  and  direct  taxes,  how  apportioned.  Enumeration. 
Vacancies  to  be  filled.    Power  of  choosing  officers,  and  of  impeachment.) 

1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  members  chosen  every  sec- 
ond year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have 
the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State 
Legislature. 

2.  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of 
twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall 
not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

3.  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States 
which  may  be  included  within  this  Union  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  which 
sball  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those 
bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all 
other  persons.  The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the 
first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent  term 
of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  Representa- 
tives shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have  at  least 
one  Representative;  and  until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New 
Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to  choose  3;  Massachusetts,  8;  Rhode  Island  and  Provi- 
dence Plantations,  1;  Connecticut,  5;  New  York,  6;  New  Jersey,  4;  Pennsylvania,  8; 
Delaware,  1;  Maryland,  6;  Virginia,  10;  North  Carolina,  5;  South  Carolina,  5,  and 
Georgia,  3.* 

4.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  State,  the  Executive 
Authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies. 

5.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  Speaker  and  other  officers,  and 
shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Section  3 — (Senators,  how  and  by  whom  chosen.  How  classified.  State  Executive, 
when  to  make  temporary  appointments,  in  case,  etc.     Qualifications  of  a  Senator. 

*  See  Article  XIV,  Amendments. 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

President  of  the  Senate,  his  right  to  vote.  President  pro  tern.,  and  other  officers  of  the 
Senate,  how  chosen.  Power  to  try  impeachments.  When  President  is  tried,  Chief 
Justice  to  preside.    Sentence.) 

1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two  Senators  from  each 
State,  chosen  by  the  Legislature  thereof,  for  six  years;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one 
vote. 

2.  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the  first  election, 
they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes.  The  seats  of  the  Senators 
of  the  first  class  shall  be  vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year,  of  the  second 
class  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of 
the  sixth  year,  so  that  one- third  may  be  chosen  every  second  year;  and  if  vacancies 
happen  by  resignation,  or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State, 
the  Executive  thereof  may  make  temporary  appointment  until  the  next  meeting  of  the 
Legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty 
years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when 
elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

4.  The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of  the  Senate,  but 
shall  have  no  vote  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5.  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  President  pro  tempore,  in 
the  absence  of  the  Vice-President,  or  when  he  shall  exercise  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States. 

6.  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments.  When  sitting  for 
that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.  When  the  President  of  the  United 
States  is  tried,  the  Chief  Justice  shall  preside;  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted  with- 
out the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the  members  present. 

7.  Judgment  of  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further  than  to  removal 
from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit 
under  the  United  States;  but  the  party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  sub- 
ject to  indictment,  trial,  judgment,  and  punishment,  according  to  law. 

Section  4 — (Times,  etc.,  of  holding  elections,  how  prescribed.     One  Session  in  each 
year.) 

1.  The  times,  places,  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the  Legislature  thereof;  but  the  Congress 
may  at  any  time  by  law  make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  places  of  choosing 
Senators. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and  such  meeting  shall 
be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by  law  appoint  a  different  day. 

Section  5 — (Membership.     Quorum.     Adjournments.     Rules.     Power  to  punish  or 
expel.    Journal.    Time  of  adjournments,  how  limited,  etc.) 

1.  Each  House  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns,  and  qualifications  of  its 
own  members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  constitute  a  quorum  to  do  business;  but  a 
smaller  number  may  adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel 
the  attendance  of  absent  members  in  such  manner  and  under  such  penalties  as  each 
House  may  provide. 

C803 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

2.  Each  House  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  punish  its  members  for 
disorderly  behavior,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  expel  a  member. 

3.  Each  House  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from  time  to  time  pub- 
lish the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  their  judgment  require  secrecy;  and  the 
yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of  either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of 
one-fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4.  Neither  House,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the 
other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other  place  than  that  in  which  the 
two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Section  6 — (Compensation.    Privileges.    Disqualification  in  certain  cases.) 

1.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  compensation  for  their  services, 
to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall 
in  all  cases,  except  treason,  felony,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest 
during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of  their  respective  Houses,  and  in  going  to  and 
returning  from  the  same;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  House  they  shall  not 
be  questioned  in  any  other  place. 

2.  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which  he  was  elected,  be 
appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States  which  shall  have 
been  created,  or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such  time; 
and  no  person  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  shall  be  a  member  of  either 
House  during  his  continuance  in  office. 

Section  7 — (House  to  originate  all  revenue  bills.  Veto.  Bill  may  be  passed  by  two- 
thirds  of  each  house,  notwithstanding,  etc.  Bill,  not  returned  in  ten  days,  to  become  a 
law.    Provisions  as  to  orders,  concurrent  resolutions,  etc.) 

1.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  but 
the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendments,  as  on  other  bills. 

2.  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  Senate 
shall,  before  it  becomes  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the  United  States;  if 
he  approve,  he  shall  sign  it,  but  if  not,  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that 
House  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their 
journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such  reconsideration  two-thirds  of  that 
House  shall  agree  to  pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the 
other  House,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered;  and  if  approved  by  two-thirds 
of  that  House  it  shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  Houses 
shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of  the  persons  voting  for  and 
against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal  of  each  House  respectively.  If  any  bill 
shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President  within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it 
shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had 
signed  it,  unless  the  Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return;  in  which  case 
it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3.  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on  a  question  of  adjournment) 
shall  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the  United  States;  and  before  the  same  shall  take 
effect  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by 
two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives,  according  to  the  rules  and 
limitations  prescribed  in  the  case  of  a  bill. 

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REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Section  8 — (Powers  of  Congress.) 

1.  The  Congress  shall  have  power : 

To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for 
the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States;  but  all  duties,  imposts, 
and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States. 

2.  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States. 

3.  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  several  States,  and 
with  the  Indian  tribes. 

4.  To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization  and  uniform  laws  on  the  subject 
of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States. 

5.  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix  the 
standard  of  weights  and  measures. 

6.  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities  and  current  coin 
of  the  United  States. 

7.  To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads. 

8.  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts  by  securing  for  limited  times 
to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  rights  to  their  respective  writings  and  dis- 
coveries. 

9.  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court. 

10.  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas,  and 
offences  against  the  law  of  nations. 

11.  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make  rules  concern- 
ing captures  on  land  and  water. 

12.  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money  to  that  use  shall 
be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years. 

13.  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy. . 

14.  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land  and  naval  forces. 

15.  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  sup- 
press insurrections,  and  repel  invasions. 

16.  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia,  and  for  govern- 
ing such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  reserv- 
ing to  the  States  respectively  the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of  train- 
ing the  militia  according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by  Congress. 

17.  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever  over  such  district  (not 
exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular  States  and  the  acceptance 
of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise  like 
authority  over  all  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in 
which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dry-docks,  and 
other  needful  buildings. 

18.  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  execu- 
tion the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof. 

Section  9 — (Provision  as  to  migration  or  importation  of  certain  persons.  Habeas 
Corpus.  Bills  of  attainder,  etc.  Taxes,  how  apportioned.  No  export  duty.  No  com- 
mercial preference.  Money,  how  drawn  from  treasury,  etc.  No  titular  nobility.  Offi- 
cers not  to  receive  presents,  etc.) 

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ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

1.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing 
shall  think  proper  to  admit  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such 
importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

2.  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  unless  when 
in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public  safety  may  require  it. 

3.  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

4.  No  capitation  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  proportion  to  the  census 
or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be  taken. 

5.  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  State. 

6.  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the 
ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another,  nor  shall  vessels  bound  to  or  from  one  State 
be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  another. 

7.  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury  but  in  consequence  of  appropria- 
tions made  by  laws;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the  receipts  and  expendi- 
tures of  all  public  money  shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8.  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States.  And  no  person  holding 
any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress, 
accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  office,  or  title  of  any  kind  whatever  from  any  king, 
prince,  or  foreign  state. 

Section  10 — (States  prohibited  from  the  exercise  of  certain  powers.) 

1.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation,  grant  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal,  coin  money,  emit  bills  of  credit,  make  anything  but  gold  and 
silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts,  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law, 
or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any  impost  or  duties  on 
imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  executing  its  inspection 
laws,  and  the  net  produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or 
exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States;  and  all  such  laws 
shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the  Congress. 

3.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep 
troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with 
another  State,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in 
such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 

Article  II 
Section  1 — (President;  his  term  of  office.    Electors  of  President;  number  and  how  ap- 
pointed.   Electors  to  vote  on  same  day.     Qualification  of  President.    On  whom  his 
duties  devolve  in  case  of  his  removal,  death,  etc.    President's  compensation.    His  oath 
of  office.) 

1.  The  Executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  four  years,  and,  together  with  the 
Vice-President,  chosen  for  the  same  term,  be  elected  as  follows: 

2.  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct, 
a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to 
which  the  State  may  be  entitled  in  the  Congress;  but  no  Senator  or  Representative 
or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States  shall  be  appointed 
an  elector. 

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REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

3.  The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  vote  by  ballot  for  two 
persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  them- 
selves. And  they  shall  make  a  list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number 
of  votes  for  each,  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify  and  transmit,  sealed  to  the 
seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate. 
The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  there  be  more  than  one 
who  have  such  majority,  and  have  an  equal  number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives shall  immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  President;  and  if  no 
person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the  said  House  shall  in 
like  manner  choose  the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  vote  shall  be 
taken  by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote.  A  quorum,  for 
this  purpose,  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States, 
and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every  case,  after  the 
choice  of  the  President,  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  electors 
shall  be  the  Vice-President.  But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal 
votes,  the  Senate  shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot  the  Vice-President.* 

4.  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors  and  the  day  on 
which  they  shall  give  their  votes,  which  day  shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United 
States. 

5.  No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  at  the 
time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  President; 
neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the 
age  of  thirty-five  years  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the  United  States. 

6.  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his  death,  resignation, 
or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve 
on  the  Vice-President,  and  the  Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal, 
death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the  President  and  Vice-President,  declaring 
what  officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer  shall  act  accordingly  until  the 
disability  be  removed  or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

7.  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services  a  compensation 
which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the  period  for  which  he  shall 
have  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolument 
from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

8.  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office  he  shall  take  the  following  oath  or 
affirmation : 

"I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Section  2 — (President  to  be  Commander-in-Chief.  He  may  require  opinions  of  Cabinet 
Officers,  etc.,  may  pardon.  Treaty-making  power.  Nomination  of  certain  officers. 
When  President  may  fill  vacancies.) 

1.  The  President  shall  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United 
States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States  when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the 

*  This  ciause  is  superseded  by  Article  XII,  Amendments. 

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ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

United  States;  he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each 
of  the  executive  departments  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective 
offices,  and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offences  against  the 
United  States  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

2.  He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  make 
treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present  concur;  and  he  shall  nominate 
and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other 
public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of 
the  United  States  whose  appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and 
which  shall  be  established  by  law;  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment 
of  such  inferior  officers  as  they  think  proper  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of 
law,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3.  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may  happen  during 
the  recess  of  the  Senate  by  granting  commissions,  which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their 
next  session. 

Section  3 — (President  shall  communicate  to  Congress.  He  may  convene  and  adjourn 
Congress,  in  case  of  disagreement,  etc.  Shall  receive  ambassadors,  execute  laws,  and 
commission  officers.) 

He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union, 
and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and 
expedient;  he  may,  on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses,  or  either  of  them, 
and  in  case  of  disagreement  between  them  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment, 
he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper;  he  shall  receive  ambassa- 
dors and  other  public  ministers;  he  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed, 
and  shall  commission  all  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

Section  4 — (All  civil  offices  forfeited  for  certain  crimes.) 

The  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  civil  officers  of  the  United  States  shall  be  re- 
moved from  office  on  impeachment  for  and  conviction  of  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

Article  HI 
Section  1 — (Judicial  powers.    Tenure.    Compensation.) 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  one  Supreme  Court,  and 
in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish. 
The  judges,  both  of  the  Supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during 
good  behavior,  and  shall  at  stated  times  receive  for  their  services  a  compensation 
which  shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. 

Section  2 — (Judicial  power;  to  what  cases  it  extends.  Original  jurisdiction  of  Supreme 
Court.    Appellate.    Trial  by  jury,  etc.    Trial,  where.) 

1.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law  and  equity  arising  under  this 
Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made, 
under  their  authority;  to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers,  and 
consuls;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction;  to  controversies  to  which 
the  United  States  shall  be  a  party;  to  controversies  between  two  or  more  States,  between 
a  State  and  citizens  of  another  State,  between  citizens  of  different  States,  between  citi- 
zens of  the  same  State  claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a 
State,  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  states,  citizens,  or  subjects. 

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REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

2.  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers,  and  consuls,  and  those 
in  which  a  State  shall  be  party,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  original  jurisdiction. 
In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  juris- 
diction both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions  and  under  such  regulations  as  the 
Congress  shall  make. 

3.  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  be  by  jury,  and 
such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes  shall  have  been  committed; 
but  when  not  committed  within  any  State  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as 
the  Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

Section  3—  (Treason  defined.    Proof  of.    Punishment  of.) 

1.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them, 
or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and  comfort.  No  person  shall  be 
convicted  of  treason  unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or 
on  confession  in  open  court. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of  treason,  but  no  at- 
tainder of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood  or  forfeiture  except  during  the 
life  of  the  person  attainted. 

Article  IV 
Section  1 — (Each  State  to  give  credit  to  the  public  acts,  etc.,  of  every  other  State.) 
Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records,  and  ju- 
dicial proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And  the  Congress  may  by  general  laws  pre- 
scribe the  manner  in  which  such  acts,  records,  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and 
the  effect  thereof. 

Section  2 — (Privileges  of  citizens  of  each  State.    Fugitives  from  justice  to  be  de- 
livered up.    Persons  held  to  service  having  escaped,  to  be  delivered  up.) 

1.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of 
citizens  in  the  several  States. 

2.  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime,  who  shall 
flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State,  shall,  on  demand  of  the  Executive 
authority  of  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State 
having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

3.  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping 
into  another  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged 
from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom 
such  service  or  labor  may  be  due. 

Section  3 — (Admission  of  new  States.    Power  of  Congress  over  territory  and  other 
property.) 

1.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this  Union;  but  no  new  State 
shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  other  State,  nor  any  State  be 
formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  consent 
of  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  concerned,  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and 
regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the  United  States; 
and  nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

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ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

Section  4 — (Republican  form  of  government  guaranteed.  Each  State  to  be  protected.) 
The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a  republican  form  of 
government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against  invasion,  and,  on  application  of 
the  Legislature,  or  of  the  Executive  (when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened),  against 
domestic  violence. 

Article  V 
(Constitution :  how  amended.    Proviso.) 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall 
propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the  application  of  the  Legislatures 
of  two-thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall  call  a  convention  for  proposing  amend- 
ments, which,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part 
of  this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three-fourths  of  the  several 
States,  or  by  conventions  in  three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of 
ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress;  provided  that  no  amendment  which 
may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  man- 
ner affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  Ninth  Section  of  the  First  Article;  and 
that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

Article  VI 
(Certain  debts,  etc.,  declared  valid.    Supremacy  of  Constitution,  treaties,  and  laws  of 
the  United  States.    Oath  to  support  Constitution,  by  whom  taken.    No  religious  test.) 

1.  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into  before  the  adoption  of  this 
Constitution  shall  be  as  valid  against  the  United  States  under  this  Constitution  as 
under  the  Confederation. 

2.  This  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be  made  in  pur- 
suance thereof  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of 
the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  and  the  judges  in  every  State 
shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstanding. 

3.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the  members  of  the 
several  State  Legislatures,  and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers,  both  of  the  United 
States  and  of  the  several  States,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support  this 
Constitution;  but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office 
or  public  trust  under  the  United  States. 

Article  VII 
(What  ratification  shall  establish  Constitution.) 

The  ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be  sufficient  for  the  establish- 
ment of  this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratifying  the  same. 

AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

The  following  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  Articles  I  to  X  inclusive,  were  pro- 
posed at  the  First  Session  of  the  First  Congress,  begun  and  held  at  the  City  of  New 
York,  on  Wednesday,  March  4,  1789,  and  were  adopted  by  the  necessary  number  of 
States.  The  original  proposal  of  the  ten  amendments  was  preceded  by  this  preamble 
and  resolution: 

£873 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

"The  conventions  of  a  number  of  the  States  having,  at  the  time  of  their  adopting 
the  Constitution,  expressed  a  desire,  in  order  to  prevent  misconstruction  or  abuse  of 
its  powers,  that  further  declaratory  and  restrictive  clauses  should  be  added,  and  as 
extending  the  ground  of  public  confidence  in  the  Government  will  best  insure  the 
beneficent  ends  of  its  institution : 

"Resolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  congress  assembled,  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  concurring,  that  the  follow- 
ing articles  be  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States,  as  amendments  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  all  or  any  of  which  articles,  when  ratified  by 
three-fourths  of  the  said  Legislatures,  to  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part 
of  the  said  Constitution,  namely:" 

THE  TEN  ORIGINAL  AMENDMENTS 
They  were  declared  in  force  December  15,  1791 

Article  I 
Religious  Establishment  Prohibited.  Freedom  of  Speech,  of  the  Press,  and  Right 
to  Petition. 
Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting 
the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press;  or  the 
right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  Government  for  a  redress 
of  grievances. 

Article  II 
Right  to  Keep  and  Bear  Arms. 

A  well-regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free  State,  the  right  of 
the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be  infringed. 

Article  III 
No  Soldier  to  be  Quartered  in  Any  House,  Unless,  Etc. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house  without  the  consent  of 
the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war  but  in  a  manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

Article  IV 
Right  of  Search  and  Seizure  Regulated. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers,  and  effects, 
against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants 
shall  issue  but  upon  probable  cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly 
describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 

Article  V 
Provisions  Concerning  Prosecution,  Trial  and  Punishment. — Private  Property  Not 
to  be  Taken  for  Public  Use,  without  Compensation. 
No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  other  infamous  crime  unless  on 
a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand  jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or 
naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual  service,  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger; 
nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of  life 

C88] 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

or  limb;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  criminal  case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself, 
nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law;  nor  shall 
private  property  be  taken  for  public  use  without  just  compensation. 

Article  VI 
Right  to  Speedy  Trial,  Witnesses,  Etc. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and  public 
trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been 
committed,  which  districts  shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be 
informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation :  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses 
against  him;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to 
have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

Article  VII 
Right  of  Trial  by  Jury. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed  twenty  dollars, 
the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,  and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  other- 
wise re-examined  in  any  court  of  the  United  States  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the 
common  law. 

Article  VIII 
Excessive  Bail  or  Fines  and  Cruel  Punishments  Prohibited. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and 
unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

Article  IX 
Rule  of  Construction  of  Constitution. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights  shall  not  be  construed  to 
deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

Article  X 
Rights  of  States  Under  Constitution. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by 
it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

The  following  amendment  was  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  by 
the  Third  Congress  on  the  5th  of  March,  179b,  and  was  declared  to  have  been  ratified 
in  a  message  from  the  President  to  Congress,  dated  Jan.  8,  1798. 

Article  XI 
Judicial  Powers  Construed. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed  to  extend  to  any  suit 
in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United  States,  by  citizens 
of  another  State,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  state. 

The  following  amendment  was  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  bg 
the  Eighth  Congress  on  the  12th  of  December,  1803,  and  was  declared  to  have  been 

C89H 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

ratified  in  a  proclamation  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  September  25,  180k.  It  was 
ratified  by  all  the  States  except  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Massachusetts,  and  New 
Hampshire. 

Article  XII 

Manner  of  Choosing  President  and  Vice-President. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by  ballot  for  President 
and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State 
with  themselves;  they  shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Presi- 
dent, and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice-President;  and 
they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of 
all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each, 
which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit,  sealed,  to  the  seat  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate;  the  President  of 
the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all 
the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted;  the  person  having  the  greatest 
number  of  votes  for  President  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of 
the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then 
from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceeding  three,  on  the  list  of  those 
voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  immediately,  by 
ballot,  the  President.  Rut  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States, 
the  representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall 
consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all 
the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall 
not  choose  a  President,  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before 
the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the  President.  The 
person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed,  and 
if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list  the  senate 
shall  choose  the  Vice-President;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds 
of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  neces- 
sary to  a  choice.  Rut  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  President 
shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

The  following  amendment  was  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States 
by  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress  on  the  1st  of  February,  1865,  and  was  declared  to  have 
been  ratified  in  a  proclamation  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  December  18,  1865. 
It  was  rejected  by  Delaware  and  Kentucky;  was  conditionally  ratified  by  Alabama 
and  Mississippi;  and  Texas  took  no  action. 

Article  XIII 
Slavery  Abolished. 

1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment  for  crime 
whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States, 
or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate  legislation. 

1:903 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


The  following,  popularly  known  as  the  Reconstruction  Amendment,  was  proposed 
to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  by  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  on  the  16th  of 
June,  1866,  and  was  declared  to  have  been  ratified  in  a  proclamation  by  the  Secretary 
of  State,  dated  Juhj  28,  1868.  The  amendment  got  the  support  of  23  Northern  States; 
it  was  rejected  by  Delaware,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  and  10  Southern  States.  California 
took  no  action.    Subseguently  it  was  ratified  by  the  10  Southern  States. 

Article  XIV 
Citizenship  Rights  Not  to  be  Abridged. 

1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No 
State  shall  make  or  enforce  any  law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities 
of  citizens  of  the  United  States;  nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty, 
or  property  without  due  process  of  law,  nor  deny  to  any  person  within  its  jurisdiction 
the  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

Apportionment  of  Representatives  in  Congress. 

2.  Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  according  to  their 
respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number  of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding 
Indians  not  taxed.  Rut  when  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the  choice  of  electors 
for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  Representatives  in  Congress,  the 
executive  and  judicial  officers  of  a  State,  or  the  members  of  the  Legislature  thereof,  is 
denied  to  any  of  the  male  members  of  such  State,  being  of  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged,  except  for  participation  in 
rebellion  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  representation  therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the 
proportion  which  the  number  of  such  male  citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of 
male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age  in  such  State. 

Power  of  Congress  to  Remove  Disabilities  of  United  States  Officials  for  Rebellion. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress,  or  elector  of  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President,  or  holding  any  office,  civil  or  military,  under  the  United 
States,  or  under  any  State,  who,  having  previously  taken  an  oath,  as  a  member  of  Con- 
gress, or  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  member  of  any  State  Legislature,  or 
as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given 
aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof.  Rut  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds 
of  each  House,  remove  such  disability. 

What  Public  Debts  Are  Valid. 

4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States,  authorized  by  law,  including 
debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pensions  and  bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  in- 
surrection and  rebellion,  shall  not  be  questioned.  Rut  neither  the  United  States  nor  any 
State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or 
rebellion  against  the  United  States,  or  any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any 
slave;  but  all  such  debts,  obligations,  and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

5.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  by  appropriate  legislation  the  pro- 
visions of  this  article. 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

The  following  amendment  was  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  by 
the  Fortieth  Congress  on  the  27th  of  February,  1869,  and  was  declared  to  have  been 
ratified  in  a  proclamation  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  March  30,  1870.  It  was  not 
acted  on  by  Tennessee;  it  was  rejected  by  California,  Delaware,  Kentucky,  Maryland, 
and  Oregon;  ratified  by  the  remaining  30  States.  New  York  rescinded  its  ratification 
January  5,  1870.   New  Jersey  rejected  it  in  1870,  but  ratified  it  in  1871. 

Article  XV 
Equal  Rights  for  White  and  Colored  Citizens. 

1.  The  right  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or 
abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous 
condition  of  servitude. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  the  provisions  of  this  article  by  appro- 
priate legislation. 

The  following  amendment  was  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  by 
the  Sixty-first  Congress  on  the  12th  day  of  July,  1909,  and  was  declared  to  have  been 
ratified  in  a  proclamation  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  February  25,  1913.  The 
income  tax  amendment  was  ratified  by  all  the  States  except  Connecticut,  Florida,  Penn- 
sylvania, Rhode  Island,  Utah,  and  Virginia. 

Article  XVI 
Income  Taxes  Authorized. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes  on  incomes,  from  whatever 
sources  derived,  without  apportionment  among  the  several  States,  and  without  regard 
to  any  census  or  enumeration. 

The  following  amendment  was  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  by 
the  Sixty-second  Congress  on  the  16th  day  of  May,  1912,  and  was  declared  to  have  been 
ratified  in  a  proclamation  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  May  31,  1913.  It  got  the  vote 
of  all  the  States  except  Alabama,  Delaware,  Florida,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana, 
Maryland,  Mississippi,  Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina,  Utah,  and  Virginia. 

Article  XVII 
United  States  Senators  to  Be  Elected  by  Direct  Popular  Vote. 

1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two  Senators  from  each 
State,  elected  by  the  people  thereof,  for  six  years;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one 
vote.  The  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of 
the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legislatures. 

Vacancies  in  Senatorships,  When  Governor  May  Fill  by  Appointment. 

2.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  of  any  State  in  the  Senate,  the 
executive  authority  of  such  State  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies: 
Provided,  That  the  Legislature  of  any  State  may  empower  the  Executive  thereof  to 
make  temporary  appointment  until  the  people  fill  the  vacancies  by  election  as  the 
Legislature  may  direct. 

3.  This  amendment  shall  not  be  so  construed  as  to  affect  the  election  or  term  of  any 
Senator  chosen  before  it  becomes  valid  as  part  of  the  Constitution. 

C92H 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

Article  XVIII 
Liquor  Prohibition  Amendment. 

1.  After  one  year  from  the  ratification  of  this  article  the  manufacture,  sale,  or  trans- 
portation of  intoxicating  liquors  within,  the  importation  thereof  into,  or  the  exporta- 
tion thereof  from  the  United  States  and  all  territory  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof 
for  beverage  purposes  is  hereby  prohibited. 

2.  The  Congress  and  the  several  States  shall  have  concurrent  power  to  enforce  this 
article  by  appropriate  legislation. 

3.  This  article  shall  be  inoperative  unless  it  shall  have  been  ratified  as  an  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States,  as  provided  in  the 
Constitution,  within  seven  years  from  the  date  of  the  submission  hereof  to  the  States 
by  the  Congress. 

(The  liquor  prohibition  amendment  and  legislation  under  it  have  been  sustained  by 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Official  announcement  of  the  adoption  of 
the  amendment  by  36  States  was  made  by  Secretary  of  State  Lansing  on  January 
29,  1919.) 

PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS 
There  is,  properly  speaking,  no  popular  vote  for  President  and  Vice-President;  the 
people  vote  for  electors,  and  those  chosen  in  each  State  meet  therein  and  vote  for  the 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President.  The  record  of  any  popular  vote  for  elec- 
tors prior  to  1828  is  so  meagre  and  imperfect  that  a  compilation  would  be  useless.  In 
most  of  the  States,  for  more  than  a  quarter  century  following  the  establishment  of  the 
Government,  the  State  Legislatures  "appointed"  the  Presidential  electors,  and  the 
people  therefore  voted  only  indirectly  for  them,  their  choice  being  expressed  by  their 
votes  for  members  of  the  Legislature. 

THE  Constitution  originally  consisted  of  a  Preamble  and  seven  Articles,  and  in  that  form  was 
"Done  in  Convention  by  the  Unanimous  Consent  of  the  States  present  the  Seventeenth  Day  of 
September  in  the  Year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  Eighty  seven  and  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  Twelfth."     The  Constitution  was  declared  in 
effect  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  March,  1789.    The  signers  of  the  original  Constitution,  by  virtue 
of  their  membership  in  Congress,  were: 

GO.  WASHINGTON,  President  and  deputy  from  Virginia. 

New  Hampshire:  John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Gilman.  Maryland:    James    McHenry,    Danl.    Carroll,    Dan.    of    St. 

Massachusetts:  Nathaniel  Gorham,  Jiul'iis  King.  Thos.  Jenifer. 

Connecticut:  Wm.  Saml.  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman.  Virginia:  John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 

New  York:  Alexander  Hamilton.  North    Carolina:    Wm.    Blount,   Hu.    Williamson,   Richd. 

New  Jersey:  Wil.  Livingston,  David  Brearley,  Wm.  Pat-  Dobbs   Spaight. 

terson,  Jona.  Dayton.  South   Carolina:  J.  Rutledge,  Charles   Pinckney,   Charles 

Pennsylvania:    B.    Franklin,    Robt.    Morris,    Thos.    Fitz-  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  Pierce  Butler. 

Simmons,  James  Wilson,  Thomas  Mifflin,  Geo.   Clymer,  Georgia:  William  Few,  Abr.  Baldwin, 

Jared  lngersoll,  Gouv.  Morris.  Attest:  William  Jackson,  Secretary. 

Delaware:  Geo.  Read,  John  Dickinson,  Jaco.  Broom,  Gun- 
ning Bedford  jun,  Richard  Bassett. 

The  Constitution  was  ratified  by  the  thirteen  original  States  in  the  following  order: 

Delaware,  December  7,  1787,  unanimously.  South  Carolina,  May  23,  1788,  vote  149  to  73. 

Pennsylvania,  December  12,  1787,  vote  46  to  23.  New  Hampshire,  June  21,  1788,  vote  57  to  46. 

New  Jersey,  December  18,  1787,  unanimously.  Virginia,  June  25,  1788,  vote  89  to  79. 

Georgia,  January  2,  1788,  unanimously.  New  York,  July  26,  1788,  vote  30  to  28. 

Connecticut,  January  9,  1788,  vote  128  to  40.  North  Carolina,  November  21,  1789,  vote  193  to  75. 

Massachusetts,  February  6,  1788,  vote  187  to  168.  Rhode  Island,  May  29,  1790,  vote  34  to  32. 
Maryland,  April  28,  1788,  vote  63  to  12. 

C93H 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


AMERICAN  FOREIGN  POLICY 


WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESS 

EXTRACTS  FROM  HIS  ADDRESS  COUNSELLING  THE   MAINTENANCE  OF  THE  UNION. — CONFINEMENT 

OF  THE  GENERAL  GOVERNMENT  TO  ITS  CONSTITUTIONAL  LIMITATIONS,  AND 

AVOIDANCE  OF  RELATIONS  WITH  FOREIGN  POLITICAL  AFFAIRS 

To  the  People  of  the  United  States  on  His  Approaching  Retirement 

from  the  Presidency 

INTERWOVEN  as  is  the  love  of  liberty  with  every  ligament  of  your  hearts,  no 
recommendation  of  mine  is  necessary  to  fortify  or  confirm  the  attachment. 
The  unity  of  government  which  constitutes  you  one  people,  is  also  now  dear  to 
you.  It  is  justly  so;  for  it  is  a  main  pillar  in  the  edifice  of  your  real  independence — the 
support  of  your  tranquillity  at  home,  your  peace  abroad,  of  your  safety,  of  your  pros- 
perity, of  that  very  liberty  which  you  so  highly  prize.  But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee  that, 
from  different  causes  and  from  different  quarters,  much  pains  will  be  taken,  many 
artifices  employed,  to  weaken  in  your  minds  the  conviction  of  this  truth;  as  this  is  the 
point  in  your  political  fortress  against  which  the  batteries  of  internal  and  external 
enemies  will  be  most  constantly  and  actively  (though  often  covertly  and  insidiously) 
directed — it  is  of  infinite  moment  that  you  should  properly  estimate  the  immense  value 
of  your  national  union  to  your  collective  and  individual  happiness;  that  you  should 
cherish  a  cordial,  habitual  and  immovable  attachment  to  it;  accustoming  yourselves 
to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  of  the  palladium  of  your  political  safety  and  prosperity; 
watching  for  its  preservation  with  jealous  anxiety;  discountenancing  whatever  may 
suggest  even  a  suspicion  that  it  can  in  any  event  be  abandoned;  and  indignantly  frown- 
ing upon  the  first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country  from 
the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together  the  various  parts. 

For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy  and  interest.  Citizens  by  birth  or 
choice  of  a  common  country,  that  country  has  a  right  to  concentrate  your  affections. 
The  name  of  American,  which  belongs  to  you,  in  your  national  capacity,  must  always 
exalt  the  just  pride  of  patriotism,  more  than  any  appellation  derived  from  local  dis- 
criminations. With  slight  shades  of  difference,  you  have  the  same  religion,  manners, 
habits,  and  political  principles.  You  have,  in  a  common  cause,  fought  and  triumphed 
together;  the  independence  and  liberty  you  possess  are  the  work  of  joint  counsels  and 
joint  efforts — of  common  dangers,  sufferings,  and  successes. 

It  is  important,  likewise,  that  the  habits  of  thinking  in  a  free  country  should  inspire 
caution  in  those  intrusted  with  its  administration  to  confine  themselves  within  their 
respective  constitutional  spheres,  avoiding,  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  one  depart- 
ment, to  encroach  upon  another.  The  spirit  of  encroachment  tends  to  consolidate  the 
powers  of  all  the  departments  in  one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever  the  form  of  govern- 
ment, a  real  despotism.    A  just  estimate  of  that  love  of  power,  and  proneness  to  abuse 

C943 


^^^^py^x/:. 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

it  which  predominates  in  the  human  heart,  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  us  of  the  truth  of  this 
position.  The  necessity  of  reciprocal  checks  in  the  exercise  of  political  power,  by  divid- 
ing and  distributing  it  into  different  depositories,  and  constituting  each  the  guardian  of 
the  public  weal,  against  invasions  by  the  others,  has  been  evinced  by  experiments, 
ancient  and  modern;  some  of  them  in  our  country  and  under  our  own  eyes.  To  pre- 
serve them  must  be  as  necessary  as  to  institute  them.  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  people, 
the  distribution  or  modification  of  the  constitutional  powers  be,  in  any  particular, 
wrong,  let  it  be  corrected  by  an  amendment  in  the  way  which  the  Constitution  desig- 
nates. But  let  there  be  no  change  by  usurpation;  for  though  this,  in  one  instance,  may 
be  the  instrument  of  good,  it  is  the  customary  weapon  by  which  free  governments  are 
destroyed.  The  precedent  must  always  greatly  overbalance,  in  permanent  evil,  any 
partial  or  transient  benefit  which  the  use  can,  at  any  time,  yield. 

Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all  nations;  cultivate  peace  and  harmony 
with  all.  Religion  and  morality  enjoin  this  conduct;  and  can  it  be  that  good  policy 
does  not  equally  enjoin  it?  It  will  be  worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened,  and,  at  no  distant 
period,  a  great  nation,  to  give  to  mankind  the  magnanimous  and  too  novel  example 
of  a  people  always  guided  by  an  exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  Who  can  doubt  that, 
in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  the  fruits  of  such  a  plan  would  richly  repay  any 
temporary  advantages  which  might  be  lost  by  a  steady  adherence  to  it?  Can  it  be  that 
Providence  has  not  connected  the  permanent  felicity  of  a  nation  with  its  virtue?  The 
experiment,  at  least,  is  recommended  by  every  sentiment  which  ennobles  human  nature. 
Alas!  is  it  rendered  impossible  by  its  vices? 

Entanglements  with  Foreign  Powers 

Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign  influence,  I  conjure  you  to  believe  me,  fellow- 
citizens,  the  jealousy  of  a  free  people  ought  to  constantly  awake;  since  history  and 
experience  prove  that  foreign  influence  is  one  of  the  most  baneful  foes  of  republican 
government.  But  that  jealousy,  to  be  useful,  must  be  impartial;  else  it  becomes  the 
instrument  of  the  very  influence  to  be  avoided,  instead  of  a  defence  against  it.  Exces- 
sive partiality  for  one  foreign  nation,  and  excessive  dislike  of  another,  cause  those 
whom  they  actuate  to  see  danger  only  on  one  side,  and  serve  to  veil,  and  even  second, 
the  arts  of  influence  on  the  other.  Real  patriots,  who  may  resist  the  intrigues  of  the 
favorite,  are  liable  to  become  suspected  and  odious,  while  its  tools  and  dupes  usurp  the 
applause  and  confidence  of  the  people,  to  surrender  their  interests. 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to  foreign  nations,  is,  in  extending  our 
commercial  relations,  to  have  with  them  as  little  political  connection  as  possible.  So 
far  as  we  have  already  formed  engagements,  let  them  be  fulfilled  with  perfect  good 
faith.    Here  let  us  stop. 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests,  which  to  us  have  none,  or  a  very  remote  re- 
lation. Hence  she  must  be  engaged  in  frequent  controversies,  the  causes  of  which  are 
essentially  foreign  to  our  concerns.  Hence,  therefore,  it  must  be  unwise  in  us  to 
implicate  ourselves,  by  artificial  ties,  in  the  ordinary  vicissitudes  of  her  politics,  or  the 
ordinary  combinations  and  collisions  of  her  friendships  or  enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and  enables  us  to  pursue  a  different 
course.  If  we  remain  one  people  under  an  efficient  government,  the  period  is  not  far 
off  when  we  may  defy  material  injury  from  external  annoyance;  when  we  may  take 
such  an  attitude  as  will  cause  the  neutrality  we  may  at  any  time  resolve  upon  to  be 
scrupulously  respected;  when  belligerent  nations,  under  the  impossibility  of  making 

C953 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

acquisitions  upon  us,  will  not  lightly  hazard  the  giving  us  provocation;  when  we  may 
choose  peace  or  war,  as  our  interest,  guided  by  justice,  shall  counsel. 

Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so  peculiar  a  situation?  Why  quit  our  own  to  stand 
upon  foreign  ground?  Why,  by  interweaving  our  destiny  with  that  of  any  part  of 
Europe,  entangle  our  peace  and  prosperity  in  the  toils  of  European  ambition,  rival- 
ship,  interest,  humor,  or  caprice? 

Tis  our  true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  permanent  alliances  with  any  portion  of  the 
foreign  world;  so  far,  I  mean,  as  we  are  now  at  liberty  to  do  it;  for  let  me  not  be  under- 
stood as  capable  of  patronizing  infidelity  to  existing  engagements.  I  hold  the  maxim 
no  less  applicable  to  pubbc  than  to  private  affairs,  that  honesty  is  always  the  best 
policy.  I  repeat  it,  therefore,  let  those  engagements  be  observed  in  their  genuine 
sense.    But,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  unnecessary  and  would  be  unwise  to  extend  them. 

Taking  care  always  to  keep  ourselves,  by  suitable  establishments,  on  a  respectably 
defensive  posture,  we  may  safely  trust  to  temporary  alliances  for  extraordinary 
emergencies. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  countrymen,  these  counsels  of  an  old  and  affectionate  friend, 
I  dare  not  hope  that  they  will  make  the  strong  and  lasting  impression  I  could  wish; 
that  they  will  control  the  usual  current  of  the  passions,  or  prevent  our  nation  from 
running  the  course  which  hitherto  has  marked  the  destiny  of  nations;  but  if  I  may 
even  flatter  myself  that  they  may  be  productive  of  some  partial  benefit,  some  occasional 
good;  that  they  may  now  and  then  recur  to  moderate  the  fury  of  party  spirit,  to  warn 
against  the  mischiefs  of  foreign  intrigues,  to  guard  against  the  impostures  of  pretended 
patriotism,  this  hope  will  be  full  recompense  for  the  solicitude  for  your  welfare  by 
which  they  have  been  dictated.* 

United  States,  September  17, 1796.  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

*  "It  is  a  source  of  profound  pride  with  me  to  receive  such  an  evidence  of  the  confidence  of 
the  great  party  which  derives  its  principles  direct  and  untainted  from  the  founders  of  our  Gov- 
ernment and  the  authors  of  our  liberty." — President  Wilson  to  Chairman  Cummings  of  the  Demo- 
cratic National  Convention  of  1920. 

The  American  democratic  advocate  of  an  un-American  super-government  forgets  his  history. 
One  hundred  and  twenty-four  years  ago,  lacking  two  months,  the  editor  of  a  Philadelphia  paper, 
the  National  Advertiser,  was  asked  to  call  at  Sixth  and  Market  streets.  He  did  so,  and  an  his- 
torian thus  narrates  the  sequel: 

"He  entered  the  hall,  was  shown  into  the  drawing  room  and  there,  standing  with  his  back  to  the  fireplace,  was  the 
most  God-like  man  the  world  has  ever  known,  six  feet  two  in  height,  steel-gray  eyes,  prominent,  aquiline  nose,  firm, 
set  mouth,  clad  in  black  velvet,  sword  hanging  by  his  side. 

"When  Mr.  Claypole,  the  editor  in  question,  entered,  this  man,  who  was  none  other  than  George  Washington,  said 
to  him: 

"  'Mr.  Claypole,  I  have  a  manuscript  here  that  I  am  very  anxious  you  should  publish  in  the  Advertiser,  and  I  want 
you  to  publish  it  exactly  as  I  have  written.' 

"Claypole  said  he  would  do  it,  and  took  it  away. 

"Washington  for  five  years  had  labored  over  that  manuscript,  first  in  1792,  toward  the  end  of  his  first  administra- 
tion; then  he  laid  it  aside  when  he  agreed  to  accept  a  second  term.  In  1796,  he  took  it  up  again  and  submitted  it  to 
the  keenest  jurist  of  his  time,  James  Madison,  sometimes  called  the  'Father  of  the  Constitution.'  He  then  discussed  it 
with  his  Cabinet,  including  the  very  acute  brain  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  When  their  opinions  were  given,  he  submitted 
the  draft  to  that  'Admirable  Crichton'  of  the  period,  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  asked  him  to  take  all  the  suggestions 
that  had  been  made  and  put  the  document  into  final  shape.  Hamilton  did  so,  and  when  it  was  returned  to  Washing- 
ton, the  latter  again  carefully  revised  it  and  then  banded  it  to  Claypole. 

"Twice  the  printer's  proofs  were  returned,  and  twice  Washington  returned  them,  with  all  the  laborious  care  that 
marked  that  supremely  great  man,  and  finally,  one  September  day,  the  noblest  political  testament  in  the  history  of 
the  world  was  published, — the  Farewell  Address. 

"It  was  not  an  official  communication  addressed  to  Congress.  It  was  addressed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
as  citizens.  It  was  not  to  his  generation  alone  that  he  addressed  it;  but,  knowing  that  he  would  soon  be  gathered  into 
the  'mansions  of  the  departed,'  Washington  desired,  as  among  the  last  acts  of  his  life,  to  give  to  future  generations  of 
the  American  people  the  result  of  his  forty-five  years  of  experience  in  the  army  and  field,  his  matured  and  final  views 
as  to  our  nation's  destiny  and  true  policy." 

C96H 


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y;-TtBCfftt              IHE3                  Km.  J  "■■'•  f.i'^il'jfa;        1    ;"'"'''        ^s. 

r^ 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE  . 

THE  Monroe  Doctrine  dates  from  a  declaration  of  December  2,  1823,  by  James 
Monroe,  Presfdent  of  the  United  States,  in  his  seventh  annual  message  to  Con- 
gress. Brazil  had  declared  its  independence  of  Portugal  the  year  before. 
Troubles  in  the  latter  country  had  caused  a  modification  of  the  Constitution.  In  Spain 
a  revolution  had  occurred,  and  the  dominion  of  Peru  was  lost.  The  Holy  Alliance, 
formed  in  1815  by  Russia,  Austria  and  Prussia,  was  threatening,  so  it  was  alleged,  to 
help  Spain  recover  its  control  in  South  America.  Russia  and  the  United  States  were 
in  controversy  over  their  Pacific  Coast  boundaries.  Mr.  Monroe  in  his  message  took 
up  the  Russian  matter  first,  saying : 

"In  the  discussions  to  which  this  interest  has  given  rise,  and  in  the  arrangements  by 
which  they  may  terminate,  the  occasion  has  been  judged  proper  for  asserting,  as  a 
principle  in  which  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States  are  involved,  that  the 
American  continents,  by  the  free  and  independent  condition  which  they  have  assumed 
and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization 
by  any  European  powers." 

The  President  then  spoke  of  Spain  and  Portugal  in  this  wise : 

"Of  events  in  that  quarter  of  the  globe  with  which  we  have  so  much  intercourse 
and  from  which  we  derive  our  origin  we  have  always  been  anxious  and  interested  spec- 
tators. The  citizens  of  the  United  States  cherish  sentiments  the  most  friendly  in  favor 
of  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  their  fellowmen  on  that  side  of  the  Atlantic.  In  the 
wars  of  the  European  powers,  in  matters  relating  to  themselves,  we  have'  never  taken 
any  part,  nor  does  it  comport  with  our  policy  so  to  do.  It  is  only  when  our  rights  are 
invaded  or  seriously  menaced  that  we  resent  injuries  or  make  preparation  for  our 
defense.  With  the  movements  in  this  hemisphere  we  are  of  necessity 'more  immedi- 
ately connected,  and  by  causes  which  must  be  obvious  to  all  enlightened  and  impartial 
observers.  The  political  system  of  the  allied  powers  is  essentially  different  in  this 
respect  from  that  of  America.  This  difference  proceeds  from  that  which  exists  in 
their  respective  Governments.  And  to  the  defense  of  our  own,  which  has  been 
achieved  by  the  loss  of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  and  matured  by  the  wisdom  of 
their  most  enlightened  citizens,  and  under  which  we  have  enjoyed  unexampled  felicity, 
this  whole  nation  is  devoted.  We  owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor  and  to  the  amicable  re- 
lations existing  between  the  United  States  and  those  powers  to  declare  that  we  should 
consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this 
hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety. 

"With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any  European  power  we  have  not 
interfered  and  shall  not  interfere.  But  with  the  Governments  who  have  declared  their 
independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great  considera- 
tion and  on  just  principles,  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  interposition  for 
the  purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling,  in  any  other  manner,  their  destiny, 
by  any  European  power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an  unfriendly 
disposition  towards  the  United  States.  In  the  war  between  these  new  Governments 
and  Spain  we  declared  our  neutrality  at  the  time  of  their  recognition,  and  to  this 
we  have  adhered,  and  shall  continue  to  adhere,  provided  no  change  shall  occur  which, 
in  the  judgment  of  the  competent  authorities  of  this  Government,  shall  make  a  cor- 
responding change  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  indispensable  to  their  security." 

C973 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


THE  REASON 
THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  WAS  ESTABLISHED 

THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 

PARTY  AND  THE  PARLIAMENTARY  SYSTEM 

THE  last  generation  has  made  great  strides  in  the  study  of  psychology.  The 
workings  of  the  individual  mind,  and  its  reaction  to  every  stimulus  or  impres- 
sion, especially  under  morbid  conditions,  have  been  examined  with  far  more  care 
than  ever  before.  Social  psychology  has  also  come  into  view,  and  attempts  have 
been  made  to  explain  the  psychology  of  national  traits,  and  of  abnormal  or  unhealthy 
popular  movements,  notably  mobs.  But  the  normal  forces  that  govern  the  ordinary 
conduct  of  men  in  their  public  relations  have  scarcely  received  any  scientific  treatment 
at  all.  In  short,  we  are  almost  wholly  lacking  in  a  psychology  of  political  parties,  the 
few  scattered  remarks  in  Maine's  "Popular  Government"  being,  perhaps,  still  the 
nearest  approach  to  such  a  thing  that  we  possess. 

The  absence  of  treatises  on  the  subject  is  all  the  more  remarkable  because  the 
phenomena  to  be  studied  are  almost  universal  in  modern  governments  that  contain 
a  popular  element.  Experience  has,  indeed,  shown  that  democracy  in  a  great  country, 
where  the  number  of  voters  is  necessarily  large,  involves  the  permanent  existence  of 
political  parties;  and  it  would  not  be  hard  to  demonstrate  that  this  must  in  the  nature 
of  things  be  the  case.  That  parties  exist,  and  are  likely  to  continue  to  do  so,  has  pro- 
voked general  attention.  By  all  statesmen  they  are  recognised  as  a  factor  to  be 
reckoned  with  in  public  life;  and,  indeed,  efforts  have  been  made  in  various  places 
to  deal  with  them  by  law.  In  the  United  States,  for  example,  the  local  caucuses,  or 
conventions  of  the  parties,  and  their  methods  of  nominating  candidates,  have  of  late 
years  been  regulated  by  statute;  while  in  Switzerland  and  Belgium,  elaborate  schemes 
of  proportional  representation  have  been  put  into  operation  to  insure  a  fair  share  of 
seats  to  the  groups  in  the  minority. 

But  if  political  parties  have  become  well-nigh  universal  at  the  present  time,  they 
are  comparatively  new  in  their  modern  form.  No  one  in  the  eighteenth  century 
foresaw  party  government  as  it  exists  to-day,  enfolding  the  whole  surface  of  public 
life  in  its  constant  ebb  and  flow.  An  occasional  man  like  Burke  could  speak  of  party 
without  condemnation;  but  with  most  writers  on  political  philosophy  parties  were 
commonly  called  factions,  and  were  assumed  to  be  subversive  of  good  order  and  the 
public  welfare.  Men  looked  at  the  history  with  which  they  were  familiar;  the  struggles 
for  supremacy  at  Athens  and  at  Rome;  the  Guelphs  and  Ghibelines  exiling  one  another 
in  the  Italian  republics;  the  riots  in  the  Netherlands;  the  civil  war  and  the  political 
strife  of  the  seventeenth  century  in  England.  It  was  not  unnatural  that  with  such 
examples  before  their  eyes  they  should  have  regarded  parties  as  fatal  to  the  pros- 
perity of  the  state.    To  them  the  idea  of  a  party  opposed  to  the  government  was  asso- 

C98n 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

dated  with  a  band  of  selfish  intriguers,  or  a  movement  that  endangered  the  public 
peace  and  the  security  of  political  institutions. 

Foreign  observers,  indeed,  point  out  that  for  nearly  three  hundred  years  political 
parties  have  existed  in  England,  as  they  have  not  in  continental  countries;  and  that  the 
procedure  of  the  House  of  Commons  has  consistently  protected  the  Opposition  in  its 
attacks  upon  the  government.  This  is  true,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  even  in  the 
seventeenth  century  party  struggles  were  carried  on  both  in  Parliament  and  by  pam- 
phlets and  public  speeches,  with  a  freedom  unknown  in  most  other  nations;  but  still 
they  were  a  very  different  thing  from  what  they  are  now.  They  were  never  far 
removed  from  violence.  When  the  Opposition  of  those  days  did  not  actually  lead  to 
bloodshed,  it  was  perilpusly  near  to  plots  and  insurrection;  and  the  fallen  minister, 
who  was  driven  from  power  by  popular  feeling  or  the  hostility  of  Parliament,  passed 
under  the  shadow  at  least  of  the  scaffold.  Danby  was  impeached,  and  Shaftesbury, 
his  rival,  died  a  refugee  in  Holland.  With  the  accession  of  the  House  of  Hanover, 
and  the  vanishing  of  the  old  issues,  political  violence  subsided.  The  parties  degen- 
erated into  personal  factions  among  the  ruling  class;  and  true  parties  were  evolved 
slowly  by  the  new  problems  of  a  later  generation. 

The  expression,  "His  Majesty's  Opposition,"  said  to  have  been  coined  by  John  Cam 
Hobhouse  before  the  Reform  Bill,  would  not  have  been  understood  at  an  earlier  period; 
and  it  embodies  the  greatest  contribution  of  the  nineteenth  century  to  the  art  of  govern- 
ment— that  of  a  party  out  of  power  which  is  recognised  as  perfectly  loyal  to  the  in- 
stitutions of  the  state,  and  ready  at  any  moment  to  come  into  office  without  a  shock 
to  the  political  traditions  of  the  nation.  In  countries  where  popular  control  of  public 
affairs  has  endured  long  enough  to  be  firmly  established,  an  Opposition  is  not  regarded 
as  in  its  nature  unpatriotic.  On  the  contrary,  the  party  in  power  has  no  desire  to  see 
the  Opposition  disappear.  It  wants  to  remain  in  power  itself,  and  for  that  reason  it 
wants  to  keep  a  majority  of  the  people  on  its  side;  but  it  knows  well  that  if  the  Opposi- 
tion were  to  become  so  enfeebled  as  to  be  no  longer  formidable,  rifts  would  soon  ap- 
pear in  its  own  ranks.  In  the  newer  democracies,  such  as  France  and  Italy,  there  are 
large  bodies  of  men  whose  aims  are  revolutionary,  whose  object  is  to  change  the  exist- 
ing form  of  government,  although  not  necessarily  by  violent  means.  These  men  are 
termed  "irreconcilables,"  and  so  long  as  they  maintain  that  attitude,  quiet  political 
life  with  a  peaceful  alternation  of  parties  in  power  is  an  impossibility. 

The  recognition  of  the  Opposition  as  a  legitimate  body,  entitled  to  attain  to  power 
by  persuasion,  is  a  primary  condition  of  the  success  of  the  party  system,  and  there- 
fore of  popular  government  on  a  large  scale.  Other  conditions  of  success  follow  from 
this. 

If  the  Opposition  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  revolutionary,  its  objects  must  not  be  of 
that  character,  either  in  the  eyes  of  its  own  adherents,  or  in  those  of  other  people.  As 
Professor  Dicey  has  put  it,  parties  must  be  divided  upon  real  differences,  which  are 
important,  but  not  fundamental.  There  is,  of  course,  no  self-evident  line  to  mark  off 
those  things  that  are  revolutionary  or  fundamental;  and  herein  lies  an  incidental  ad- 
vantage of  a  written  constitution  restricting  the  competence  of  the  legislature,  for  it 
draws  just  such  a  line,  and  goes  far  to  confine  the  immediate  energies  of  the  parties  to 
questions  that  are  admitted  not  to  be  revolutionary.  In  the  absence  of  a  constitution 
of  that  kind,  party  activity  must  be  limited  to  a  conventional  field,  which  is  regarded 
by  the  public  opinion  of  the  day  as  fairly  within  the  range  of  practical  politics.    Clearly 

C99H 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN  TWENTY 

the  issues  must  not  involve  vital  matters,  such  as  life  or  confiscation.  When,  during 
the  progress  of  the  French  Revolution,  an  orator  argued  in  favour  of  the  responsibility 
of  the  ministers,  and  added  "By  responsibility  we  mean  death,"  he  advocated  a  prin- 
ciple inconsistent  with  the  peaceful  alternation  of  parties  in  power. 

For  the  same  reason  there  is  grave  danger  when  the  lines  of  cleavage  of  the  parties 
coincide  with  those  between  the  different  social  classes  in  the  community,  because 
one  side  is  likely  to  believe  that  the  other  is  shaking  the  foundations  of  society,  and 
passions  are  kindled  like  those  that  blaze  in  civil  war.  This  is  true  whenever  the 
parties  are  separated  by  any  of  the  deeper  feelings  that  divide  mankind  sharply  into 
groups;  and  especially  when  two  or  three  such  feelings  follow  the  same  channel. 
The  chief  difficulty  with  Irish  Nationalism,  as  a  factor  in  English  politics,  lies  in  the 
fact  that  to  a  great  extent  the  line  of  cleavage  is  at  once  racial,  religious,  social,  and 
economic. 

In  order  that  the  warfare  of  parties  may  be  not  only  safe,  but  healthy,  it  must  be 
based  upon  a  real  difference  of  opinion  about  the  needs  of  the  community  as  a  whole. 
In  so  far  as  it  is  waged,  not  for  public  objects,  but  for  the  private  gain,  whether  of 
individuals,  or  of  classes,  or  of  collective  interests,  rich  or  poor,  to  that  extent  politics 
will  degenerate  into  a  scramble  of  self-seekers. 

Before  inquiring  how  far  these  conditions  have  been  fulfilled  in  England  we  must 
consider  the  form  that  party  has  assumed  there,  and  the  institutions  to  which  it  has 
given  birth.  England  is,  in  fact,  the  only  large  country  in  which  the  political  institu- 
tions and  the  party  system  are  thoroughly  in  harmony. 

The  framers  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  did  not  foresee  the  role  that 
party  was  to  play  in  popular  government,  and  they  made  no  provision  for  it  in  their 
plan;  yet  they  established  a  system  in  which  parties  were  a  necessity.  It  was  from  the 
first  inevitable,  and  soon  became  clear,  that  the  real  selection  of  the  President  would 
not  be  left  to  the  judgment  of  the  electoral  college — a  result  made  the  more  certain, 
first,  by  providing  that  the  members  should  assemble  by  States,  and  hence  should  not 
meet  together  as  a  whole  for  deliberation;  and  second,  by  excluding  from  the  college 
all  congressmen  and  holders  of  federal  offices,  that  is,  all  the  leading  men  in  national 
public  life.  If  the  electoral  college  was  not  really  to  select  the  President,  it  must  become 
a  mere  machine  for  registering  the  results  of  a  popular  vote  throughout  the  nation, 
and  the  candidates  for  the  presidency  must  be  designated  beforehand  in  some  way. 

In  a  small  district  where  the  voters  are  few,  and  an  interchange  of  opinions  naturally 
takes  place  by  informal  conference,  public  officers  may  be  elected  by  popular  vote 
without  the  existence  of  any  machinery  for  nomination;  but  in  a  large  constituency, 
where  the  voters  are  not  personally  acquainted  with  each  other,  men  who  have  the 
same  objects  in  view  must  get  together,  agree  upon  a  candidate,  and  recommend  him 
to  the  public.  Otherwise  votes  will  be  thrown  away  by  scattering  them,  and  it  will 
be  mere  chance  whether  the  result  corresponds  with  the  real  wishes  of  the  voters  or 
not.  In  short,  there  must  be  some  process  for  nominating  candidates;  that  is,  some 
party  organisation;  and  the  larger  the  electorate  the  more  imperative  the  need  of 
it.  Now  the  electorate  that  practically  chooses  the  President  of  the  United  States  is 
by  far  the  largest  single  constituency  that  has  ever  existed  in  the  world.  It  is,  in  fact, 
noteworthy  that  democracy  throughout  Europe  adheres  to  the  custom  of  dividing  the 
country  for  political  purposes  into  comparatively  small  electorates;  while  in  the  United 
States  it  is  the  habit  to  make  whole  communities  single  constituencies  for  the  choice 
of  their  chief  magistrates — state  governors  or  national  president — a  condition  of  things 

noon 


NATHAN      L.     MILLER 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS 

that  involves  elaborate  party  machinery  for  nomination,  and  hence  the  creation 
of  huge  party  organisations  on  a  popular  basis. 

The  form  of  government  in  the  United  States  has  thus  made  parties  inevitable;  and 
yet  they  were  furnished  with  no  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  their  functions  by  the 
regular  organs  of  the  state.  There  were  no  means  provided  whereby  a  party  could 
formulate  and  carry  through  its  policy,  select  its  candidates  for  high  office,  or  insure 
that  they  should  be  treated  as  the  real  leaders  of  the  party  and  able  to  control  its 
action.*  The  machinery  of  party,  therefore,  from  the  national  convention  to  the  legis- 
lative caucus,  has  perforce  been  created  outside  the  framework  of  the  government, 
and  cannot  be  nicely  adjusted  thereto. 

Turning  from  Parliament  to  the  legislative  bodies  of  the  United  States,  we  find 
quite  a  different  array  of  figures.  Five  Congresses  were  examined,  those  elected  in 
1844,  1862,  1886,  1896  and  1898,  and  in  each  of  them  all  the  sessions  of  both  branches 
were  studied.  From  the  summary  of  results,  given  in  the  note,  it  is  clear  that  no 
such  continuous  tendency  has  been  at  work,  as  in  the  House  of  Commons.  The  pro- 
portion of  party  votes  changes  very  much  from  one  Congress,  and  even  from  one 
session,  to  another,  but  it  does  not  follow  closely  any  fixed  law  of  evolution.  It  is, 
indeed,  much  less  in  the  first  of  these  Congresses  than  in  the  last,  and,  no  doubt,  it 
tends  on  the  whole  to  increase;  yet  great  fluctuations  have  taken  place,  sometimes 
between  two  sessions  of  the  same  Congress.  It  has  often  happened,  for  example, 
that  the  proportion  of  party  votes  has  been  twice  as  large  in  one  session  as  in  another. 
The  most  striking  case  occurred  in  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  elected  in  1896.  Here  the 
percentage  of  party  votes  in  the  first  session  of  the  House  was  85.71,  and  in  the  third 
only  20;  while  in  the  Senate  it  was  69.47  in  the  first  session,  and  in  the  third  it  dis- 
appeared altogether.  Wherever  this  happens,  and  in  fact  wherever  the  number  of 
party  votes  is  especially  large,  it  is  because  of  some  one  particular  measure  on  which 
the  parties  take  issue.  In  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  it  was  due  to  the  Dingley  Tariff 
Bill,  which  the  Houses  had  been  called  together  in  a  special  session  to  consider;  and  in 
the  same  way  th'e  66.48  per  cent  of  party  votes  in  the  Senate  in  the  second  session  of 
the  Fiftieth  Congress  was  almost  entirely  caused  by  the  Mills  Tariff  Bill,  or  rather 
by  the  Senate  substitute  therefor. 

In  Parliament  contentious  legislation  is  now  conducted  in  the  main  by  one  party 
and  opposed  by  the  other,  and  hence  the  proportion  of  party  votes  is  nearly  constant. 
In  Congress  this  is  by  no  means  true,  and  the  quantity  of  such  votes  depends  largely 
upon  the  presence  of  some  question  on  which  the  parties  happen  to  be  sharply  divided. 
On  other  subjects  party  lines  are  less  strictly  drawn.  In  short,  in  England  the  parties 
frame  the  issues;  in  America  at  the  present  day  the  issues  do  not,  indeed,  make  the 
parties,  but  determine  the  extent  of  their  opposition  to  each  other  in  matters  of  legis- 
lation. In  general  the  statistics  for  Congress  show  that  whereas  during  the  middle 
of  the  century  the  amount  of  party  voting  there  was  at  least  as  great  as  in  Parliament, 
and  while  in  particular  sessions  the  English  maximum  has  been  exceeded,  yet  on  the 
average,  party  lines  are  now  drawn  distinctly  less  often  than  in  the  House  of  Commons. 

From  "The  Government  of  England"  by  A.  Lawrence  Lowell 

*  "So  long  as  the  principles  of  a  political  party  are  conceded,  personal  political  ambitions  are 
justifiable,  but  whenever  fundamental  ideas  must  be  defended,  that  must  be  done  by  ideas  alone. 
The  present  campaign  of  The  Republican  Party  is  a  fight  for  the  survival  of  the  American  system 
of  government.  It  should  enlist  the  support  of  every  man  who  has  caught  the  spirit  of  American 
institutions." — William  Barnes  in  the  Campaign  of  19lt. 

Don 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


LINCOLN'S  GETTYSBURG  ADDRESS 

Delivered  at  the 

Dedication  of  the  National  Cemetery, 

November  19,  1863 

FOURSCORE  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth 
on  this  continent,  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and  dedi- 
cated to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal. 

Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether  that 
nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated,  can  long  en- 
dure. We  are  met  on  a  great  battlefield  of  that  war.  We  have 
come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field,  as  a  final  resting-place  of 
those  who  here  gave  their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is 
altogether  fitting  and  proper  that  we  should  do  this. 

But,  in  a  larger  sense,  we  cannot  dedicate — we  cannot  consecrate 
— we  cannot  hallow — this  ground.  The  brave  men,  living  and 
dead,  who  struggled  here  have  consecrated  it,  far  above  our  poor 
power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note,  nor  long  re- 
member what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they  did 
here.  It  is  for  us  the  living,  rather,  to  be  dedicated  here  to  the  un- 
finished work  which  they  who  fought  here  have  thus  far  so  nobly 
advanced.  It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task 
remaining  before  us — that  from  these  honored  dead  we  take  in- 
creased devotion  to  that  cause  for  which  they  gave  the  last  full 
measure  of  devotion — that  we  here  highly  resolve  that  these  dead 
shall  not  have  died  in  vain — that  this  nation,  under  God,  shall  have 
a  new  birth  of  freedom — and  that  government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth.  [An 
accurate  version  of  the  Gettysburg  Address  as  revised  by  Mr.  Lin- 
coln and  printed  in  "Autographs  of  Our  Country's  Authors," 
Baltimore,  1864.] 


C1023 


Part  III 

THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


JOHN  MARSHALL 

The  Founder  of  "Republicanism"  as  the  Safeguard  of  True  Democracy 

By  ALBERT  J.  BEVERIDGE 

Former  United  States  Senator  and  Author  of  "The  Life  of  John  Marshall" 

FOR  the  first  time  in  many  decades,  the  American  people  are  facing  a  situation 
which  compels  attention  to  the  fundamentals  of  government.  Heretofore  our 
political  issues,  while  important,  have  not  involved  the  basic  principles  of  our 
institutions  of  orderly  freedom;  they  might  have  been  settled  either  way  without  affect- 
ing the  foundation  upon  which  the  American  Nation  rests.  To-day,  however,  condi- 
tions are  arising  which  have  to  do  with  the  on-going  of  government  by  methods  of 
regular  and  systematic  procedure. 

It  thus  has  come  about  that  the  philosophy  and  work  of  John  Marshall  are  at  this 
time  more  important  than  those  of  any  other  man  in  our  history  to  the  preservation 
of  our  Republic  as  it  was  planned  and  has  thus  far  developed.  He  understood  better 
than  anybody  else,  or,  at  least,  worked  out  more  effectively  than  any  other  mind,  the 
capital  truth  that  a  stable  and  stabilizing  force  is  vital  to  the  success  of  a  democracy. 

It  is  becoming  ever  clearer  to  thoughtful  men  that  the  gravest  peril  to  popular  gov- 
ernment is  the  want  of  steadiness.  Temporary  popular  caprice,  sharp  and  passionate 
demands  for  instantaneous  and  ill-considered  action,  the  eccentric  play  of  emotion  on 
public  opinion  which,  if  held  in  check  until  the  people  can  have  the  benefit  of  their 
sober  second  thought,  unfailingly  are  regretted  and  rejected  by  the  mass  judgment, 
will,  when  unrestrained  and  undisciplined,  lead  to  inevitable  catastrophe. 

While  of  course  it  is  impossible  in  a  few  words  to  give  even  a  brief  precis  of  Mar- 
shall's philosophy,  yet  perhaps  the  whole  of  it  may  be  best  summed  up  in  the  words 
steadiness  in  popular  thought  and  action  and  stability  of  public  judgment  when  once 
maturely  formed  and  deliberately  rendered.  As  the  best  aid  to  this,  Marshall  realized 
and  managed  to  put  into  effect  the  principle  of  the  supremacy  of  courts,  not  only  in  the 
ordinary  disputes  of  men,  but  also  over  such  legislation  as  is  forbidden  by  our  funda- 
mental law.  Of  equal  moment  was  his  idea,  which  he  contrived  to  put  into  practice, 
that  every  branch  of  our  popular  government  must  function  in  a  regular  manner 
according  to  well  understood  rules  established  by  statute  and  custom. 

Speaking  by  and  large,  it  is  these  conceptions  of  legislation,  administration  and 
judicial  control  which  are  now  in  gravest  danger,  and  which  must  be  defended  and 
preserved  at  any  cost  and  at  any  hazard;  since  otherwise  it  is  plain  that  our  Republi- 
can Government  will  fall  into  chaos.    Many  examples  of  this  simple  fact  may  be  given. 

For  instance,  the  lawless  method  of  coercing  the  enactment  of  the  Adamson  law 
raised  exactly  this  elemental  issue;  for,  should  such  a  practice  become  general,  there 
would,  of  course,  be  an  end  of  free  government  of,  by  and  for  all  the  people,  and 
instead,  we  would  suffer  under  the  erratic  despotism  of  political  groups.  The  practical 
abrogation  of  many  other  constitutional  methods  of  executive  action,  fresh  in  the 
minds  of  all,  furnish  still  other  illustrations. 

£10511 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Additional  instances,  hardly  less  shocking,  are  before  our  eyes  in  the  matter  of 
the  numerous  attempts  to  suppress  lawful  free  speech  on  the  one  hand;  and  yet  the 
unrestrained  exercise  of  criminal  speech  on  the  other  hand — both  violative  of  the  very 
life  principle  of  liberty. 

That  our  government  shall  not  be  one  of  personal  whims  but  of  general  laws;  that 
local  sovereignty  shall  be  full  and  inviolate  in  local  affairs,  and  national  power  ample 
and  supreme  in  matters  of  national  concern;  that  good  faith  is  the  legal  as  well  as 
moral  foundation  of  our  economic  and  social  life;  that  representative  government  is 
the  true  expression  of  genuine  and  practical  democracy;  that  citizens  must  elect  honest 
men  to  transact  public  business  or  suffer  the  natural  consequences  if  they  place  dis- 
honest men  in  power;  that  obedience  to  law  is  the  only  condition  of  freedom  and 
safety — these  are  the  life-giving  and  life-sustaining  elements  which  John  Marshall 
gave  to  the  American  Nation. 


C106  3 


& 


^'•""v 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

By  ELIHU  ROOT 

Former  United  States  Senator  and  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States 

THE  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln  is  full  of  appeals  to  the  imagination;  its  dramatic 
quality  absorbs  attention.  The  humble  beginnings,  the  early  poverty,  the  slender 
opportunity  for  even  the  simplest  education,  the  swift  rise  from  the  ordinary 
lot  to  the  heights  of  station  and  of  power,  the  singular  absence  of  those  aids  by  which 
personal  ambition  commonly  seeks  its  ends,  the  transcendent  moral  quality  of  the 
cause  which  he  came  to  lead,  the  desperate  struggle,  the  triumphant  success,  the  tragic 
ending,  the  startling  contrast  between  the  abuse  and  ridicule  to  which  he  was  so  long 
subjected,  and  the  honor  and  glory  for  all  time  which  he  achieved;  all  these  tend  com- 
pletely to  fill  the  minds  of  those  who  read  or  listen  to  the  story  of  Lincoln. 

There  is  another  view  of  Lincoln's  life,  however,  which  we  ought  not  to  overlook, 
and  from  which  a  useful  lesson  may  be  learned.  He  was  intensely  practical.  While 
he  never  for  a  moment  lost  sight  of  the  great  ends  towards  which  he  struggled,  or 
wavered  in  his  devotion  to  the  eternal  principles  which  justified  those  ends,  he  never 
assumed  that  his  conclusions  would  be  accepted  merely  because  he  knew  they  were 
right,  however  clearly  he  might  state  them.  He  did  not  expect  other  people's  minds 
to  work  as  his  mind  worked  or  to  reach  his  conclusions  because  he  thought  they  ought 
to  reach  them,  or  to  feel  as  he  felt  because  he  thought  they  ought  to  feel  so.  He  never 
relied  upon  authority  or  dictation  or  compulsion  upon  the  minds  of  others.  Never 
concealing  or  obscuring  his  ideals,  avowing  them,  declaring  them,  constant  to  them, 
setting  them  high  for  guidance  as  if  among  the  stars,  he  kept  his  feet  on  the  earth, 
he  minded  his  steps,  he  studied  the  country  to  be  traversed,  its  obstacles,  its  possible 
aids  to  progress.  He  studied  the  material  with  which  he  had  to  work, — the  infinite 
varieties  of  human  nature,  the  good,  the  bad,  and  predominantly  the  indifferent,  the 
widely  differing  material  interests  of  sections  and  of  occupations,  the  inherited  tradi- 
tions and  prejudices,  the  passions  and  weaknesses,  sympathies  and  dislikes,  the 
ignorance  and  misunderstanding,  the  successive  stages  of  slowly  developing  opinion, 
the  selfishness  and  the  altruism.  He  understood  that  to  lead  a  nation  in  emergency 
he  had  to  bring  all  these  forces  into  such  relations  to  his  design  and  to  each  other  that 
the  resultant  of  forces  would  be  in  the  direction  of  his  purpose.  This  was  the  field  of 
Lincoln's  great  struggle,  and  here  he  won  by  infinite  patience  and  sagacity.  During 
those  terrible  years  of  the  Rebellion  he  was  not  disturbing  himself  about  what  prin- 
ciples he  ought  to  maintain  or  what  end  he  ought  to  seek.  He  was  struggling  with  the 
weaknesses  and  perversities  of  human  nature  at  home.  He  was  smoothing  away  ob- 
stacles and  converting  enemies  and  strengthening  friends,  and  bending  all  possible 
motives  and  desires  and  prejudices  into  the  direction  of  his  steady  purpose.  Many 
people  thought  while  he  was  doing  this  that  he  was  trifling,  that  he  was  yielding  where 
he  ought  to  have  been  splendidly  courageous  and  peremptory.  He  understood  as  they 
did  not  how  to  bend  his  material  without  breaking  it;  he  understood  as  they  did  not 
how  many  a  jest  bridged  over  a  difficult  situation,  and  made  it  possible  to  avoid  a 
quarrel  injurious  to  the  Union  cause. 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN  TWENTY 

Lincoln's  whole  life  had  been  a  training  for  just  this  kind  of  struggle.  He  had  begun 
at  the  bottom  in  a  community  of  simple,  poor,  and  for  the  most  part  uneducated  people, 
and  he  had  learned  in  his  contests  for  the  State  Legislature  to  win  the  support  of  those 
people  by  actual  personal  contact  and  influence,  standing  absolutely  on  a  level  with 
them,  and  without  any  possible  assumption  of  superiority  or  right  of  dictation.  He 
had  moved  along  up  the  scale  of  association  with  people  of  broader  minds  and  greater 
education  and  more  trained  intelligence,  developing  himself  as  he  moved  on,  but  never 
changing  his  method  of  winning  agreement.  This  was  always  by  a  frank  and  honest 
declaration  of  principle  and  purpose  accompanied  by  the  most  skilful  and  sympathetic 
appeal  to  the  human  nature  of  the  man  with  whom  he  dealt,  based  upon  a  careful 
study  of  the  capacities  and  prejudices  and  motives  of  that  man. 

He  had  three  qualities  of  the  highest  value.  The  first  was  sympathy, — genuine  appre- 
ciative sympathy  for  all  his  fellow-men.  Contemplation  of  human  nature  furnishes 
nothing  more  encouraging  than  the  general  response  of  mankind  to  such  a  quality;  it 
cannot  be  simulated;  it  must  be  real;  and  then  it  begets  its  like  in  others.  Secretary 
Stanton  used  to  get  out  of  patience  with  Lincoln  because  he  was  all  the  time  pardoning 
men  who  ought  to  be  shot;  but  no  one  can  tell  how  much  the  knowledge  of  that 
quality  in  him  drew  the  people  of  the  country  towards  him  and  won  their  confidence 
and  support.  Above  all,  that  quality  enabled  him  to  understand  men,  to  appreciate 
how  they  felt,  and  why  they  acted  as  they  did,  and  how  they  could  be  set  right  when 
they  were  wrong. 

The  second  quality  was  a  sense  of  proportion,  with  which  is  always  associated  humor 
or  a  sense  of  humor.  He  knew  intuitively  what  was  big  and  important  and  must  be 
insisted  upon,  and  what  might  seem  big  but  was  really  small  and  unimportant  and 
might  be  sacrificed  without  harm.  Such  a  statement  may  seem  a  matter  of  course  and 
of  little  consequence;  but,  if  we  look  back  in  history  we  can  see  that  a  large  part  of  the 
most  bitter  controversies  in  politics  and  religion  and  statecraft  and  opinion  in  all 
fields  have  been  about  matters  which  really  were  not  in  themselves  of  the  slightest 
consequence;  and  we  may  realize  how  important  it  is  in  great  crises  to  have  leaders 
who  can  form  the  same  kind  of  judgment  about  the  relative  importance  of  questions 
at  issue  that  future  generations  may  readily  form  in  the  reading  of  history. 

The  third  quality  of  Lincoln's  was  his  subordination  of  himself  to  his  cause.  He 
liked  to  get  on  in  the  world,  of  course,  as  any  normal  man  does;  but  the  way  he  got  on 
was  by  thinking  about  his  job,  not  by  thinking  about  himself.  During  all  these  years 
he  was  not  thinking  about  making  Abraham  Lincoln  famous;  he  was  thinking  about 
putting  an  end  to  slavery  and  preserving  the  Union.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  that 
the  two  who  have  attained  the  highest  pinnacles  are  not  to  be  found  among  the  millions 
of  Americans  who  have  dreamed  of  power  and  fame  for  themselves.  Washington  and 
Lincoln  reached  their  pre-eminence  by  thinking  about  their  work  and  forgetting 
themselves. 

Lincoln  never  made  the  mistake  of  using  words — either  oral  or  written — merely  for 
his  own  satisfaction.  Many  fine  sentiments  are  uttered  about  public  affairs  which  are 
not  really  designed  to  have  an  effect  upon  anybody  except  the  speaker  or  writer  whose 
feelings  are  gratified  by  expression.  They  are  like  the  use  of  expletives — profane  and 
otherwise — which  simply  relieve  the  feelings  of  the  speaker.  Lincoln  never  made  this 
mistake.  When  he  spoke  or  wrote,  his  objective  was  always  the  mind  of  somebody 
else.  His  method  with  individuals  is  well  illustrated  by  the  incident  when  a  committee 
of  gentlemen  called  upon  him  to  object  to  the  use  of  negro  troops.    They  said  they  were 

nosn 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 

all  patriotic  citizens,  that  their  sons  were  serving  in  the  Union  Army,  and  were  culti- 
vated gentlemen,  and  they  objected  to  having  negroes  put  upon  the  same  level.  Mr. 
Lincoln  said:  "Well,  gentlemen,  if  you  would  rather  have  your  sons  die  for  a  black 
man  than  have  a  black  man  die  for  your  sons,  I  suppose  there  is  nothing  more  to  be 
said."  This  was  a  wholly  new  view  of  the  subject.  The  objectors  were  prepared  to 
stand  for  all  time  against  arguments  designed  to  force  them  to  abandon  their  prejudice. 
Lincoln,  however,  had  instantly  found  the  line  of  least  resistance  which  left  the  prej- 
udice undisturbed  and  at  the  same  time  left  them  nothing  to  say;  so  the  objection 
ended. 

Another  illustration  on  a  broader  field  is  to  be  found  in  the  great  debates  with 
Douglas.  From  first  to  last,  in  these  debates  he  insisted  upon  the  fundamental  proposi- 
tion that  slavery  was  morally  wrong  and  ought  not  to  continue.  He  knew,  however, 
that  the  conservatism  and  the  material  interests  and  the  unawakened  conscience  of 
the  North  could  not  then  be  arrayed  in  favor  of  destroying  slavery  in  the  slave  States 
at  the  expense  of  destroying  the  Constitution.  Accordingly,  he  carefully  and  con- 
sistently disclaimed  any  such  proposal,  and  limited  himself  to  demanding  that  slavery 
should  be  restricted  to  the  States  where  it  already  existed  under  the  protection  of  the 
Constitution,  and  that  its  extension  should  be  prevented  just  as  it  had  been  prevented 
by  the  ordinance  for  the  Government  of  the  Northwest  Territory  in  1787,  in  confidence 
that  if  restricted  it  would  die  a  natural  death  just  as  the  framers  of  the  Constitution 
believed  it  would  die  when  they  agreed  to  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution.  Upon 
that  proposition  to  prevent  the  extension  of  slavery  because  slavery  was  wrong,  he 
enlisted  the  public  opinion  of  the  North  and  made  possible  the  election  of  a  Republican 
President  in  1860.  In  the  struggle  of  the  South  against  that  proposition  a  new  situation 
was  created,  and  in  1863  the  whole  North  accepted  the  complete  emancipation  upon 
which  they  would  have  divided  fatally  five  years  before. 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation  itself  illustrates  the  same  wise  solicitude  to  keep 
the  people  upon  whose  support  he  relied  close  behind  his  leadership.  After  declaring 
that  the  slaves  shall  be  free,  he  concludes  with  the  following  paragraph: 

"And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice  warranted  by  the  Con- 
stitution upon  military  necessity,  I  invoke  the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind  and 
the  gracious  favor  of  Almighty  God." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  of  a  broader  appeal  to  more  varied  kinds  of  men  and 
phases  of  opinion  than  is  contained  in  this  single  sentence  of  thirty-three  words.  It 
commands  the  interest  and  conciliates  the  support  of  all  who  love  justice,  of  all  who 
revere  the  Constitution,  of  all  who  are  determined  that  the  sacrifices  of  the  country  in 
the  war  shall  not  have  been  in  vain,  of  all  who  regard  the  judgment  of  mankind,  of 
all  whose  sympathy  is  enlisted  by  action  reverent  in  spirit  and  seeking  for  Divine  guid- 
ance. It  claims  no  credit  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  but  it  places  the  great  act  with  a  fitting 
sense  of  proportion  on  a  basis  to  command  universal  approval  and  support. 

One  of  the  most  valuable  results  of  Lincoln's  training  was  that  he  understood  the 
necessity  of  political  organization  for  the  accomplishment  of  political  ends.  He  knew 
that  to  attain  a  great  public  purpose  multitudes  of  men  must  be  induced  to  lay  aside  or 
postpone  or  in  some  way  subordinate  their  minor  differences  of  opinion,  and  to  move 
together  on  the  lines  of  major  policy.  He  used  all  the  resources  of  party  organization 
to  hold  the  people  of  the  North-to  the  support  of  the  Northern  armies  in  the  field.  Lin- 
coln was  a  politician,  the  best  practical  politician  of  his  time.    If  he  had  not  been  that, 

:  loon 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

the  Northern  armies  would  have  been  abandoned;  the  Union  would  have  been  broken 
to  the  infinite  injury  of  both  sections;  and  slavery  would  have  continued,  no  one  knows 
how  long, — probably  until  another  war  had  been  fought.  It  will  be  useful  to  remember 
that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  politician.  The  word  is  often  used  as  a  term  of  reproach. 
Such  a  use  indicates  the  most  superficial  thinking,  or,  rather,  failure  to  think.  To  be 
a  corrupt  and  self-seeking  politician  ought  of  course  to  be  a  reproach,  just  as  it  is  a  dis- 
credit to  be  a  corrupt  or  unfair  business  man.  Politics  is  the  practical  exercise  of  the 
art  of  self-government,  and  somebody  must  attend  to  it  if  we  are  to  have  self-govern- 
ment; somebody  must  study  it  and  learn  the  art  and  exercise  patience  and  sympathy 
and  skill  to  bring  the  multitude  of  opinions  and  wishes  of  self-governing  people  into 
such  order  that  some  prevailing  opinion  may  be  expressed  and  peaceably  accepted. 
Otherwise,  confusion  will  result  either  in  dictatorship  or  anarchy.  The  principal 
ground  of  reproach  against  any  American  citizen  should  be  that  he  is  not  a  politician. 
Everyone  ought  to  be,  as  Lincoln  was. 


E1103 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


ANDREW  JOHNSON 

By  ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART 

Professor  of  Government  in  Harvard  University 

k  NDREW  JOHNSON,  second  Republican  President,  down  to  the  Civil  War  had  been 
f\  a  States'  Rights  Democrat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  as  Governor  of  Ten- 
_Z.  A  nessee,  and  as  United  States  Senator.  His  career  as  a  Republican  began  when, 
because  of  his  active  opposition  to  the  secession  of  his  State,  he  was  appointed  Mili- 
tary Governor  of  Tennessee  in  1862.  He  made  himself  felt  in  that  service,  and  was 
therefore  selected  out  of  a  large  field  of  possibilities  by  Abraham  Lincoln  to  be  his 
running  mate  in  the  election  of  1864.  Even  then  he  was  officially  the  candidate  of  the 
"Union"  or  "National  Union"  party,  a  name  taken  on  by  the  Republicans  in  this 
campaign  in  order  to  encourage  recruiting  of  former  Democrats  and  border  State  men. 

By  the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  April  15, 1865,  Johnson  unexpectedly  became  Presi- 
dent. He  retained  Lincoln's  cabinet  and  acted  upon  what  we  know  to  have  been 
Lincoln's  general  idea  of  starting  the  process  of  reconstruction,  by  the  formation  of 
new  State  governments  in  nearly  all  the  eleven  "Wandering  Sisters."  That  policy  was 
a  form  acceptable  to  a  majority  of  the  Republicans,  but  for  the  disturbance  caused 
by  the  Negro  question.  President  Johnson,  like  Lincoln,  was  in  origin  a  southern  poor 
white;  he  intended  to  base  the  new  Southern  governments  on  poor  whites,  and  was 
interested  in  the  poor  negroes. 

The  radical  Republicans  in  Congress  therefore  organized  against  him,  and  read  him 
out  of  the  party.  In  the  violent  controversy  of  1866-1867  they  used  their  compact  two- 
thirds  majorities  to  override  his  vetoes  and  reduce  his  power  as  President.  Johnson 
who  was  by  nature  a  rough  and  uncompromising  man,  never  afraid  of  a  fight,  hit 
back;  and  the  Radical  Republican  leaders  undertook  to  break  the  President  by  an  im- 
peachment. Whatever  his  personal  faults,  Johnson's  real  offense  was  that  he  dis- 
agreed with  the  Thaddeus  Stephens-Charles  Sumner  group.  Fortunate  it  was  in  vain 
that  they  tried  to  establish  the  dangerous  doctrine  that  the  President  is  under  a  parlia- 
mentary responsibility  to  Congress. 

Johnson's  reconstruction  plan  was  laid  aside;  but  as  President  he  showed  native 
strength  and  administrative  skill.  He  supported  the  far-sighted  American  policy  of 
Secretary  Seward.  He  had  the  personal  good-will  of  General  Grant,  and  other  good 
Republicans.  Though  the  responsibility  of  reconstruction  was  too  much  for  him,  he 
deserves  to  be  remembered  by  the  Republican  Party  as  almost  the  first,  and  one  of  the 
most  eminent,  of  the  Southern  Republicans. 


nm 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT 

By  CALVIN  COOLIDGE 

Governor  of  Massachusetts 

WHEN  Lincoln  was  inaugurated  few  men  in  the  United  States  seemed  of  less 
consequence  than  Captain  Grant,  who,  although  thirty-nine  years  old,  was 
working  at  Galena  in  his  father's  leather  store  for  lower  wages  than  many 
elevator  boys  receive  to-day;  and  yet  because  he  happened  in  the  way  of  opportunity, 
because  he  did  the  very  best  he  could  in  every  place  he  had,  accepting  every  oppor- 
tunity that  came  to  him,  without  a  thought  to  personal  advancement  and  ready  always 
for  the  duty  next  at  hand,  he  soon  became,  in  spite  of  his  distaste  for  war,  the  greatest 
military  captain  of  his  time,  and  then,  in  spite  of  inexperience  in  politics,  one  of  the 
greatest  of  our  Presidents. 

Ulysses  Grant  was  modest,  simple  and  dependable.  He  did  not  have  a  complicated 
mind  or  complicated  motives.  He  had  the  training  of  a  soldier  without  love  for  the 
trade.  He  quit  the  army,  which  he  did  not  like,  because  he  thought  in  time  of  peace  it 
was  a  frittering  away  of  time.  He  saw  no  glamour  in  gold  lace  or  epaulets.  He 
never  quickened  at  the  rattle  of  a  drum.  He  would  have  been  content  to  trudge  along 
through  life  without  distinction,  without  rank  or  fame.  He  was  not  deeply  versed  in 
the  arts  of  war  or  statesmanship  or  of  diplomacy.  He  was  not  gifted  with  imagination, 
but  had  the  qualities  of  loyalty,  determination,  force  and  fearlessness.  He  was  guiltless 
of  ingratitude.  He  stood  true  to  his  friends.  He  asked  advice  and  he  was  not  ashamed 
to  follow  it.  He  sought  his  country's  glory — not  his  own.  He  loved  peace  because  he 
had  experienced  war,  but  never  thought  to  use  the  cant  of  peace  to  cover  feeble  pur- 
pose or  lure  votes.  He  never  hesitated  in  the  face  of  war,  or  dawdled  with  an  armistice 
before  the  enemy  acknowledged  their  complete  defeat.  His  name  is  still  synonymous 
with  "Unconditional  Surrender." 

While  he  was  President,  America  ranked  high  among  the  nations.  Her  citizens  were 
treated  with  unqualified  respect  in  every  corner  of  the  earth.  His  term  was  marked  by 
progress  and  much  of  our  prosperity  had  its  foundation  then.  He  was  consistent  in  the 
firmness  of  his  foreign  policy.  He  first  established  arbitration  in  adjusting  inter- 
national disputes.  He  stood  unflinchingly  for  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  He  favored  the 
protective  tariff  and  urged  a  strong  American  Merchant  Marine.  He  was  the  first  of 
our  chief  magistrates  to  call  attention  to  the  peril  of  an  ignorant  foreign-born  electo- 
rate, lacking  in  knowledge  of  our  institutions.  He  favored  the  disfranchisement  of  all 
who  could  not  read  and  write  the  English  language  after  a  fixed  probation.  "If  they 
did  not  take  interest  enough  in  our  language  to  acquire  sufficient  knowledge  of  it  to 
enable  them  to  study  the  institutions  and  laws  of  the  country  intelligently,  I  would  not 
confer  upon  them  the  right  to  make  such  laws  or  to  select  those  who  do."  It  will  be  well 
if  every  boy  in  the  United  States  shall  read  the  story  of  his  life. 


C118  3 


t^OC^C 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES 

By  SIMEON  D.  FESS 
Representative  in  Congress 

THE  convention  plan  of  selecting  Presidential  candidates  was  adopted  back  in  the 
30's.  From  that  day  to  the  Civil  War,  Democratic  conventions  were  largely 
dominated  by  the  leadership  of  Andrew  Jackson,  John  C.  Calhoun  and  Stephen 
A.  Douglas.  The  Whig  conventions  were  under  the  domination  of  Clay,  Webster  and 
Seward.  Clay  was  the  unhappy  example  of  always  being  nominated  when  no  Whig 
could  be  elected  and  always  being  defeated  for  nomination  when  no  Democrat  could 
be  elected.  Webster  was  refused  the  nomination  not  from  lack  of  ability  but  rather 
availability,  by  too  great  a  prominence  in  issues  without  decisive  enough  convictions. 
Seward  was  denied  a  leadership  belonging  to  him  both  from  ability  and  prominence 
largely  because  of  the  unexpected  and  rapid  popularity  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  forcing  to 
the  fore  the  real  issue  before  the  country. 

From  1860  to  1876  each  election  presented  an  outstanding  figure  which  dominated 
party  conventions.  Lincoln  in  1864,  Grant  in  1868  and  1872.  In  1876  the  situation  was 
quite  different.  The  war  had  developed  a  host  of  leaders  of  no  small  calibre.  Every 
section,  if  not  every  State,  had  its  quota.  New  England  presented  one  of  the  most 
magnetic  leaders  produced  in  a  generation  in  Blaine.  New  York  had  Conkling;  Ohio, 
Hayes;  Indiana,  Oliver  P.  Morton;  Kentucky,  Benjamin  H.  Bristow.  These  names  were 
closely  identified  with  national  issues  prominently  before  the  country.  It  soon  devel- 
oped that  Blaine  was  the  candidate  most  likely  to  control  the  convention.  Conkling's 
influence  would  therefore  be  thrown  to  the  man  who  could  defeat  the  "plumed  knight." 
It  was  the  administration  influence  in  the  field  to  defeat  the  leading  candidate. 

Out  of  756  votes  the  first  ballot  stood: 

Blaine 285  from  36  States 

Morton  125 

Bristow 113 

Conkling 99 

Hayes  61 

On  the  seventh  and  decisive  ballot  the  vote  stood : 

Hayes   384 

Blaine 351 

Bristow 21 

This  was  the  first  convention  since  the  days  of  Clay  where  the  popular  idol  was 
turned  down  for  a  man  eclipsed  by  the  overshadowing  party  leader.  However,  Hayes 
was  the  best  fitted  man  for  leadership  if  judged  from  the  standard  of  ability  and 
availability.  His  character  of  mind  and  attitude  toward  public  questions  did  not  meet 
with  the  approval  of  party  leaders  in  the  councils  of  the  party,  which  fact  has  errone- 
ously led  to  unfavorable  conclusions  as  to  his  success  as  a  President. 

CH3J 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

History  must  decree  to  him  a  very  high  place  as  a  public  servant  in  the  days  of 
reconstruction.  His  nomination  and  election  were  justified  in  his  marked  fitness  and 
in  achievements  before  and  after  his  election. 

In  birth  all  that  a  notable  ancestry  both  paternal  and  maternal  can  supply  was  his. 
In  childhood  training  nothing  was  wanting  to  fit  him  for  the  highest  career. 
In  education  both  at  home,  college  and  university  he  was  the  most  favored. 
In  choice  of  associations  he  was  equally  highly  favored. 

1.  Teachers — the  greatest. 

2.  Friends  and  associates — the  best. 

3.  Books — such  as  serve  to  develop  great  soul  power. 

The  result  of  this  training  is  what  would  be  expected  where  a  youth  of  all  the  ad- 
vantages of  birth,  family  connection,  simple  and  frugal  habits,  yet  abundant  financial 
resource,  high  ideals  and  family  pride  in  the  possibility  of  achievement,  is  started  on  a 
career  marked  out  by  an  aspiring  and  wealthy  relative  ambitious  for  family  renown. 

His  were  the  college  days  before  the  arrival  of  the  intellectual  prig.  He  thrived  upon 
the  intellectual  democracy  of  his  law  professor,  Judge  Story,  and  the  vigorous  national- 
ism of  his  chief  study,  the  decisions  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall.  He  reveled  in  the  funda- 
mentals of  American  political  ideals  and  never  apologized  for  the  Federal  Constitution 
or  the  American  institutions  developed  under  the  organic  law. 

The  aspirations  for  this  nation  begun  in  the  Hayes  home  were  carried  out  in  his 
college  days  at  Kenyon  and  later  in  his  university  days  in  the  law  school  of  Harvard. 
Colleges  in  that  day  did  not  deem  aspirations  for  high  ideals,  both  personal  and  pro- 
fessional, as  inconsistent  with  a  virile  manhood.  They  maintained  an  atmosphere  in 
which  a  student  was  stimulated  to  high  resolutions.  Young  Hayes  in  his  famous  diary 
is  witness  to  this  university  product.  It  found  unmistakable  expression  in  a  New  Year's 
resolution,  January  1, 1845 :  "I  will  strive  to  become  in  manners,  morals  and  feelings  a 
true  gentleman." 

His  conception  of  success  was  well  expressed  in  an  early  entry  of  his  diary : 

"I  never  desired  other  than  honorable  distinction.  The  reputation  which  I  desire 
is  not  that  momentary  eminence  which  is  gained  without  merit  and  lost  without 
regret.    .     .    .    Let  me  triumph  as  a  man  or  not  at  all." 

When  the  Civil  War  came  it  found  him  in  the  early  days  of  a  struggling  lawyer,  who 
had  recently  been  married  to  Miss  Lucy  Webb.  The  Hayes  brand  of  patriot  is  best 
expressed  in  his  own  words  then  uttered : 

"I  would  prefer  to  go  into  the  war  if  I  knew  I  was  to  die  or  be  killed  in  the  course 
of  it,  than  to  live  through  and  after  it  without  taking  any  part  in  it." 

This  statement  was  corroborated  by  a  career  from  Gauley  River  to  Fisher's  Hill, 
which  saw  the  private  in  a  series  of  promotions  to  Major  General,  after  a  service  of 
four  years  in  which  there  were  shot  from  under  him  four  horses,  and  in  which  he  was 
wounded  six  times,  and  during  which  time  he  received  the  highest  commendation  of 
his  superior  generals,  including  General  Grant. 

At  South  Mountain  he  continued  to  command  his  troops  after  his  right  arm  was 
shattered.  Of  the  eleven  other  Presidents  of  the  United  States  who  had  served  as 
officers  only  Monroe  was  ever  wounded  in  action.  It  was  later  said  of  him  that  he  was 
a  man  "who  during  the  dark  and  stormy  days  of  the  Rebellion,  when  those  who  are 
invincible  in  peace  and  invisible  in  battle  were  uttering  brave  words  to  cheer  their 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 

neighbors  on,  himself,  in  the  forefront  of  battle,  followed  his  leaders  and  his  flag  until 
the  authority  of  government  was  established  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf,  and  from  the 
River  round  to  the  Sea." 

His  gallant  leadership  was  no  less  popular  at  home  than  on  the  field.  Having  been 
nominated  for  Congress  while  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  his  friend  Smith  urged  him 
to  come  home  to  electioneer.    His  reply  is  the  Hayes  brand  of  patriotic  duty : 

"An  officer  fit  for  duty  who  at  this  crisis  would  abandon  his  post  to  electioneer  for 
a  seat  in  Congress  ought  to  be  scalped.  You  may  feel  perfectly  sure  I  shall  do  no 
such  thing." 

Of  course  he  was  triumphantly  elected. 

The  War  had  brought  to  the  nation  problems  of  great  seriousness,  whose  solution 
demanded  the  best  brain,  the  highest  type  of  courage  and  the  most  powerful  prestige 
within  the  country.  The  Thirty-ninth  Congress  stands  out  in  history  for  its  ability  in 
great  statesmen.  The  most  outstanding  delegation  in  that  body  was  from  Ohio.  To 
the  powerful  group  numbering  Garfield,  Ashley,  Bingham,  Delano,  Lawrence,  Schenck, 
and  Shellabarger  was  now  to  be  added  Hayes.  He  immediately  took  front  rank  in 
important  war  legislation.  Before  the  end  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  he  was  drafted 
to  make  the  contest  for  the  governorship  in  Ohio,  where  the  militant  Democracy  was 
endangering  Republican  success  by  putting  forth  as  its  standard-bearer  the  distin- 
guished national  Democratic  leader,  Allen  G.  Thurman.  General  Hayes  brought  to  the 
governorship  not  only  a  highly  trained  mind  well  grounded  in  political  science,  but  an 
experience  which  at  once  guaranteed  a  high  degree  of  success. 

His  various  messages  and  state  papers  at  once  marked  him  as  a  statesman  of  sound 
and  fundamental  principles.  He  was  unanimously  renominated  and  was  re-elected 
governor  over  another  distinguished  national  leader,  George  H.  Pendleton.  His  second 
term  was  so  signally  successful  that  his  name  was  persistently  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  the  senatorship  until  he  authorized  the  statement  that  he  would  not  allow 
his  name  to  be  presented  for  the  seat  then  occupied  by  Senator  Sherman.  He  was 
nominated  without  his  consent  and  over  his  protest  for  Congress  in  the  Second  District. 
He  had  sent  dispatches  to  Smith,  of  the  Gazette,  and  Davis,  declining  to  accept.  But  in 
party  interests  he  finally  accepted  what  he  declared  must  be  a  losing  fight.  Here  he 
suffered  his  only  defeat  after  running  far  ahead  of  his  ticket.  While  he  was  defeated 
by  1500,  his  Republican  colleague  in  the  First  District  was  defeated  by  more  than 
double  that  figure.  In  this  campaign  he  sounded  the  warning  against  the  Democratic 
policy  for  an  unsound  currency.  They  had  carried  the  elections  in  Ohio  in  1873  on  the 
soft-money  issue,  and  under  the  leadership  of  the  famous  Bill  Allen.  In  1874  they 
again  carried  most  of  the  State  offices  and  a  majority  of  the  delegation  in  Congress — 
thirteen  out  of  twenty.  In  1875,  with  this  handicap,  Republicans  turned  for  the  third 
time  to  General  Hayes,  who  had  to  his  credit  the  defeat  of  two  of  Democracy's  leaders 
and  national  figures,  Allen  G.  Thurman  and  George  H.  Pendleton.  Notwithstanding 
that  he  had  persisted  up  to  the  very  last  moment  against  the  candidacy,  he  was 
nominated  without  his  consent  by  a  vote  of  396  to  151  for  Judge  Taft,  who  moved  for 
unanimous  nomination.  In  the  campaign  he  defeated  the  popular  governor,  Bill  Allen, 
by  a  decisive  vote  on  the  issues  then  before  the  country. 

In  the  midst  of  his  third  term,  the  National  Convention  was  held  in  Cincinnati.  Gen- 
eral Hayes'  name  and  fame  were  eclipsed  by  the  more  popular  names  of  Blaine,  Mor- 
ton, Conkling,  etc.    His  was  not  a  magnetic  career.    It  was  only  distinguished  and  sub- 

111153 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

stantial.  The  only  contingency  needed  for  the  highest  promotion  was  a  deadlock  be- 
tween the  favorites  in  the  Convention.  In  such  a  situation  Hayes  supplied  all  the  quali- 
fications of  education  and  training,  of  ability  and  courage,  of  prestige  and  reputation, 
of  a  splendid  standard-bearer  by  having  defeated  three  times  as  many  national  figures. 
He  was  the  inevitable  choice  to  lead  the  nation  as  he  had  led  his  own  State. 

His  great  success  was  in  what  he  did,  notwithstanding  his  administration  was  not 
popular  with  Republican  politicians.  While  he  was  distinctively  a  party  man,  he  was 
not  a  spoilsman.  His  determination  to  inaugurate  reform  in  the  Civil  Service  won  for 
him  enemies  in  his  own  party,  such  as  Conkling.  His  policy  toward  the  South  won  for 
him  enemies  among  Republican  leaders,  such  as  Rlaine.  His  attitude  for  sound  money 
which  compelled  him  to  veto  many  measures  won  for  him  enemies  tinctured  with  soft- 
money  heresies.  These  cumulative  disaffections  among  leaders  in  his  own  party  com- 
pelled him  to  abide  by  his  announced  decision  when  first  elected  that  he  would  not 
stand  for  re-election  in  1880, — in  sharp  contrast  with  recent  utterances  of  the  modern 
opportunist.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was  a  man  whose  promise  was  law  so  far  as  his 
conduct  could  make  it;  in  him  no  mental  nor  moral  dishonesty  could  find  place. 


C1163 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


JAMES  ABRAM  GARFIELD 

By  LAWRENCE  Y.  SHERMAN 

United  States  Senator 

OF  twenty-three  elected  Presidents  of  the  Republic  three  have  died  by  an  assassin's 
hand.  It  is  the  price  of  free  government,  and  those  three  chosen  chief  magis- 
trates have  given,  it  may  seem,  more  than  their  part.  The  executive  power  of 
the  American  people  was  visualized  in  them  to  their  assassins.  Murder's  crimson  hand 
smote  them  because  they  were  the  visible  form  of  the  people's  power  acting  in  the 
orderly  channels  of  established  government. 

The  three  victims  of  assassination,  by  a  strange  dispensation  of  fate,  all  sprang  from 
the  humble  walks  of  life.  Not  one  was  born  of  rank  or  power.  Poverty  waited  at  their 
cradle  and  obscurity  was  a  common  birthright  with  the  unknown  millions  of  their 
generation  who  went  unheralded  to  their  graves.  Toil  attended  their  childhood  and 
work  with  their  boyish  hands  fulfilled  the  law  delivered  to  mankind  from  the  days 
of  Moses.  In  the  beginning  they  earned  their  bread  in  the  sweat  of  their  faces  and  so 
they  lived  until  their  fellow-men  trusted  them  with  other  duties  and  at  last  with  the 
high  office  where  murder  struck  them  down.  Their  slayers  assailed  the  people  whom 
they  typified  and  the  law  whose  majesty  they  upheld. 

Garfield's  life  was  an  example  of  natural  causes  and  results  among  American  free- 
men under  institutional  government.  He  trod  the  lowly  path  from  obscurity  and  pov- 
erty to  the  great  office  in  which  he  died.  No  false  pride  hindered  him  on  his  way. 
Honest  work,  however  humble,  was  never  spurned.  He  rose  from  every  task  fitted  for 
the  one  ahead.  Armed  rebellion  animated  by  slavery  assailed  the  Union.  Organized 
resistance  to  law  and  freedom  found  him  ready.  He  passed  from  civilian  to  soldier, 
still  answering  the  call  of  duty.  Courage,  devotion  and  service  marked  Garfield  the 
soldier. 

Responding  to  Lincoln's  request,  he  entered  the  House  of  Representatives  when  the 
government  needed  loyalty  and  ability  at  Washington.  Here  he  gave  his  country 
unstinted  service  and  ranked  high  among  the  varied  lines  of  legislative  life.  A  senator 
he  became  from  Ohio,  the  unanimous  choice  of  his  party,  and  then  swiftly  followed  his 
nomination  and  election  as  President.  The  goal  of  ambition,  the  highest  station  as- 
signed to  duty,  had  fallen  to  his  lot.  At  the  threshold  of  his  great  office  morbid  de- 
pravity ended  all  that  was  mortal  of  Garfield.  A  spotless  private  life  and  an  unsullied 
public  service  are  the  inheritance  of  posterity  from  Garfield. 


C1173 


^^\. 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


CHESTER  ALAN  ARTHUR 

By  BENJAMIN  B.  ODELL 

Former  Governor  of  New  York 

CHESTER  ALAN  ARTHUR,  the  twenty-first  President  of  the  United  States,  was  a 
Republican  because  of  his  earlier  environment,  and  his  belief  that  a  man  was 
entitled  to  that  which  he  earned  by  the  "sweat  of  his  face." 

In  his  chosen  profession  of  the  law  he  had  frequent  opportunities  to  evidence  his 
faith  by  deeds  that  resulted  in  establishing  the  truth  in  the  Empire  State  that  liberty 
was  not  a  mere  shibboleth,  but  was,  indeed,  a  fact. 

Arthur's  Republicanism  was  of  a  Stalwart  character;  that  is,  loyalty  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  party  and  the  belief  that  such  principles  could  best  be  maintained  through 
organization  which  recognized  the  services  of  those  who  produced  results. 

In  1880,  as  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  National  convention,  the  future  President 
followed  the  leadership  of  Roscoe  Conkling,  who  sought  a  third  term  for  General 
Grant.  Out  of  this  convention  came  the  nomination  of  James  A.  Garfield  as  President, 
and,  as  a  recognition  of  the  defeated  minority,  the  selection  of  Arthur  as  a  candidate 
for  Vice-President.  As  young  men,  both  of  the  candidates  had  taught  in  the  same 
school,  a  coincidence  worthy  of  note. 

The  assassination  of  President  Garfield  made  Arthur  President,  an  office  which  he 
assumed  under  the  most  distressing  circumstances  because  of  the  rift  in  party  lines, 
due  to  the  resignation  of  the  two  New  York  Senators,  whose  re-election  by  the  Legis- 
lature of  the  State  of  New  York  he  labored  with  others  to  secure  as  a  vindication  of 
their  action  and  as  a  rebuke  to  the  President  for  ignoring  organization  advice. 

Doubts,  however,  were  soon  dispelled  and  Arthur  demonstrated  that  he  had  fully 
measured  his  responsibilities.  Through  his  political  activities  as  the  responsible  head 
of  the  Republican  organization  of  the  State,  in  his  services  during  the  Civil  War,  he 
had  not  alone  the  opportunity  to  know  men,  but  also  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
methods  of  business,  both  private  and  public,  and  was  therefore  better  equipped  than 
most  men  for  the  great  responsibilities  which  came  to  him  as  President. 

It  would  be  idle  to  disclaim  the  fact  that  his  faults  were  no  more  nor  no  less  than 
generally  fall  to  the  lot  of  mankind,  jret  it  is  also  true  that  there  remained  much  to 
be  commended,  and  to  make  of  his  achievements  something  to  be  gratefully  remem- 
bered by  those  whose  faith  in  Republican  principles  remains  unshaken  by  time  and  by 
the  efforts  of  those  who  in  the  guise  of  reforms  would  substitute  for  party  organization 
disorganization  and  chaos  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs. 


CH93 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON 

By  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW 

Former  United  States  Senator 

PEOPLE  who  are  engaged  in  the  same  occupations  become  mentally  and  tempera- 
mentally and  often  physically  much  alike.  This  rule  does  not  prevail  with  Presi- 
dents of  the  United  States.  The  eminent  men  who  have  filled  that  office  were  as 
different  in  all  respects  as  is  possible.  None  of  them  was  more  distinguished  for  in- 
dividual and  original  characteristics  than  the  twenty-third  President,  Benjamin  Harri- 
son. He  was  the  most  captivating  of  public  speakers  and  personally  most  unpopular. 
The  latter  peculiarity  has  prevented  a  just  estimate  of  him  and  his  administration  by 
his  contemporaries,  but  history  will  rank  him  very  high.  He  was  active  in  many 
spheres  of  public  service  and  uniformly  successful  in  all.  He  began  at  the  bar  without 
fortune  or  friends  and  soon  became  one  of  its  leaders  in  his  State  of  Indiana.  He  en- 
listed as  a  Second  Lieutenant,  early  in  the  Civil  War,  in  the  Union  Army,  and  by  ability, 
courage  and  achievements  rose  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General.  He  won  the  high 
regard  of  his  associates  and  the  attention  of  the  country  as  a  United  States  Senator. 
Few  administrations  have  had  to  meet  so  many  difficult  conditions.  A  large  majority 
of  both  houses  of  Congress  were  almost  fanatically  favorable  to  the  unlimited  coinage 
of  silver  and  the  corruption  of  the  currency.  President  Harrison  so  clearly  elucidated 
the  fundamental  bases  of  credit  and  prosperity  in  sound  money  and  a  standard  rec- 
ognized by  the  great  industrial  and  commercial  nations  of  the  world  that  he  called  a 
halt  in  this  legislation  and  by  unbending  hostility  defeated  it.  His  party  was  so  aroused 
by  the  disfranchisement  of  the  negro  in  the  South  that  they  were  determined  by  a  Force 
Bill  to  either  enforce  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  or  impose  the  penal- 
ties provided  by  the  Fourteenth.  He  saw  that  such  legislation  would  revive  and  in- 
tensify the  passions  of  the  Civil  War.  The  proposed  law  failed  and  the  Fourteenth  and 
Fifteenth  Amendments  are  still  dead  sections  of  our  Constitution.  We  are  now  rec- 
ognizing the  necessity  of  Americanism.  American  citizens  have  often  been  without  the 
protection  of  the  flag  in  their  persons  and  investments  in  foreign  countries,  but  Harri- 
son was  alert  and  active  for  their  safety.  When,  because  of  revolutionary  conditions, 
American  sailors  were  attacked  in  the  streets  of  Valparaiso  and  several  of  them  killed 
and  many  wounded,  he  demanded  with  such  vigor  both  apology  and  indemnities  for 
the  families  of  the  dead  and  for  the  wounded  that  the  full  measure  of  his  claims  was 
speedily  granted.  He  was  a  great  international  lawyer  and  brought  about  a  settlement 
of  the  long  pending  and  critical  disputes  with  Great  Britain  in  the  Behring  Sea  which 
satisfied  American  opinion  and  American  honor.  He  strengthened  Federal  courts  by 
a  selection  of  judges  for  merit  and  in  disregard  of  partisan  claims  and  political  pres- 
sure. His  appointments  won  from  his  successor,  Grover  Cleveland,  who  was  also  a 
firm  friend  of  the  judiciary,  this  praise,  "I  cannot  see  how  he  did  it.  I  thought  I  rec- 
ognized the  importance  of  the  Federal  courts  resisting  mere  party  pressure  and  giving 
to  my  appointments  jealous  care,  but  I  must  confess  that  Harrison  has  beaten  me." 
The  Army,  and  particularly  the  Navy,  was  greatly  improved  by  him.     Under  his 

CW13 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN  TWENTY 

administration  a  Pan-American  congress  met  at  Washington  which  was  the  beginning 
of  successful  efforts  for  closer  relations  with  South  American  republics,  and  a  policy 
of  commercial  reciprocity  was  inaugurated.  He  selected  an  able  and  experienced 
cabinet,  with  the  brilliant  James  G.  Blaine  as  Secretary  of  State.  He  loved  to  meet  and 
with  an  open  mind  discuss  public  questions  with  those  most  distinguished  in  their  spe- 
cialties. The  conclusions  he  arrived  at  were  embodied  in  state  papers  of  remarkable 
clearness  and  power,  and  though  signed  by  the  Secretary  at  the  head  of  the  Depart- 
ment, were  the  compositions  of  the  President.  Dr.  Cadman,  the  eloquent  Brooklyn 
preacher,  in  a  recent  address  on  orators,  says,  "Perfect  taste  in  public  speech  was  as 
nearly  attained  by  President  Harrison  as  by  any  publicist  of  the  last  thirty  years." 
Though  one  of  the  most  felicitous  speakers  of  his  time,  he  had  a  repellent  manner. 
Senator  Hoar,  quoting  a  fellow  Senator,  said,  "Harrison  could  address  an  audience 
of  ten  thousand  and  capture  them  all.  But  if  each  one  was  presented  to  him  in  private, 
he  would  make  him  his  enemy."  I  had  occasion  to  know  that  under  this  unfortunate 
mannerism,  which  was  the  result  of  the  antagonisms,  and  struggles  of  his  early  career, 
was  a  warm  heart,  keen  appreciation  of  services  or  kindness  and  unselfish  and  devoted 
friendship.  The  all  around  training  of  Harrison  supplemented  by  tireless  industry  and 
rare  intelligence  gave  him  an  unequaled  equipment  for  the  Presidency  and  its  duties 
and  responsibilities  were  never  more  ably  met. 


Emu 


4&JLT/1 


*u<J&~^ 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

By  WILLIAM  R.  DAY 

Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY,  boy  and  man,  was  an  American  of  the  best  type.  Born 
neither  to  poverty  nor  riches,  he  was  reared  in  an  American  home  where  he 
learned  the  simple  lessons  of  right  living  and  consideration  for  the  feelings  of 
others  which  ever  characterized  him.  A  high  sense  of  duty  and  an  inborn  sympathy 
for  his  fellow-men  characterized  his  career  from  its  beginning  to  its  tragic  close. 

From  a  scholar  he  became  a  soldier  because  he  believed  his  country  needed  him. 
Faithful  and  long  continued  service  in  the  halls  of  Congress  and  as  Governor  of  his 
State  prepared  him  for  an  administration  as  Chief  Executive  which  lifted  his  country 
from  financial  despondency  to  the  greatest  prosperity  in  its  history.  He  conducted  a 
short  and  victorious  war  to  a  triumphant  and  liberal  peace,  which  enlarged  the  boun- 
daries of  freedom  by  setting  an  oppressed  people  in  the  way  of  enlightenment  and  self- 
government. 

In  statesmanship  he  measured  to  the  standard  of  Burke  in  his  "disposition  to  pre- 
serve and  ability  to  improve."  He  formed  his  opinions  cautiously,  freely  consulting 
others,  but  never  controlled  by  them.  He  believed  no  calling  greater  than  his  coun- 
try's service,  and  no  duty  higher  than  good  citizenship.  He  believed  in  the  good  sense 
and  justice  of  the  American  people,  and  had  all  of  Lincoln's  faith  in  the  soundness  of 
their  ultimate  judgment. 

He  ever  kept  in  touch  with  the  companions  of  his  youth  and  early  manhood,  and  had 
the  confidence  and  esteem  of  a  widening  circle  of  friends  attracted  to  him  by  his 
genial  and  cordial  nature. 

With  so  much  to  make  life  dear,  this  strong  and  gentle  man  did  not  falter  when  the 
summons  came.  He  entered  the  shadow  of  death  with  no  murmur  at  his  fate,  leaning 
on  the  rod  and  staff  which  had  comforted  his  fathers. 

Serene,  hopeful,  and  wise,  he  left  to  his  countrymen  the  example  of  a  life  devoted  to 
the  doing  of  each  day's  duty  cheerfully  and  well.  Believing  that  the  building  of  the 
American  home  was  the  highest  duty  of  citizenship,  he  was  an  example  of  consecra- 
tion to  its  best  and  highest  virtues  in  a  life  devoted  to  those  bound  to  him  in  the  intimate 
association  of  family  and  kindred. 

Such  lives  do  not  perish.  The  memory  of  William  McKinley  grows  brighter  with  the 
years.  The  nobleness  of  his  life,  the  sublime  heroism  of  his  death,  shall  never  perish 
from  the  thoughts  of  men.  He  lives  in  thousands  of  homes  which  reflect  the  wisdom 
of  his  statesmanship.  He  lives  in  the  beneficence  of  his  example  at  every  hearth, 
where  succeeding  generations  shall  recount  the  strength  and  beauty  of  his  character 
and  tell  again  the  story  of  his  life. 


C1233 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

By  LEONARD  WOOD 

General  of  the  United  States  Army 

THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  was  the  most  dominating  and  inspiring  figure  in  our  na- 
tional life  since  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  most  dominating  and  inspiring  because  he 
stood  for  all  that  is  best  in  public  and  private  life.  He  stood  for  the  home,  the 
family,  the  square  deal.  He  stood  for  America  first — and  a  long  way  first.  His  sym- 
pathies were  as  broad  as  the  world,  and  were  limited  neither  by  race  nor  creed.  Priest, 
pastor  and  rabbi  came  to  him  with  equal  confidence.  In  his  relationship  with  men  he 
brought  to  bear  the  human  element  to  an  extent  which  few  are  capable  of. 

He  was  modest  because  of  his  wisdom.  He  feared  nothing,  unless  it  was  duty  un- 
done. He  was  a  brave  soldier,  an  excellent  citizen,  a  wise  leader.  He  believed  in  arbi- 
tration, was  a  lover  of  peace,  but  realized  that  peace  can  be  best  maintained  and 
arbitration  most  successfully  employed  when  a  nation  is  not  only  just  and  righteous 
but  also  strong.  He  believed  that  we  should  be  prepared  to  meet  the  organized  strength 
of  wrong  with  the  disciplined  strength  of  right. 

He  was  clean  of  speech.  He  had  great  respect  for  women.  He  believed  that  no  man 
was  fit  to  be  a  citizen  who  was  unwilling  to  serve  his  country  to  the  limit  of  his  capacity 
in  war  and  in  peace.    He  stood  for  one  language,  one  flag,  and  one  loyalty. 

He  was  a  writer  of  ability,  a  scientist  of  no  mean  merit,  and  a  lover  of  nature;  and 
although  intensely  American,  was,  in  the  breadth  of  his  culture  and  experience,  a  citi- 
zen of  the  world.  He  was  as  much  at  home  in  a  mining  camp  as  he  was  at  a  meeting 
of  scientists.  He  understood  the  cow-boy's  life  and  point  of  view  as  thoroughly  as  he 
understood  that  of  the  man  of  affairs. 

He  always  sought  to  surround  himself  with  the  ablest  advisers;  he  had  the  ability 
to  co-ordinate  their  efforts;  thus  demonstrating  the  two  great  essentials  of  a  really 
great  leader. 

He  was  a  many-sided  man,  of  vast  ability,  great  courage,  energy  and  resourcefulness. 
He  never  abused  authority,  was  accessible  to  the  poor  and  the  humble. 

In  time  of  peace  he  gave  the  best  that  was  in  him  to  the  service  of  his  country.  In 
time  of  war  he  offered  his  life  freely  in  her  service. 

The  youth  of  America  will  ever  draw  high  inspiration  and  guidance  from  the  life 
and  career  of  Theodore  Roosevelt. 


C184  3 


THE  STANDARD  BEARERS  OF  REPUBLICANISM 


WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT 

By  ARTHUR  TWINING  HADLEY 

President  of  Yale  University 

WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT  has  been  great  as  a  judge,  great  as  an  administra- 
tor, and  greatest  of  all  as  a  man. 
As  a  judge  his  most  salient  characteristic  was  breadth  of  vision.  He  had  in- 
herited from  his  father  that  combination  of  legal  and  political  wisdom  which  enabled 
him  to  value  alike  the  traditions  of  the  bench  and  the  moral  sense  of  the  people.  In 
matters  affecting  the  content  or  the  administration  of  the  law  he  was  open-minded 
and  progressive.  His  decisions  regarding  capital  and  labor  showed  that  he  was  twenty 
years  ahead  of  his  time  in  recognizing  industrial  facts.  He  looked  at  the  work  of  the 
courts  from  the  broad  moral  standpoint  rather  than  the  narrow  professional  one.  But 
in  questions  of  judicial  authority  he  was  conservative.  He  believed  with  Lincoln  that 
justice  could  be  best  secured  and  popular  government  best  safeguarded  by  maintain- 
ing the  authority  and  dignity  of  the  courts  as  the  highest  exponent  of  public  opinion. 

The  same  mental  quality  showed  itself  in  his  work  as  an  administrator.  He  knew 
how  to  deal  with  men  of  every  kind.  As  Governor  of  the  Philippines,  he  won  the  re- 
gard of  the  natives  and  the  respect  of  the  church.  As  Secretary  of  War,  he  understood 
and  quieted  the  movements  of  popular  feeling  in  Cuba  and  Panama.  As  President  he 
kept  America's  honor  unsullied  and  unattacked  amid  most  critical  conditions.  Nor 
was  his  clear  sight  confined  to  matters  of  diplomacy.  He  recognized,  as  hardly  any 
other  President  has  recognized,  the  need  for  businesslike  conduct  of  government 
affairs.  Witness  his  efforts  in  behalf  of  a  national  budget;  efforts  which  if  properly 
seconded  and  continued  would  not  only  have  saved  the  country  from  grave  losses  of 
money,  but  have  made  for  higher  standards  of  public  efficiency  and  public  service. 

But  it  is  in  his  human  qualities  that  Taf  t  shines  brightest.  The  man  is  greater  than 
the  office,  be  that  office  what  it  will.  Unselfish,  companionable,  tolerant  of  difference  of 
opinion  and  impatient  only  of  falsehood  or  ingratitude,  he  is  the  one  man  of  a  century 
who  stands  out  larger  after  leaving  the  Presidency  than  when  clothed  with  all  the 
dignities  of  that  position. 


C125  3 


Part  IV 

THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


flf#*~. 


i 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


HARDING 
ENTERED  BY  FRANK  B.  WILLIS 

Ex-Governor  Willis  in  nominating  Ohio's  favorite  son  said: 

REPUBLICAN  success  is  always  desirable— in  1920  it  is  impera- 
tive. Called  into  being  by  Abraham  Lincoln  to  save  the  Union, 
.  the  Republican  Party  merited  its  long  years  of  triumph  through 
its  valiant  service  to  the  Republic  and  its  promotion  of  the  people's 
progress.  In  the  fevered  atmosphere  that  settled  about  a  world  war- 
worn, weary,  pestilential  vapors  have  sprung  up  perilling  the  peace  of 
the  world  and  the  perpetuity  of  our  own  Republic. 

The  Republican  Party  here  assembled  will  go  forth  to  victory  on  a 
platform  pronouncing  unequivocally  in  favor  of  constitutional  gov- 
ernment and  obedience  to  law;  in  favor  of  repeal  of  war-time  legis- 
lation; in  favor  of  legislation  to  promote  industrial  peace;  in  favor  of 
the  ratification  of  only  such  a  peace  treaty  as,  while  fully  discharging 
our  obligations  to  other  nations,  will  at  the  same  time  protect  un- 
equivocally every  American  right  and  reserve  for  decision  by  our  own 
people  exclusively  every  purely  American  question;  and  in  favor  of 
the  maintenance  of  the  principle  of  an  American  protective  tariff  and 
an  American  merchant  marine.  These  are  bound  to  be  the  dominant 
issues  of  the  forthcoming  campaign.  Then,  why  not  name  as  our 
candidate  the  man  whose  record  is  the  party  platform,  for  the  record 
of  Ohio's  candidate  is  the  record  of  the  Republican  Party  in  the  last 
decade. 

In  personal  character  he  has  the  dignity,  urbanity  and  breadth  of 
vision  of  McKinley.  Like  that  other  great  Ohioan,  he  is  one  of  the 
common  folks — best  loved  by  those  who  know  him  best.  With  no 
working  capital  other  than  his  own  ability  and  his  capacity  for  toil,  he 
has  built  up  a  prosperous  business  employing  many  men,  and  in  the 
shop  where  he  works  side  by  side  with  his  men  there  has  never 
been  an  hour  of  labor  trouble  in  twenty-five  years  of  friendly 
co-operation. 


C1S93 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


COOLIDGE 
ENTERED  BY  FREDERICK  H.  GILLETT 

Speaker  Gillett  presented  the  name  of  Massachusetts 
Governor  as  follows  : 

A  YEAR  ago  hardly  a  man  outside  of  New  England  knew  who  was 

f\    Governor  of  Massachusetts.    To-day  every  man  and  woman  in 

_LjL  this  vast  audience,  every  lover  of  ordered  liberty  in  the  United 

States,  knows  and  rejoices  that  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  is 

Calvin  Coolidge. 

Opportunity,  which  knocks  once  at  every  man's  door,  came  to  him 
and  found  him  waiting  her  summons,  calm,  courageous,  resolute  to  do 
his  duty  though  the  heavens  fall. 

Isn't  that  the  type  of  man  you  want  for  President  to-day?  Nomi- 
nate him  and  you  rally  behind  him  that  underlying  devotion  to  our 
public  security,  that  faith  in  our  republican  institutions  which  when 
once  aroused  is  overpowering  and  irresistible.  He  is  supported  by  no 
special  class  or  interest,  but  he  attracts  all  those  who  believe  that 
"obedience  to  law  is  liberty,"  who  wish  this  to  be  a  government  of 
laws  and  not  of  men. 

A  boyhood  on  a  lonely  farm  in  Vermont  bred  in  him  industry, 
frugality,  self-reliance.  The  granite  hills  seemed  to  have  moulded 
his  grave,  indomitable  character.  Family  self-denial  gave  him  a  col- 
lege education  at  Amherst  to  broaden  his  native  talents.  Then  he 
practised  law.  But  his  neighbors  soon  recognized  the  value  of  this 
quiet,  sagacious  man,  and  drafted  him  into  the  public  service,  and  he 
glided  from  one  useful  station  to  another  till  he  reached  the  highest 
office  of  our  State.  He  is  not  showy  nor  spectacular,  but  he  never 
disappoints. 

Do  you  demand  for  your  candidate  a  man  of  native  ability?  Take 
him  who,  an  unknown  country  lawyer,  won  the  confidence  of  the 
Legislature  in  his  first  term.  Do  you  want  a  profound  political 
thinker?  Take  the  author  of  that  inspiring  volume  "Have  Faith  in 
Massachusetts."  Do  you  want  courage?  Take  the  Governor  who  just 
before  an  election  sent  the  dauntless  message:  "There  is  no  right  to 
strike  against  the  public  safety  by  anybody  anywhere  any  time." 
Do  you  want  a  winner?  Take  the  man  who  has  never  concealed  his 
convictions,  who  has  never  lowered  his  standards  and  who  has  never 
known  defeat. 


nison 


„••  • »        < 
.  . '  •       *     • 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


LODGE  ACCEPTS  THE  WILSON  CHALLENGE 

LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGN  ISSUE,  HE  DECLARES — 
COUNTRY'S  SAFETY  AND  INDEPENDENCE  AT  STAKE — URGES  A  RETURN 
TO  THE  OLD  PROCESS  OF  LAW  AND  ORDER,  LEGISLATION  TO  COMBAT 
THE  HIGH  COST  OF  LIVING  AND  A  CONSTRUCTIVE  MEXICAN  POLICY — 
BITTER  WORDS  FOR  PRESIDENT  WILSON,  WHOSE  THEORY  OF  GOVERN- 
MENT IS  HELD  TO  BE  UN-AMERICAN 

SENATOR  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE'S  OPENING  ADDRESS  AT  THE 
REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION 

WE  are  met  here  to  take  the  first,  the  most  decisive  step  in  the  political  cam- 
paign which  is  to  determine  the  party  control  of  this  great  Government  for 
the  next  four  years.    It  is  a  solemn  moment,  fraught  with  vast  possibilities 
of  either  good  or  evil.    Well  worth  our  while  it  is  just  here  "upon  this  bank  and  shoal 
of  time,"  to  pause  for  an  instant  while  we  glance  swiftly  upon  the  scene  in  which  we 
are  to  tight  our  battle.    Behind  us  lies  the  greatest  war  of  history,  now  for  the  most 
part  fallen  silent,  together  with  all  the  hideous  advances  of  science  in  methods  of  tak- 
ing human  life,  which  battened  upon  it,  halted  and  quiescent.    The  tempest  has  sub- 
sided but  the  ocean  still  heaves  and  rolls  with  cresting  waves,  while  the  dead  seas  of 
the  storm  which  has  passed,  crash  sullenly  against  the  shores  that  shelter  and  sus- 
tain the  vast  fabric  which  we  are  wont  to  call  our  civilization.    We  find  ourselves  gaz- 
ing upon  the  problems  and  trials  which  the  huge  convulsion  has  left  to  us  and  with 
which  we  must  cope  successfully  if  we  are  to  rebuild  and  again  move  onward.    The 
ruined  towns,  the  broken  industries,  the  desolated  farms  are  there  before  our  eyes 
wherever  the  battles  were  fought.    Countless  little  mounds  mark  the  resting  places 
of  the  dead  in  the  fields  and  on  the  hillsides  torn  and  gashed  by  shot  and  shell.    Signals 
of  mourning  throughout  the  world  tell  us  of  the  irreparable  losses  of  all  nations,  which 
have  swept  away  such  an  appalling  portion  of  the  youth  of  every  land,  those  in  whom 
were  garnered  up  the  hopes  and  strength  of  the  future.    The  splendor  of  the  achieve- 
ment of  our  soldiers  and  sailors,  their  dauntless  courage  and  unshrinking  service  will 
always  remain  one  of  the  proudest  memories  in  the  history  of  the  Republic.    But  the 
dead  return  not  and  the  shadow  of  the  great  sorrow  for  those  forever  gone  will  never 
be  lifted  from  the  hearts  of  the  people  who  sent  them  forth  to  battle.    The  material 
side  of  war  results  is,  like  the  spiritual,  ever  with  us.    We  feel  in  daily  life  the  grind- 
ing pressure  of  the  vast  debts  and  heaped  up  taxes  which  have  been  piled  upon  our 
shoulders  and  upon  those  of  posterity.    Great  empires  have  been  swept  from  the  earth, 
ancient  monarchies  have  crumbled  in  an  hour  and  long-established  governments  have 
tottered,  fallen  and  passed  away  like  a  watch  in  the  night. 

Em  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

RESTLESSNESS   EVERYWHERE 

All  these  things  stare  us  in  the  face,  pierce  our  attention  and  arrest  our  thoughts. 
But  this  is  not  all  and  what  remains,  perhaps  more  than  anything  else,  makes  in- 
credibly difficult  the  immense  task  which  lies  before  us,  one  not  to  be  escaped  but 
which  will  strain  governments  and  people  to  the  top  of  their  bent  if  aught  that  makes 
life  worth  living  is  to  survive.  The  wrecked  towns,  the  shattered  forts,  the  effaced 
villages,  the  sinking  ships  were  not  the  only  victims  of  the  storm  of  war.  Other  things, 
the  impalpable  possessions  of  the  mind  and  heart,  have  in  like  fashion  been  wounded 
and  crippled.  In  the  shock  of  war,  through  long  years  of  bitter  conflict  moral  re- 
straints were  loosened  and  all  the  habits,  all  the  conventions,  all  the  customs  of  life, 
which  more  even  than  law  hold  society  together,  were  swept  aside.  One  passion, 
one  purpose — to  save  the  country,  to  save  civilization,  to  preserve  freedom — rose 
supreme.  It  could  not  be  otherwise.  There  could  be  in  that  hour  but  one  question 
asked  of  men  and  women:  "Are  you  loyal  to  your  country  and  her  cause,  ready  to 
work  and  to  sacrifice  and  if  need  be  to  die  for  them?"  If  that  single  demand  was 
rightly  answered  nothing  else  mattered  in  those  days  of  stress  and  anguish.  No  one 
inquired  further. 

So  the  war  ended  and  victory  came;  the  great  adventure  was  over  and  men 
and  women  came  back  to  find  the  old  ways  dull,  the  old  life  tame,  the  old  restraints 
burdensome  and  they  themselves  possessed  by  a  longing  for  excitement  and  a  hunger 
for  change  unknown  before.  One  sees  the  result  in  the  restlessness  which  is  every- 
where; in  the  mere  trifles  of  life,  in  dress,  in  amusements,  in  pleasure-seeking,  in  the 
greed  for  money  and  the  recklessness  of  expenditure  and,  what  is  infinitely  more 
serious,  in  the  discontent  with  all  forms  of  government  or  control  and  in  the  readiness 
and  eagerness  to  destroy  even  the  fundamental  principles  of  a  free  and  orderly  civiliza- 
tion without  which  law  and  order,  organized  society,  the  possibilities  of  progress  and 
the  chance  for  happiness  cannot  exist.  This  state  of  mind  born  of  the  war  is  the  gravest 
obstacle  in  the  essential  work  of  restoring  a  shattered  world  and  making  the  great 
victory  a  blessing  to  mankind.  In  order  to  succeed  at  all  we  must  understand  this 
mental  and  moral  condition.  We  must  allow  for  it.  We  must  be  very  patient. 
We  must  steady  our  nerves.  We  must  be  tolerant  and  above  all,  open-minded.  We 
must  call  on  our  common  sense  and  self-restraint.  The  complex  problem  cannot  be 
evaded  and  it  must  be  dealt  with  in  such  a  way  as  to  preserve  the  foundations  of  society 
and  enable  us,  those  once  secured,  to  advance  steadily,  never  hurriedly  but  always  in 
order,  toward  every  reform,  every  improvement,  every  form  of  true  progress  which 
will  help  mankind.  It  is  a  gigantic  task  for  any  government  or  any  party.  No  party 
and  no  government  can  succeed  unless  they  face  it  bravely,  looking  facts  always  in 
the  face  and  determined  to  do  their  best — never  promising  what  they  cannot  perform 
and  never  yielding  to  the  facile  temptations  of  momentary  success. 

REPUBLICANS  THE  LAST  HOPE 

THEY  MUST  SUCCEED  IN  MEETING  PERILOUS  CONDITIONS  OF  THE  HOUR 

One  of  our  great  political  parties  has  failed  to  meet — nay,  is  in  a  considerable  meas- 
ure responsible  for — the  perilous  conditions  of  the  hour.  The  only  other  organized 
political  force  strong  enough  to  grapple  with  the  encircling  dangers  is  the  Republican 

C132  3 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


Party.  If  that  too  fails  and  breaks  down,  the  Russian  descent  into  barbarism  will 
begin  to  draw  near.  Such  an  end  is  inconceivable  with  the  American  people  but  they 
must  realize  the  peril  and  drive  it  back  into  the  darkness  whence  it  comes.  We 
keepers  of  the  Republican  faith,  must  therefore  succeed.  We  must  not  know  defeat 
when  the  great  responsibility  comes  to  our  hands.  To  the  service  of  1860  we  must 
add  a  like  service  in  1920.  No  larger  victory  at  any  time  could  be  won  by  any  political 
party.  We  must  both  earn  and  deserve  it.  We  did  not  fail  in  the  Civil  War.  We 
shall  not,  must  not  fail  now. 

WILSONIAN  THEORY   UN-AMERICAN 

In  order  to  render  to  our  country  the  service  which  we  desire  to  render  and  which 
we  can  accomplish  in  large  measure,  at  least,  if  we  undertake  it  with  all  our  ability 
and  in  a  disinterested  public  spirit,  we  must  have  the  opportunity  for  service.  That 
opportunity  can  only  come  through  our  being  entrusted  by  the  people  with  both  the 
legislative  and  the  executive  authority.  To  this  end  Mr.  Wilson  and  his  dynasty,  his 
heirs  and  assigns,  or  anybody  that  is  his,  anybody  who  with  bent  knee  has  served  his 
purposes,  must  be  driven  from  all  control,  from  all  influence  upon  the  Government 
of  the  United  States.  They  must  be  driven  from  office  and  power  not  because  they 
are  Democrats  but  because  Mr.  Wilson  stands  for  a  theory  of  administration  and  gov- 
ernment which  is  not  American.  His  methods,  his  constant  if  indirect  assaults  upon 
the  Constitution  and  upon  all  the  traditions  of  free  government,  strike  at  the  very  life 
of  the  American  principles  upon  which  our  Government  has  always  rested.  The  return 
of  the  Democrats  to  power  with  Mr.  Wilson  or  one  of  his  disciples  still  the  leader  and 
master  of  a  great  party,  which  before  his  advent  possessed  both  traditions  and  prin- 
ciples, would  be  a  long  step  in  the  direction  of  the  autocracy  for  which  Mr.  Wilson 
yearns  and  a  heavy  blow  to  the  continuance  of  free  representative  government  as  we 
have  always  conceived  and  venerated  it.  The  peril  inseparable  from  Mr.  Wilson  and 
his  system  goes  far  beyond  all  party  divisions,  for  it  involves  the  fundamental  ques- 
tion of  whether  the  Government  of  the  United  States  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men,  whether  it  shall  be  a  free  representative  government  or  that  of  a 
dictatorship  resting  on  a  plebiscite  carried  by  repellent  methods.  Mr.  Wilson  and  the 
autocracy  he  represents,  and  all  of  which  those  who  believe  in  his  doctrines  and  share 
his  spirit  represent,  must  be  put  aside  and  conclusively  excluded  from  any  future  con- 
trol. Bear  this  well  in  mind  throughout  the  campaign,  for  it  is  the  first  condition  of 
our  ability  to  enter  upon  the  path  which  will  carry  us  forward  to  true  progress  and 
to  wiser  laws.  It  is  the  path  of  Washington,  of  Lincoln  and  of  Roosevelt  from  which 
Mr.  Wilson  has  sought  to  drag  us.  We  can  only  regain  it  by  once  and  for  all  condemn- 
ing the  man  and  his  associates  who  have  thus  endeavored  to  turn  us  from  the  right 
road  into  the  dark  and  devious  ways  which  with  all  nations  lead  to  destruction.  We"1 
therefore  make  our  appeal  for  support  to  all  who  love  America,  to  all,  whatever  party 
name  they  happen  to  bear,  who  are  true  to  the  faith  of  the  fathers,  to  join  with  us 
in  this  great  work  of  redemption.  The  defeat  of  the  present  Administration  and  all 
it  means  transcends  in  importance  every  other  question  and  all  immediate  and  domi- 
nant issues  are  bound  up  with  it.  Without  that  defeat  every  chance  of  the  right  settle- 
ment of  the  mighty  questions  before  us,  so  sorely  needed  now  and  not  later,  will 
depart 

ClSS] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

A  GOVERNMENT  WHERE  LAW  AND  ORDER  RULES 

JUSTICE  MUST  BE  METED  OUT  TO  ALL  ALIKE— RICH  AND  POOR,  HIGH  AND  LOW 

The  ground  thus  cleared,  it  is  our  first  duty  as  Americans  to  re-establish  certain 
essential  principles  which  have  been  both  shaken  and  invaded — shaken  by  the  shock 
of  war,  invaded  by  those  who  had  their  own  selfish  purposes  to  serve  even  in  the  hour 
of  the  country's  danger. 

The  earliest  beliefs  of  men  reveal  the  trust  of  mankind  in  order,  as  the  divine  con- 
queror of  chaos  and  eternal  night.  A  famous  poet  tells  us  that  "order  is  Heaven's  first 
law"  and  history  repeats  the  same  injunction.  All  the  civilization  ever  built  up  and 
treasured  by  mankind  has  rested  upon  the  establishment  of  law  and  order.  Law  and 
order,  the  supports  of  true  liberty,  the  firm  foundations  of  prosperity  and  progress, 
have  always  ruled  in  the  United  States  and  have  been  very  dear  in  the  hearts  of  the 
American  people.  They  must  never  be  weakened  or  impaired  unless  we  are  ready  to 
see  all  that  we  have  carefully  built  up  go  down  in  ruin  and  men  forced  once  more  into 
the  struggle  against  chaos,  followed  by  the  slow  and  toilsome  climb  out  of  the  darkness 
of  anarchy  to  the  height  of  freedom  and  accomplishment.  To  maintain  law  and  order 
and  a  stable  government  where  justice  rules  and  the  rights  of  all  men,  high  and  low, 
rich  and  poor,  shall  be  protected,  we  must  have  a  government  of  the  people,  duly 
chosen  by  the  people,  and  never  must  there  be  permitted  any  government  by  a  single 
man  or  by  a  group  of  men  or  by  an  organized  minority.  Tyranny  lurks  in  them  all 
and  true  freedom  withers  when  they  ascend  the  throne.  There  must  be  but  one  law  in 
this  country  and  that  is  the  law  framed  by  the  men  chosen  by  the  people  themselves 
to  make  the  laws.  The  chief  magistrate  must  understand  that  it  is  his  duty  not  only  to 
enforce  but  to  abide  by  the  laws,  the  laws  made  by  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
and  when  those  laws  are  once  made  they  must  be  obeyed  until  the  people  see  fit  to 
change  them.  The  will  of  the  people,  expressed  in  lawful  manner  through  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  must  be  supreme,  for  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
can  neither  suffer  revolt  nor  submit  to  any  question  of  its  authority  on  the  part  of  any 
man  or  any  group  of  men  or  any  minority  of  the  people.  When  free  government  fails, 
autocracy  and  revolution  and  the  downfall  of  civilization  as  we  have  known  it  are 
at  hand.  Progress  will  cease,  and  the  decline  to  lower  stages  of  development  will 
have  begun.  True  progress  must  rest  upon  and  proceed  from  the  sound  principles 
which  sustain  all  free  government,  and  to  such  progress  the  Republican  Party  always 
has  been  committed.  Loyalty  to  the  United  States  and  obedience  to  the  people's  laws 
are  the  cornerstones  of  the  Republic  and  should  be  sustained  and  upheld  by  every  man 
and  every  woman  in  every  corner  of  our  great  land.  Keep  these  principles  sacred  and 
untouched  and  all  the  rest  will  follow. 

FOR  THE  VAST  TASK  AHEAD 

Let  me  turn  first  to  the  economic  conditions,  so  profoundly  distorted  and  confused 
by  the  war,  which  affect  our  daily  life,  are  essential  to  our  business  and  upon  which 
our  material  prosperity  and  all  the  benefits  both  mental  and  moral,  which  flow  from  it 
when  honestly  acquired,  so  largely  depend.  Already  a  beginning  has  been  made  by  a 
Republican  Congress,  working  under  all  the  difficulties  and  opposition  imposed  by  a 
hostile  Executive.  Many  vital  economic  measures  and  especially  protective  tariff  legis- 
lation to  guard  our  industries  are  impossible  with  a  Democratic  Free  Trader  of  Social- 

£134  3 


Andersen  ■  Lamt    ZaNY 


C./rrfh- 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


istic  proclivities  in  the  White  House.  To  accomplish  such  measures  as  these  we  must 
have,  as  we  intend  to  have,  a  Republican  President,  in  sympathy  with  a  Republican 
House  and  Senate.  Great  reductions  in  expenditures  have  been  effected  but  we  have 
been  met  with  resistance  in  some  of  the  departments  and  also  by  habits  of  waste  backed 
by  maladministration,  by  sacrifice  of  efficiency  to  political  purposes,  never  so  reck- 
lessly indulged  in  before,  and  in  certain  cases  by  an  incompetency  so  marvelous  that 
it  cannot  be  due  to  nature  but  must  be  the  result  of  art.  Yet  despite  all  these  fetter- 
ing conditions  an  amount  of  work  has  been  done  which  in  days  of  peace  would  have 
been  considered  remarkable  but  now  passes  almost  unnoticed  because  great  events 
have  so  crowded  on  each  other's  heels  in  the  years  of  world  war  that  the  compre- 
hension and  appreciation  of  legislative  accomplishment  are  well  nigh  lost.  Let  me 
give  a  few  examples  of  what  has  been  accomplished. 

A  RECORD  OF  ACHIEVEMENT 

The  estimates  have  been  reduced  over  a  billion  dollars.  The  oil-leasing  and  water- 
power  bills,  two  measures  of  large  effect  and  high  importance,  which  have  been  halt- 
ing and  stumbling  for  many  years  in  the  incapable  hands  of  a  Democratic  majority, 
have  passed  both  Houses,  but  the  President  has  vetoed  the  water-power  bill.  We  have 
passed  the  vocational  rehabilitation  act  for  the  benefit  of  wounded  soldiers  and  several 
acts  for  the  disposition  of  war  material,  very  necessary  to  our  finances.  We  have 
amended  and  improved  the  Federal  Reserve  and  the  farmers'  loan  acts.  We  have 
cared  for  the  soldiers  of  the  Civil  War,  straitened  in  their  old  age  through  the  rise 
in  prices,  by  an  increase  in  their  pensions.  The  civil  service  retirement  law,  a  long- 
deferred  act  of  justice  to  faithful  servants  of  the  Government,  has  been  passed,  and 
a  minimum  wage  bill  for  all  persons  in  Government  employ  has  passed  both  Houses. 
We  have  been  obliged  to  restore  the  Army  and  Navy  to  a  peace  footing,  a  work  as  diffi- 
cult as  it  was  necessary.  We  have  met  this  by  two  most  important  measures,  the  Army 
and  Navy  pay-bill  and  the  law  for  the  reorganization  of  the  Army  on  a  peace  basis. 
Two  of  the  most  important  acts  of  any  period,  the  shipping  act  for  the  upbuilding  of 
the  American  Marine  and  the  settlement  of  the  affairs  of  the  Shipping  Board  and  the 
law  establishing  a  budget,  a  great  measure  of  economy  and  sound  financial  administra- 
tion, are  conspicuous  as  our  latest  achievements.  The  budget  bill  was  vetoed  by  the 
President  at  the  last  moment,  on  the  ground  that  it  interfered  with  the  power  of  ap- 
pointment and  removal. 

LEGISLATION  WILL  LOWER  COST  OF  LIVING,  BUT  GREAT  REMEDY  IS  MORE  PRODUCTION 

The  list  of  beneficial  laws,  passed  under  adverse  circumstances,  might  be  largely 
extended  did  not  time  forbid.  But  these  are  enough  to  show  the  far-reaching  results 
of  the  labors  of  this  Congress,  whose  time  is  but  little  more  than  half  spent.  Some 
of  the  master  minds  of  the  Democratic  party  are  now  chirruping  away  like  inces- 
sant little  birds  that  "the  Republicans  have  done  nothing."  I  should  be  glad,  omitting 
the  two  years  of  war  when  both  parties  worked  together,  to  put  the  recorded  accom- 
plishment of  the  five  years  of  complete  Democratic  control  beside  that  of  our  eighteen 
months  hampered  by  an  inimical  administration.  Let  me  assure  you  that  we  do  not 
fear  the  comparison. 

We  have  made  a  remarkable  beginning,  but  we  are  fully  conscious  that  it  is  only 
a  beginning.  Much  has  been  done,  much  more  remains  to  do  and  we  pledge  our- 
selves to  exert  all  our  energies  to  deal  with  what  is  still  undone.    The  wreck  and 

D35] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

confusion  of  a  great  war,  in  business,  finance  and  all  economic  conditions,  cannot 
be  cleared  away  and  fully  readjusted  in  a  year  and  a  half  nor  indeed  in  twice  that 
time.  Reconstruction  must  be  steady  and  energetic,  but  it  also  demands  care  if  it  is  to 
be  of  lasting  value.  The  rise  of  prices,  the  high  cost  of  living  which  reaches  daily  into 
every  home,  is  the  most  pressing  as  it  is  the  most  difficult  and  most  essential  prob- 
lem which  confronts  us.  Some  of  the  sources  of  this  trouble  can  be  reached  by 
legislation,  although  not  all,  but  everything  that  can  be  effected  by  law  should  be 
done  at  once.  Profiteering,  the  charging  of  extortionate  and  unjustified  prices,  which 
is  stupid  as  well  as  unlawful,  are  subject  now  to  ample  punitive  laws.  Those  laws 
should  be  enforced,  others  if  necessary  added,  and  the  offenders  both  great  and 
small  should  be  pursued  and  punished,  not  in  the  headlines  of  newspapers  after  the 
manner  of  the  present  attorney-general  but  quietly,  thoroughly  and  efficiently,  in  the 
courts  of  the  United  States.  Something  more  in  this  direction  can  be  accomplished 
by  the  proper  regulation  of  cold  storage,  and  a  bill  for  that  purpose  has  passed  both 
Houses  and  is  now  in  conference. 

Another  deep-seated  cause  of  the  rise  of  prices,  more  effective  in  its  results  although 
less  obvious  than  profiteering,  is  the  abnormal  increase  per  capita  of  the  circulating 
medium.  This  has  doubled  since  the  war  began  and  if  in  the  space  of  a  few  years  the 
amount  of  the  circulating  medium  is  doubled  it  has  a  most  profound  effect  in  stimulat- 
ing and  advancing  prices.  During  the  war  credits  have  been  enormously  inflated 
and  there  have  been  large  additions  to  the  currency  through  the  Federal  Reserve 
banks.  Here  it  is  possible  to  check  the  advance  of  prices  by  law.  We  can  provide  for 
the  control  of  credits  in  such  manner  as  to  give  preference  to  the  most  essential  prod- 
ucts. We  are  also  able  to  reduce  the  amount  of  the  circulating  medium  in  the  form  of 
Federal  Reserve  bank  notes,  the  authority  having  been  given  during  the  war  to  in- 
crease the  issue  of  these  notes  from  two  billions  to  four  billions.  It  should  be  one  of 
the  first  acts  of  Congress  to  deal  with  this  essential  point  and  it  would  have  a  marked 
effect  in  reducing  prices  by  steadying  them  and  bringing  them  down  to  a  lower  and 
more  normal  level. 

REMEDY  LIES  IN  PRODUCTION 

The  most  potent  remedy  of  all  against  advances  in  the  high  cost  of  living,  how- 
ever, lies  in  production,  which  cannot  be  reached  directly  by  statutes.  If  produc- 
tion begins  to  fail  and  fall  off,  the  cost  of  everything  will  be  advanced  by  the  simple 
force  of  scarcity  which  inevitably  drives  prices  upward.  The  most  essential  remedy 
for  high  costs  is  to  keep  up  and  increase  production  and  particularly  should  every 
effort  be  made  to  advance  the  productivity  of  the  farms.  Just  how  much  the  Gov- 
ernment can  do  in  this  direction  is  uncertain,  but  it  can  aid  and  support  and  if  any- 
thing can  be  done  it  must  not  be  omitted  or  overlooked.  At  the  same  time  it  must 
not  be  forgotten  that  there  is  a  vast  difference  between  the  powers  of  the  National 
Government  in  time  of  war  and  those  which  it  possesses  in  time  of  peace.  The  normal 
limitations  of  times  of  peace  restrict  very  much  the  powers  of  the  general  govern- 
ment and  in  helping  to  increase  the  productivity  of  the  farms,  which  must  be  done 
through  government  action,  the  Republican  party  promises  to  use  every  power  in 
this  direction  whether  within  the  State  or  Federal  jurisdiction. 

I  have  touched  upon  this  matter  of  prices  and  the  high  cost  of  living  because  it  is 
altogether  the  most  important  domestic  question  now  before  the  country  and  one 
to  which  the  Republican  party  should  address  itself  without  delay  in  every  direc- 

HS61 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


tion  where  help  is  possible.  There  are,  of  course,  as  I  have  said,  many  other  impor- 
tant economic  questions  to  be  dealt  with,  as  speedily  as  may  be,  but  the  time  allotted  to 
me  makes  it  impossible  to  touch  upon  them  all. 

RAILROAD    ACT    FUNDAMENTALLY    SOUND 

There  is,  however,  one  measure  which  cannot  be  passed  over,  a  single  great  law 
which  has  been  enacted  and  which  in  any  period  would  be  sufficient  to  distinguish 
a  Congress  as  one  of  high  accomplishment.  This  is  the  Railroad  Act.  For  six  months 
able  committees  in  both  Houses,  committees  where  no  party  line  was  drawn,  toiled 
day  after  day  upon  this  most  intricate  of  problems.  There  was  much  serious  debate 
in  both  Senate  and  House  and  then  the  bill,  signed  by  the  President,  became  law.  No 
doubt  time  and  experience  will  show  that  improvements  in  the  act  can  be  made,  but 
in  the  main  it  is  a  remarkable  piece  of  legislation  and  in  general  principles  is  entirely 
sound,  and  nothing  could  be  more  unfair  than  to  criticize  the  present  owners  contending 
with  the  legacy  of  mismanagement,  waste  and  confusion  bequeathed  by  the  Government 
when  it  returned  the  roads  only  three  months  ago.  The  railroad  law  possesses  also  an 
importance  wholly  distinct  from  its  provisions,  which  have  been  framed  with  extreme 
care.  This  act  declares  a  national  policy  and,  so  far  as  any  law  can  do  it,  establishes 
that  policy  as  a  rule  of  action.  The  policy  embodied  in  the  bill  conceded  at  the  outset 
that  it  is  of  course  impossible  to  return  to  the  old  system  or  lack  of  system  in  the 
management  of  railroads.  They  must  henceforth  be  under  thorough  Government 
supervision  and  also  the  Government  must  have  over  them  a  large  measure  of  control. 

NO  GOVERNMENT  OWNERSHIP 

The  transportation  system  of  the  country  can  no  longer  be  suffered  to  continue 
without  such  supervision  and  control.  But  the  policy  also  represents  the  principle 
that  the  Government  must  not  assume  ownership  of  the  railroads.  Their  operation 
and  management  must  be  left  in  private  ownership.  The  phrase  "Government  owner- 
ship" means  not  only  that  the  Government  shall  own  the  railroads  but  also,  it  is  to  be 
feared,  that  those  who  run  the  railroads  shall  own  the  Government.  General  Govern- 
ment ownership  under  our  political  system  would  inevitably  bring  about  the  mastery 
of  the  Government  by  those  who  operate  the  machinery  of  transportation  or  of  any 
other  industries  which  come  into  Government  possession.  The  rights  of  the  general 
public,  for  whom  all  industries  exist,  would  disappear  under  this  scheme  and  nothing 
would  be  left  to  the  people  except  the  duty  of  paying  taxes  to  support  the  roads.  That 
is  a  very  perilous  position  for  a  representative  democracy.  Our  Government  must 
not  be  dominated  by  any  one  man  or  any  class  or  any  selected  body  of  men  who 
represent  a  part  of  the  people  and  not  the  whole  people.  Moreover,  in  the  United 
States,  Government  ownership  wherever  applied  to  an  industry,  whether  it  involves 
transportation  or  telegraphic  and  telephone  communication  or  shipbuilding  or  manu- 
facturing, is  a  very  inefficient  and  wasteful  system,  badly  managed  and  certain  to  be 
intolerably  burdensome  to  the  taxpayers.  This  point  it  is  not  necessary  to  argue  be- 
cause the  country  through  the  demands  of  war  turned  the  railroads  over  to  the  Govern- 
ment and  we  have  had  the  painful  privilege  of  observing  the  performance  which 
followed.  The  Government  management  which  ensued  was  inefficient,  the  railroads 
were  wretchedly  conducted  and  money  was  spent  and  wasted  with  a  prodigality  which 
nothing  can  defend.  During  the  time  in  which  the  Government  undertook  to  man- 
age the  railroads  they  sustained  despite  a  generous  increase  in  freight  rates  a  loss 

D37  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

of  over  a  million  dollars  a  day  and  the  total  payments  out  of  the  Treasury  to  sup- 
port the  railroads  have  reached  the  enormous  sum  of  one  and  three  quarters  billions 
of  dollars.  There  was  universal  dissatisfaction  with  the  Government  management, 
and  it  was  a  just  dissatisfaction.    The  experiment  failed  and  should  not  be  renewed. 

UNITED  STATES  HUMILIATED  IN  EYES  OF  WORLD  BY  ITS  WEAK-KNEED  MEXICAN  POLICY 

From  domestic  affairs,  which  I  have  only  touched  upon  briefly,  let  us  turn  to 
foreign  questions,  to  our  relations  with  the  world  of  other  nations.  Look  first  at  one 
of  the  most  pressing  importance  just  beyond  our  own  borders.  Look  at  Mexico.  For 
seven  years  the  United  States  has  been  pursuing  under  the  direction  of  the  President 
a  policy  of  "watchful  waiting."  The  President  saw  fit  to  intervene  in  Mexico.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  he  made  war  upon  Mexico,  for  in  the  taking  of  Vera  Cruz  we  lost  some 
20  men  in  killed  and  wounded  and  several  hundred  unregarded,  incidental  Mexicans 
were  also  either  wounded  or  killed  in  the  conflict.  We  went  there  to  exact  an  apology 
for  the  treatment  of  some  of  our  sailors  at  Tampico.  The  apology  has  never  been 
given,  but  President  Huerta  was  driven  from  power,  which  was  the  President's  real 
purpose,  and  Mexico  then  fell  into  a  state  of  anarchy  which,  growing  constantly  worse, 
has  continued  to  this  day.  The  President  saw  fit  to  recognize  Carranza,  who  was 
chosen  by  a  military  junta,  as  political  chief.  He  thus  furnished  an  essential  support 
to  the  Carranza  Government  and  what  has  been  our  reward?  Over  600  Americans 
have  been  murdered  in  Mexico,  some  under  circumstances  of  great  brutality.  For 
these  murders  no  reparation  has  been  made.  Decorated  by  endless  futile  and  useless 
notes,  they  have  gone  on  unchecked.  To  have  been  an  American  citizen  in  Mexico 
added  to  a  man's  danger.  The  words,  "I  am  an  American  citizen,"  instead  of  being  a 
protection,  as  they  ought  to  be,  in  every  corner  of  the  world,  were  an  absolute  peril 
to  anyone  who  was  entitled  to  that  high  distinction.  Mexico  teemed  with  German 
plots.  The  Mexican  Government — largely  the  offspring  of  Mr.  Wilson's  recognition — 
did  not  support  us  in  the  war,  but  gave  aid  so  far  as  it  was  possible  to  the  cause  of 
our  enemies.  Yet  we  still  continued  to  support  Carranza.  His  Government  sent  agents 
into  this  country  to  foment  industrial  trouble  and  to  bring  on  strikes.  They  allied 
themselves  with  the  bolshevist  and  anarchistic  elements.  Nothing  was  done  by  the 
United  States.  Carranza  insulted  the  American  Government  in  every  possible  way, 
and  still  nothing  was  done.  We  fell  so  low  that  when  an  American  was  seized  by  one 
of  the  many  bands  of  brigands  and  held  for  ransom,  all  that  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  would  do  was  to  offer  to  be  the  channel  for  conveying  the  ransom  of  their 
citizens  to  the  highwaymen  who  had  seized  them.  The  mere  statement  seems  in- 
credible, but  it  is  in  exact  accordance  with  the  facts  in  some  cases.  Still  nothing  was 
done  and  we  watched  and  waited.  Naturally  we  lost  our  influence  in  Mexico,  and  what 
was  far  more  important,  we  lost  the  respect  of  the  Mexican  people  by  the  manner  in 
which  we  submitted  to  every  sort  of  insult  and  outrage. 

NEED  OF  A  FIRM   HAND 

We  have  watched  and  waited  long  enough.  It  is  time  that  this  condition,  disgraceful 
to  us  and  ruinous  to  Mexico,  should  cease.  We  need  a  firm  hand  at  the  helm.  We 
need  a  man  who  will  think  not  only  of  the  rights  of  the  United  States  but  of  the  wel- 
fare of  Mexico.  The  Mexican  people  would  not  resent  the  influence  or  intervention 
of  the  United  States  if  it  would  only  help  to  bring  them  peace  under  a  President 
of  their  own  choosing.    The  great  mass  of  the  Mexican  people  wish  to  work  and  earn 


.•  •    . '.    •.  :    .  • 


•  •..;«•■,  •. 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


money.  They  long  to  be  able  to  sleep  in  peace  and  not  be  subject  to  pillage  and  out- 
rage. Thousands  of  them  look  to  us  for  help.  Let  the  Mexicans  choose  as  their 
President  some  strong  and  upright  man  who  is  friendly  to  the  United  States  and 
determined  to  establish  order  and  then  let  the  United  States  give  him  a  real  and  cordial 
support,  and  so  strengthen  and  uphold  him  that  he  will  be  able  to  exterminate  the 
bandits  and  put  an  end  to  the  unceasing  civil  war  which  has  well  nigh  completely 
ruined  one  of  the  finest  and  most  valuable  countries  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  We 
must  watch  and  wait  no  longer.  We  must  have  a  man  who  has  a  policy  and  who 
will  act.  Nothing  can  ever  be  accomplished  under  the  Wilson  administration  or  any 
administration  in  sympathy  with  it.  Their  miserable  record  of  hopeless  failure  in  Mex- 
ico has  been  unbroken  for  seven  years.  The  time  has  come  to  put  an  end  to  this 
Mexican  situation,  which  is  a  shame  to  the  United  States  and  a  disgrace  to  our  civiliza- 
tion. If  we  are  to  take  part  in  pacifying  and  helping  the  world,  let  us  begin  here  at 
home  in  Mexico.  If  we  assert  and  protect  the  Monroe  Doctrine  against  Europe,  as  we 
must  for  our  own  safety,  we  must  also  accept  and  fulfil  the  duties  and  responsibilities 
which  that  doctrine  imposes. 

MEXICO  BEFORE  ARMENIA 

The  President  has  been  unable  or  unwilling  to  do  anything  for  Mexico,  where 
civil  war  has  raged  for  years,  where  anarchy  exists  and  where  the  people  are  suf- 
fering. But  he  thinks  it  our  duty  to  take  a  mandate  for  Armenia,  which  would  involve 
our  sending  an  army  there  for  an  indefinite  time  and  which  would  cost,  including 
the  army  and  civil  expenditures,  275  millions  for  the  first  year,  besides  entangling  us 
in  all  the  quarrels  and  intrigues  of  Asia  Minor  and  the  surrounding  countries.  Mexico 
lies  at  our  doors.  It  is  a  primary  duty  for  us  to  deal  with  it  under  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
but  nothing  has  been  done  and  yet  we  are  asked  to  take  a  mandate  for  Armenia.  The 
American  people  have  a  deep  sympathy  for  Armenia.  They  have  already  given  over 
forty  million  dollars  for  the  relief  of  those  starving  and  suffering  people,  a  brave  and 
gallant  people  who  deserve  assistance  and  who  have  established  a  government.  We 
are  anxious  to  help  Armenia  in  all  reasonable  ways  and  no  doubt  shall  do  so,  but 
to  take  a  mandate  to  control,  protect  and  govern  that  country  would  involve  our 
sending  our  sons  and  brothers  to  serve  and  sacrifice  their  lives  in  Armenia  for  an  in- 
definite time.  This  is  a  mandate  which  we  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  think 
should  not  be  undertaken.  It  is  a  plan  to  get  us  involved  in  the  responsibilities  of 
the  League  of  Nations  and  all  the  wars  in  which  it  may  be  engaged,  without  our  be- 
ing a  member  of  the  League.  To  such  a  proposition  the  only  answer  is  a  plain  re- 
fusal. On  the  other  hand,  what  the  President  has  neglected — a  like  condition  among 
an  unfortunate  people  at  our  very  doors — we  must  take  up  and  by  a  wise  and  firm 
policy  restore  Mexico  to  the  position  which  she  ought  to  occupy  and  thereby  help  and 
relieve  her  people  and  so  benefit  the  world  and  extend  the  reign  of  peace. 

president  wilson's  trip  to  Europe  a  journey  of  lost  opportunities 

As  the  great  war  in  Europe  pushed  Mexico  into  the  background  and  turned  the 
thoughts  of  all  away  from  it,  so  there  is  at  this  moment  another  great  question  of 
our  relations  to  the  civilized  world  which  overshadows  every  other.  When  the  armis- 
tice with  Germany  was  signed  the  course  to  be  pursued  was  clear.  It  was  urged  by 
Republican  Senators  before  the  armistice  and  immediately  afterwards.  That  course 
was  to  make  the  peace  with  Germany  at  once  and  then  take  up  for  reasonable  con- 
sideration the  question  of  establishing  such  future  relations  with  our  associates  in 

D393 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

the  war  as  would  make  for  the  future  peace  of  the  world.  If  this  had  been  done 
we  could  have  had  full  peace  with  Germany  three  months  after  the  armistice.  This 
Mr.  Wilson  prevented.  He  went  to  Europe  with  the  greatest  opportunity  for  large  ser- 
vice to  the  world  ever  offered  to  any  one  man.  He  insisted  on  going  himself,  for  he 
trusted  no  one  else.  We  then  had  the  confidence,  the  gratitude  and  the  friendship 
of  every  European  nation,  which  thanks  to  the  President  we  possess  no  longer.  If 
Mr.  Wilson  had  said :  "We  came  here  to  help  you  win  this  war  in  defense  of  civiliza- 
tion. The  war  is  won.  All  we  now  insist  upon  is  that  Germany  shall  be  put  in  such 
a  position  as  not  to  be  able  again  to  threaten  the  peace  and  freedom  of  mankind. 
Our  own  questions  in  the  American  hemisphere  we  will  care  for  ourselves.  We  have 
interests  in  the  Far  East  which  we  shall  wish  to  have  protected,  but  your  own  European 
questions  you  must  settle  and  we  will  accept  the  settlement  to  which  you  agree. 
We  are  not  here  seeking  territory  or  to  dictate  what  you  shall  do  in  regard  to  either 
territory  or  boundaries."  Then  indeed  we  should  have  been  entitled  to  the  gratitude 
of  the  world  not  only  for  our  decisive  services  in  the  war  but  for  generous  assistance 
in  making  a  lasting  peace.  But  Mr.  Wilson  did  not  do  this.  He  had  apparently  only 
one  aim,  to  be  the  maker  of  a  league  of  which  he  should  be  the  head.  He  was 
determined  that  there  should  be  a  League  of  Nations  then  and  there  and  in  order 
to  nullify  the  powers  of  the  Senate  given  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  he 
decided  to  make  the  League  an  integral  part  of  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Germany. 
Thus  he  presented  to  the  Senate,  and  intended  to  present,  a  dilemma  from  which  he 
believed  there  was  no  escape.  In  order  to  have  peace  with  Germany  he  meant  to  com- 
pel the  Senate  to  accept  with  it  the  League  of  Nations.  It  was  indeed  a  difficult  situa- 
tion which  he  thus  created.  But  Bepublican  Senators  believed  their  duty  to  be  clear 
before  them  and  did  not  shrink  from  fulfilling  it.  Thirty-nine  of  them  in  March,  1919, 
signed  a  statement  setting  forth  that  the  first  draft  of  the  League  as  Mr.  Wilson  brought 
it  back,  announcing  that  it  must  be  taken  just  as  it  stood,  could  not  be  accepted  by  the 
Senate  in  that  form. 

WILSON  WAS  WARNED 

The  President  returned  to  Europe  with  this  warning  before  him  and  before  the 
world.  He  admitted  a  few  slight  changes  in  the  covenant,  for  the  most  part  unim- 
portant and  some  of  which  made  the  second  draft  worse  than  the  first.  He  forced  the 
Allied  and  Associated  Powers  to  yield  to  his  demand  that  the  covenant  of  the  League 
should  be  interwoven  with  the  treaty  of  peace.  To  accomplish  this  he  surrendered 
the  principle  of  the  freedom  of  the  seas — whatever  that  may  have  been— to  Great 
Britain,  and  he  made  promises  and  concessions  to  France— not  3ret  fulfilled — which 
brought  him  the  French  support.  Having  thus  carried  his  point  abroad,  he  brought 
the  treaty  with  Germany  home  and  laid  it  before  the  Senate.  To  the  great  mass 
of  the  American  people  he  said:  "This  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  will  bring 
to  the  world  a  lasting  peace."  Everyone  desired  lasting  peace  and  without  pausing  to 
consider  or  even  to  read  the  covenant,  thousands  upon  thousands  of  good  people  united 
in  the  demand  that  the  Senate  ratify  and  take  the  League  at  once  and  without  con- 
sideration, just  as  it  stood.  The  Bepublicans  of  the  Senate,  perceiving  the  dangers  of 
the  League,  determined  to  resist  Mr.  Wilson's  demand,  even  at  the  cost  of  delaying  the 
treaty  of  peace  with  Germany.  They  felt  that  the  one  thing  necessary  was  to  have 
the  people  understand  the  treaty,  that  they  might  realize  what  it  meant  and  what  it 
threatened. 

CMoa 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


AT  LAST  THE  AWAKENING 

So  the  long  debate  began  and  it  has  lasted  for  more  than  a  year.  At  the  outset  that 
portion  of  the  people  who  wished  an  instantaneous  and  unqualified  acceptance  of 
a  covenant  which  most  of  them  had  never  read  had  possession  in  large  measure  of 
the  press  and  other  methods  of  obtaining  publicity  and  thus  were  able  to  keep  up  a 
continual  cry  for  immediate  ratification.  The  vocal  part  of  the  community  felt,  almost 
universally,  as  they  listened  to  each  other's  voices,  that  the  whole  country  was  with 
them,  but  they  forgot  the  great  inarticulate  masses  of  the  people  who  went  silently 
about  their  work  and  their  business,  who  did  not  write  letters  to  the  newspapers  or 
publish  circulars  or  spend  millions  in  spreading  their  views  through  powerful  organs 
and  active  associations,  but  who  simply  loved  their  country  and  thought  first  of  the 
interests  of  America.  The  debate  in  the  Senate  spread  to  them.  They  read  the 
speeches,  they  listened  to  the  arguments,  and  what  was  far  more  important,  they 
began  to  read  and  discuss  the  covenant  of  the  League  themselves,  in  the  street,  by  the 
firesides,  wherever  men  and  women  meet  together.  They  began  to  understand  the 
League.  They  began  to  know  what  it  meant.  They  saw  it  was  an  alliance  and  not  a 
league  for  peace.  They  saw  that  it  did  not  mention  the  Hague  Conventions  which  we 
all  desired  to  have  restored  as  foundations  for  further  extensions,  did  nothing  for 
the  development  of  international  law,  nothing  for  a  world  court  and  judicial  decisions, 
and  nothing  looking  towards  an  agreement  as  to  dealing  with  non-justifiable  questions. 
These  real  advances  toward  promoting  peace,  these  constructive  measures  were  all 
disregarded  and  the  only  court  mentioned  was  pushed  in  an  obscure  corner.  The 
people  began  to  perceive  with  an  intense  clearness  that  this  alliance,  silent  as  to  real 
peace  agreements,  contained  clauses  which  threatened  the  very  existence  of  the  United 
States  as  an  independent  Power — threatened  its  sovereignty,  threatened  its  peace, 
threatened  its  life.  The  masses  of  the  people  became  articulate.  Public  opinion 
steadily  changed  and  to-day  the  number  of  Americans  who  would  be  willing  to  accept 
the  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  just  as  the  President  brought  it  back  from 
Europe  is  negligible.  The  American  people  will  never  accept  that  alliance  with  foreign 
nations  proposed  by  the  President.  The  President  meantime  has  remained  inflexible. 
He  is  determined  to  have  that  treaty  as  he  brought  it  back  or  nothing,  and  to  that  im- 
perious demand  the  people  will  reply  in  tones  which  cannot  be  misunderstood.  No 
man  who  thinks  of  America  first  need  fear  the  answer. 

THE  FAMOUS  ARTICLE  X 

Mr.  Wilson  said  in  a  recent  letter  to  Senator  Hitchcock:  "For  my  own  part  I  am 
not  willing  to  trust  to  the  counsel  of  diplomats  the  working  out  of  any  salvation  of 
the  world  from  the  things  which  it  has  suffered."  And  he  said  this  in  behalf  of  an 
alliance  whose  representatives  will  all  be  diplomats  and  politicians.  They  will  all 
act  in  behalf  of  the  interests  of  their  respective  countries  and  they  will  have  nothing 
judicial  about  them.  Strip  the  League  of  every  clause  which  involves  the  action  of 
political  representatives  in  the  Assembly  and  the  Council  and  you  leave  but  one 
article  in  which  the  diplomats  of  the  League  as  such  will  have  no  power. 

That  is  the  famous  Article  X.  Most  of  the  League  covenant  was  prepared  by  General 
Smuts,  of  South  Africa,  but  Article  X  was  the  work  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  true  this  article  is  free  from  diplomats,  but  it  rests  entirely  upon  naked 
force.  In  that  way  peace  is  to  be  preserved  and  the  nations  freed  from  war  by  multi- 
plying the  opportunities  for  the  use  of  force.    Each  individual  nation  is  bound  by 

Ci«3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Article  X  to  go  to  war  for  the  protection  of  the  territorial  integrity  and  the  political 
independence  of  every  other  nation  in  the  world  at  the  time  of  signature;  that  is,  for 
the  protection  of  States  some  of  which  are  not  yet  determined  or  established,  for  the 
protection  of  boundaries  which  no  man  can  define.  We  were  to  give  such  a  guarantee 
and  any  of  the  countries  in  the  League  in  the  event  of  exterior  aggression  could  have 
demanded  our  armed  assistance,  and  our  soldiers  and  sailors  must  then  have  gone 
forth  at  the  command  of  foreign  countries  unless  we  shattered  all  hope  of  world  peace 
by  breaking  a  solemn  moral  obligation.  The  Republicans  of  the  Senate,  no  matter 
what  their  future  fate  might  be,  were  determined  that  the  covenant  containing  that 
article  unmodified  should  never  be  ratified.  It  became  every  day  clearer  to  them  that 
the  alliance  called  a  League  of  Nations,  instead  of  being  a  guarantee  for  the  world's 
peace,  was  a  breeder  of  war  and  an  enemy  of  peace.  As  we  studied  it— and  a  majority 
of  Senators  desired  to  have  some  League  if  possible  which  should  be  a  genuine  League 
of  Peace — we  found  that  it  dragged  us  not  only  into  every  dispute  and  every  war  in 
Europe  and  in  the  rest  of  the  world  but  that  our  soldiers  and  sailors  might  be  forced 
to  give  their  lives  in  quarrels  not  their  own  at  the  bidding  of  foreign  governments. 

TWICE  OFFERED,  TWICE  REFUSED 

It  also  appeared  that  our  domestic  questions,  like  immigration,  could  be  inter- 
fered with,  that  the  interpretation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  to  be  left  to  the 
decision  of  the  League,  that  we  were  to  be  made  participants  in  the  outrageous  dis- 
position of  Shantung,  which  robbed  a  friendly  nation  and  gave  the  proceeds  of  the 
robbery  to  her  worst  enemy,  and  that  finally  we  were  to  have  in  the  Assembly  of  the 
League  only  one  vote  to  Great  Britain's  six.  These  provisions  were  all  intolerable. 
Reservations  were  adopted  which  relieved  us  from  every  obligation  under  Article  X, 
which  took  all  our  domestic  questions  completely  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  League, 
which  once  and  for  all  placed  the  Monroe  Doctrine  beyond  any  interference  by  Europe 
or  any  foreign  Power,  and  which  refused  our  assent  to  the  cruel  wrong  of  Shantung. 
We  also  made  it  impossible  to  subject  the  United  States  to  the  proposed  inequality  in 
voting  power,  for  we  profoundly  believed  that  the  United  States  must  never  take 
part  in  any  council  of  the  nations  where  her  vote  was  not  equal  to  that  of  any  other 
Power  represented.  Some  of  us  were  deeply  convinced  that  there  ought  to  be  no 
League  at  all  and  that  absolute  safety  could  be  obtained  in  no  other  way;  others  of 
us,  more  numerous,  believed  that  the  reservations  I  have  described  would  protect  the 
United  States  against  the  perils  of  the  covenant  if  we  joined  the  League.  We  were 
all  firmly  united  in  our  determination  that  the  League  as  submitted  by  Mr.  Wilson 
must  never  pass.  We  were  also  agreed  that  Mr.  Wilson's  League  with  what  he  called 
"interpretative  reservations,"  or  with  anything  those  obedient  to  him  approved,  was 
just  as  bad,  just  as  menacing  as  the  original.  Twice  we  offered  the  President  and 
his  most  faithful  supporters  an  opportunity  to  ratify  the  treaty  with  reservations. 
Twice  his  followers,  obedient  to  his  orders,  rejected  the  treaty  with  the  reservations  I 
have  outlined. 

A   VETO   WITHOUT   REASON 

The  Republicans  of  the  Senate  then  made  another  effort  to  put  an  end  to  the  state 
of  technical  war  with  Germany  and  at  the  same  time  rid  the  country  of  those  measures 
which  were  adopted  under  the  war  powers  of  the  Constitution  and  which  are  clearly 
unconstitutional  in  time  of  peace.  They  would  thus  have  relieved  the  business  and 
the  daily  occupations  of  the  people  from  the  burdens  of  war  legislation  and  at  the 

Ci«3 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


same  time  have  preserved  to  the  United  States  under  the  terms  of  the  resolution  all  ben- 
etils  accruing  to  the  United  States  under  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Versailles.  This 
resolution  was  passed  by  both  branches  of  Congress  and  vetoed  by  the  President  in  a 
message  which  furnished  neither  argument  nor  reason  for  the  veto  but  which  it  must 
be  admitted  had  a  pleasant  touch  of  humor  in  its  allusion  to  the  freedom  of  the  seas. 
The  houses  also  passed  a  resolution  repealing  all  war  legislation  with  three  exceptions. 
The  President  vetoed  it.  His  autocratic  powers  must  not  be  disturbed.  Thus  the 
President  demonstrated  again  that  unless  he  could  have  his  own  way  exactly  and  with- 
out any  modification  he  would  not  permit  the  country  to  be  at  peace,  an  exercise  of 
executive  power  never  contemplated  by  the  Constitution. 

There  the  story  ends.  We  have  stopped  Mr.  Wilson's  treaty  and  the  question  goes 
to  the  people.  In  1916  Mr.  Wilson  won  on  the  cry  that  "he  had  kept  us  out  of  war."  He 
now  demands  the  approval  of  the  American  people  for  his  party  and  his  Adminis- 
tration on  the  ground  that  he  has  kept  us  out  of  peace. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  ISSUE  IS  MADE;  IT  IS  THE  PBESIDENTIAL  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 

We  of  the  Senate  believe  that  we  have  performed  a  high  and  patriotic  duty  and  we 
ask  you,  representatives  of  the  Republican  Party,  to  approve  our  course  and  stand  by 
what  we  have  done.  The  next  act  will  fill  a  larger  stage  and  the  people  will  decide 
between  us  and  the  President.  The  League  must  be  discussed  in  every  district  and  in 
every  State  and  we  desire  to  have  the  verdict  so  clearly  given  that  no  man  who  seeks 
to  represent  the  people  in  the  Senate,  in  the  House  or  in  any  place  or  any  degree,  can 
have  the  slightest  doubt  as  to  his  duty.  We  make  the  issue;  we  ask  approbation  for 
what  we  have  done.  The  people  will  now  tell  us  what  they  think  of  Mr.  Wilson's 
League  and  its  sacrifice  of  America.  The  shifting  scene  in  Europe,  with  its  wars  and 
disputes,  its  changing  governments  and  fleeting  boundaries  which  we  are  asked  to 
guarantee,  will  instruct  the  people  from  day  to  day  and  we  confidently  leave  the  future 
and  the  protection  of  their  sons  and  brothers  and  of  the  country's  rights  in  their  hands. 
That  future  no  man  can  predict  but  the  country  knows  well  in  what  spirit  we  Re- 
publicans will  meet  it,  a  spirit  as  different  from  that  of  the  President  as  day  from  night. 
The  people  know  our  policy;  they  know  Mr.  Wilson's  and  they  will  choose  between 
them.  They  will  tear  aside  the  veil  of  words  woven  to  blind  and  deceive  and  come 
down  to  the  essential  and  vital  point — Mr.  Wilson's  plan  on  one  side,  the  independence 
and  safety  of  the  United  States  on  the  other.  To  determine  aright  this  question,  in- 
volving the  fate  and  fortunes  of  the  United  States,  all  Republicans,  all  Americans 
must  join  together  and  in  their  own  way  and  with  their  own  arguments  defeat  Mr. 
Wilson's  League  as  he  desires  it,  whether  amended  by  him  or  in  its  pristine  simplicity. 
We  must  all  fight  side  by  side  to  keep  safe  and  untouched  the  sovereignty,  the  inde- 
pendence, the  welfare  of  the  United  States.  We  hear  the  timid  cry  that  America 
will  be  isolated.  Have  no  fear.  The  United  States  cannot  be  isolated.  The  world 
needs  us  far  too  much.  We  have  never  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  cry  of  suffering 
humanity,  but  whatever  we  do  must  be  done  in  our  own  way,  freely  and  without  con- 
straint from  abroad.  With  no  outside  help  since  the  Revolution  we  have  come  to 
where  we  are  to-day.  We  shall  march  on  and  not  neglect  our  duty  to  the  world.  When 
we  were  called  to  the  defense  of  freedom  and  civilization  in  1917  we  did  not  fail.  We 
threw  our  great  weight  into  the  wavering  scale  and  we  were  all  the  more  effective, 
all  the  stronger  because  we  went  without  alliance  and  of  our  own  free  will,  as  we 
should  always  go  to  help  mankind.    Let  us  stand  fast  by  the  principles  and  policies  of 

C143] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Washington  and  Monroe  and  against — utterly  against — those  of  Mr.  Wilson.  We  must 
be  now  and  ever  for  Americanism  and  Nationalism,  and  against  Internationalism. 
There  is  no  safety  for  us,  no  hope  that  we  can  be  of  service  to  the  world,  if  we  do 
otherwise. 

FOR  THE  FUTURE  OF  THE  COUNTRY 

One  word  more  before  I  close.  During  all  the  tedious  weeks  and  months  of  the 
protracted  struggle  to  save  America  from  what  we  conceived  to  be  the  dire  perils 
lurking  in  the  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations,  which  Mr.  Wilson  presented  to  us, 
party  was  scarcely  ever  mentioned  nor  was  the  effect  of  our  action  upon  the  party 
considered.  To  this  spirit  I  think  our  success  was  largely  due.  We  made  up  our 
minds  as  to  what  our  duty  and  our  general  policy  ought  to  be  and  then  the  only  dif- 
ference was  as  to  the  best  way  in  which  that  duty  could  be  performed.  I  believe  that 
the  great  party  which  we  represent  here  to-day  has  made  up  its  mind  as  to  its  attitude 
upon  Mr.  Wilson's  League  and  all  that  is  carried  with  it  of  danger  and  of  menace.  In 
making  our  contest  before  the  people  let  us  think  of  what  the  public  interest,  the  future 
existence  of  the  United  States,  demand  without  any  consideration  of  party  effect. 
When  we  put  the  word  "gold"  into  our  platform  in  1896  we  took  from  the  ordinary 
political  point  of  view  great  risks  but  we  went  to  the  people  confident  in  the  justice 
of  our  cause  and  won.  The  way  to  assure  victory  now  is  to  remember  always  what 
Mr.  Wilson  and  his  party  threaten  not  only  in  the  League  but  in  regard  to  the  very 
foundations  of  our  Government.  Let  us  for  our  part  think  of  nothing  except  our 
cause  and  with  that  great  end  clear  before  us  let  us  behold  with  indifference  "the  lesser 
chances  and  inferior  hopes  meantime  go  pouring  past."  So  thinking,  so  believing, 
we  must  win  because  the  fight  we  are  making  is  for  the  right. 

PROMISE  ONLY  WHAT  CAN  BE  PERFORMED 

Let  us  also  in  the  battle  we  are  to  wage  make  no  promises  which  cannot  be  per- 
formed. Let  us  not  imitate  the  Democrats,  who  pledged  themselves  to  reduce  the 
cost  of  living  by  lowering  the  tariff  when  they  well  knew,  for  even  they  must  have 
known,  that  their  pledge  was  impossible  of  fulfilment,  that  the  high  cost  of  living 
could  not  be  affected  in  that  way  and  every  day  since  then  has  proved  the  falsity  of 
their  position.  Let  us  not  promise  any  millenniums  or  pledge  our  faith  to  the  per- 
formance of  impossibilities.  Let  us  simply  lay  before  the  people  our  principles  and 
policies,  policies  which  are  at  once  vigorous  and  practicable,  and  then  pledge  our- 
selves to  do  our  utmost  to  carry  these  policies  into  effect.  This  we  can  do  and  we 
should  bind  ourselves  no  further.  If  the  righteousness  of  our  cause  will  not  win,  no 
false  promises  or  delusive  hopes  will  be  of  any  avail.  Let  us  be  true  to  our  highest 
traditions  because  in  them  we  shall  find  both  an  inspiration  and  a  guide.  Let  past  dis- 
sensions among  ourselves  be  relegated  to  history  and  forgotten  by  us.  Let  all  honest 
differences  as  to  means  and  methods,  if  there  are  such,  be  set  aside  until  November 
in  order  that  the  great  and  overruling  purpose  in  which  we  all  agree  and  which  we 
long  to  achieve  may  be  attained.  Make  our  declaration  of  principles  so  broad,  so 
devoted  to  the  one  supreme  object,  that  all  may  accept  it  and  all  work  for  the  same 
dominant  result.  Thus  inspired,  thus  united,  we  may  feel  assured  that  when  the 
banners  are  lifted  and  the  trumpets  blown  we  shall  march  forth  to  a  victory,  not  for 
our  party  alone  but  for  principles  and  beliefs  which  are  absolutely  vital  if  the  Ameri- 
can Republic  is  to  continue  on  its  triumphant  course  and  the  hopes  of  humanity,  so 
bound  up  in  the  fortunes  of  the  United  States,  are  to  be  fulfilled. 

£1M1 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


ELECTION  OF  1920 

Chairman,  Will  H.  Hays,  of  Indiana 
Secretary,  Clarence  B.  Miller,  of  Minnesota 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  June  7-    ,  1920. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts 
Permanent  Chairman,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts 


NOMINATED 


For  President 
WARBEN  G.  HARDING 

OF  OHIO 


For  Vice-President 
CALVIN  COOLIDGE 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFOBM 


THE  Republican  Party,  assembled  in  repre- 
sentative national  convention,  reaffirms  its 
unyielding  devotion  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  to  the  guarantees  of  civil, 
political  and  religious  liberty  therein  contained. 
It  will  resist  all  attempts  to  overthrow  the 
foundations  of  the  Government  or  weaken  the 
force  of  its  controlling  principles  and  ideals, 
whether  these  attempts  be  made  in  the  form  of 
international  policy  or  of  domestic  agitation. 

For  seven  years  the  National  Government  has 
been  controlled  by  the  Democratic  Party.  Dur- 
ing that  period  a  war  of  unparalleled  magni- 
tude has  shaken  the  foundations  of  civilization, 
decimated  the  population  of  Europe,  and  left 
in  its  train  economic  misery  and  suffering  sec- 
ond only  to  war  itself. 

The  outstanding  features  of  the  Democratic 
Administration  have  been  complete  unprepared- 
ness  for  war  and  complete  unpreparedness  for 
peace. 

UNPREPAREDNESS    FOR    WAR 

Inexcusable  failure  to  make  timely  prepara- 
tion is  the  chief  indictment  against  the  Demo- 
cratic Administration  in  the  conduct  of  the 
war.  Had  not  our  associates  protected  us,  both 
on  land  and  sea,  during  the  first  twelve  months 
of  our  participation  and  furnished  us  to  the 
very  day  of  the  armistice  with  munitions, 
planes  and   artillery,  this   failure   would   have 


been  punished  with  disaster.  It  directly  re- 
sulted in  unnecessary  losses  to  our  gallant 
troops,  in  the  imperilment  of  victory  itself  and 
in  an  enormous  waste  of  public  funds  literally 
poured  into  the  breach  created  by  gross  neg- 
lect. To-day  it  is  reflected  in  our  huge  tax 
burden  and  in  the  high  cost  of  living. 

UNPREPAREDNESS  FOR  PEACE 

Peace  found  the  Administration  as  unpre- 
pared for  peace  as  war  found  it  unprepared  for 
war.  The  vital  needs  of  the  country  demanded 
the  early  and  systematic  return  to  a  peace- 
time basis.  This  called  for  vision,  leadership 
and  intelligent  planning.  All  three  have  been 
lacking.  While  the  country  has  been  left  to 
shift  for  itself,  the  Government  has  continued 
on  a  war-time  basis.  The  Administration  has 
not  demobilized  the  army  of  place  holders.  It 
continued  a  method  of  financing  which  was  in- 
defensible during  the  period  of  reconstruction. 
It  has  used  legislation  passed  to  meet  the 
emergency  of  war  to  continue  its  arbitrary  and 
inquisitorial  control  over  the  life  of  the  people 
in  time  of  peace,  and  to  carry  confusion  into 
industrial  life.  Under  the  despot's  plea  of 
necessity  or  superior  wisdom,  executive  usurpa- 
tion of  legislative  and  judicial  functions  still 
undermines  our  institutions. 


ZU51 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


Eighteen  months  after  the  armistice,  with  its 
wartime  powers  unabridged,  its  wartime  de- 
partments undischarged,  its  wartime  army  of 
place  holders  still  mobilized,  the  Administra- 
tion continues  to  flounder  helplessly. 

The  demonstrated  incapacity  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  has  destroyed  public  confidence, 
weakened  the  authority  of  Government  and  pro- 
duced a  feeling  of  distrust  and  hesitation  so 
universal  as  to  increase  enormously  the  diffi- 
culties of  readjustment  and  to  delay  the  return 
to  normal  conditions. 

Never  has  our  nation  been  confronted  with 
graver  problems.  The  people  are  entitled  to 
know  in  definite  terms  how  the  parties  pur- 
pose solving  these  problems.  To  that  end  the 
Republican  Party  declares  its  policies  and  pro- 
gram to  be  as  follows: 

CONSTITUTIONAL    GOVEBNMENT 

We  undertake  to  end  executive  autocracy  and 
to  restore  to  the  people  their  constitutional 
Government. 

The  policies  herein  declared  will  be  carried 
out  by  the  Federal  and  State  Governments,  each 
acting  within  its  constitutional  powers. 

CONGRESS   AND   RECONSTRUCTION 

Despite  the  unconstitutional  and  dictatorial 
course  of  the  President  and  the  partisan  ob- 
struction of  the  Democratic  Congressional 
minority,  the  Republican  majority  has  enacted 
a  program  of  constructive  legislation  which  in 
great  part,  however,  has  been  nullified  by  the 
vindictive  vetoes  of  the  President. 

The  Republican  Congress  has  met  the  prob- 
lems presented  by  the  Administration's  unpre- 
paredness  for  peace.  It  has  repealed  the  greater 
part  of  the  vexatious  war  legislation.  It  has 
enacted  a  transportation  act  making  possible 
the  rehabilitation  of  the  railroad  systems  of  the 
country,  the  operation  of  which  under  the 
present  Democratic  Administration  has  been 
wasteful,  extravagant  and  inefficient  in  the 
highest  degree.  The  Transportation  act  made 
provision  for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  wage 
disputes,  partially  nullified,  however,  by  the 
President's  delay  in  appointing  the  Wage  Board 
created  by  the  act.  This  delay  precipitated  the 
outlaw  railroad  strike. 

We  stopped  the  flood  of  public  treasure,  reck- 
lessly poured  into  the  lap  of  an  inept  Shipping 
Board,  and  laid  the  foundations  for  the  creation 
of  a  great  merchant  marine.  We  took  from  the 
incompetent  Democratic  Administration  the 
administration  of  the  telegraph  and  telephone 
lines  of  the  country  and  returned  them  to 
private  ownership.     We   reduced  the   cost  of 


postage  and  increased  the  pay  of  the  postal 
employees — the  poorest  paid  of  all  public  ser- 
vants. We  provided  pensions  for  superan- 
nuated and  retired  civil  servants  and  for  an  in- 
crease in  pay  of  soldiers  and  sailors.  We  re- 
organized the  army  on  a  peace  footing  and  pro- 
vided for  the  maintenance  of  a  powerful  and 
efficient  navy. 

The  Republican  Congress  established  by  law 
a  permanent  women's  bureau  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  Labor;  we  submitted  to  the  country  the 
constitutional  amendment  for  woman  suffrage 
and  furnished  twenty-nine  of  the  thirty-five 
Legislatures  which  have  ratified  it  to  date. 

Legislation  for  the  relief  of  the  consumers  of 
print  paper;  for  the  extension  of  the  powers  of 
the  Government  under  the  Food  Control  act; 
for  broadening  the  scope  of  the  War  Risk  In- 
surance act;  better  provision  for  the  dwindling 
number  of  aged  veterans  of  the  civil  war  and 
for  the  better  support  of  the  maimed  and  in- 
jured of  the  great  war,  and  for  making  prac- 
tical the  Vocational  Rehabilitation  act  has  been 
enacted  by  the  Republican  Congress. 

We  passed  an  oil  leasing  and  water  power 
bill  to  unlock  for  the  public  good  the  great 
pent-up  resources  of  the  country.  We  have 
sought  to  check  the  profligacy  of  the  Adminis- 
tration, to  realize  upon  the  assets  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  to  husband  the  revenues  derived 
from  taxation.  The  Republicans  in  Congress 
have  been  responsible  for  cuts  in  the  estimates 
for  Government  expenditure  of  nearly  $3,000,- 
000,000  since  the  signing  of  the  armistice. 

We  enacted  a  National  Executive  Budget 
law;  we  strengthened  the  Federal  Reserve  act 
to  permit  banks  to  lend  needed  assistance  to 
farmers.  We  authorized  financial  incorpora- 
tions to  develop  export  trade,  and  finally 
amended  the  rules  of  the  Senate  and  House, 
which  will  reform  evils  in  procedure  and  guar- 
antee more  efficient  and  responsible  Govern- 
ment. 

AGRICULTURE 

The  farmer  is  the  backbone  of  the  nation. 
National  greatness  and  economic  independence 
demand  a  population  distributed  between  in- 
dustry and  the  farm  and  sharing  on  equal  terms 
the  prosperity  which  is  wholly  dependent  on 
the  efforts  of  both.  Neither  can  prosper  at  the 
expense  of  the  other  without  inviting  joint  dis- 
aster. 

The  crux  of  the  present  agricultural  condi- 
tion lies  in  prices,  labor  and  credit. 

The  Republican  Party  believes  that  this  con- 
dition can  be  improved  by  practical  and  ade- 
quate farm  representation  in  the  appointment 


[i46:i 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


of  governmental  officials  and  commissions;  the 
right  to  form  co-operation  associations  for 
marketing  their  products  and  protection  against 
discrimination;  the  scientific  study  of  agricul- 
tural prices  and  farm  production  costs  at  home 
and  abroad,  with  a  view  to  reducing  the  fre- 
quency of  abnormal  fluctuations;  the  uncen- 
sored  publication  of  such  reports;  the  authori- 
zation of  associations  for  the  extension  of  per- 
sonal credit;  a  national  inquiry  on  the  co- 
ordination of  rail,  water  and  motor  transporta- 
tion with  adequate  facilities  for  receiving,  han- 
dling and  marketing  food;  the  encouragement  of 
our  export  trade;  an  end  to  unnecessary  price 
fixing  and  ill-considered  efforts  arbitrarily  to 
reduce  prices  of  farm  products,  which  in- 
variably result  to  the  disadvantage  both  of  pro- 
ducer and  consumer,  and  the  encouragement  of 
the  production  and  importation  of  fertilizing 
material  and  of  its  extensive  use. 

The  Federal  farm  loan  act  should  be  so  ad- 
ministered as  to  facilitate  the  acquisition  of 
farm  land  by  those  desiring  to  become  owners 
and  proprietors  and  thus  minimize  the  evils  of 
farm  tenantry  and  to  furnish  such  long-time 
credits  as  farmers  may  need  to  finance  ade- 
quately their  larger  and  long-time  production 
operations. 

INDUSTRIAL   RELATIONS 

There  are  two  different  conceptions  of  the 
relations  of  capital  and  labor.  The  one  is  con- 
tractual and  emphasizes  the  diversity  of  in- 
terests of  employer  and  employee.  The  other 
is  that  of  co-partnership  in  a  common  task. 

We  recognize  the  justice  of  collective  bar- 
gaining as  a  means  of  promoting  good  will, 
establishing  closer  and  more  harmonious  rela- 
tions between  employer  and  employees  and 
realizing  the  true  end  of  industrial  justice. 

The  strike  or  the  lockout,  as  a  means  of  set- 
tling industrial  disputes,  inflicts  such  loss  and 
suffering  on  the  community  as  to  justify 
Government  initiative  to  reduce  its  frequency 
and  limit  its  consequences. 

We  deny  the  right  to  strike  against  the  Gov- 
ernment: but  the  rights  and  interests  of  all 
Government  employees  must  be  safeguarded  by 
impartial  laws  and  tribunals. 

In  public  utilities  we  favor  the  establishment 
of  an  impartial  tribunal  to  make  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  facts  and  to  render  a  decision  to  the 
end  that  there  may  be  no  organized  interrup- 
tion of  service  to  the  lives  and  health  and  wel- 
fare of  the  people,  the  decisions  of  the  tribunal 
to  be  morally,  but  not  legally,  binding,  and  an 
informed  public  sentiment  to  be  relied  on  to 


secure  their  acceptance.  The  tribunal,  how- 
ever, should  refuse  to  accept  jurisdiction  ex- 
cept for  the  purpose  of  investigation  as  long  as 
the  public  service  be  interrupted.  For  public 
utilities  we  favor  the  type  of  tribunal  provided 
for  in  the  Transportation  Act  of  1920. 

In  private  industries  we  do  not  advocate  the 
principle  of  compulsory  arbitration,  but  we 
favor  impartial  commissions  and  better  facili- 
ties for  voluntary  mediation,  conciliation  and 
arbitration  supplemented  by  that  full  publicity 
which  will  enlist  the  influence  of  an  aroused 
public  opinion.  The  Government  should  take 
the  initiative  in  inviting  the  establishment  of 
tribunals  or  commissions  for  the  purpose  of 
voluntary  arbitration  and  investigation  of  this 
issue. 

We  demand  the  exclusion  from  interstate 
commerce  of  the  products  of  convict  labor. 

NATIONAL    ECONOMY 

A  Republican  Congress  reduced  the  estimates 
submitted  by  the  Administration  for  the  fiscal 
year  1920  almost  $3,000,000,000  and  for  the 
fiscal  year  1921  over  $1,250,000,000.  Greater 
economies  could  have  been  effected  had  it  not 
been  for  the  stubborn  refusal  of  the  Adminis- 
tration to  co-operate  with  Congress  in  an 
economy  program.  The  universal  demand  for 
an  executive  budget  is  a  recognition  of  the  in- 
controvertible fact  that  leadership  and  sincere 
assistance  on  the  part  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments are  essential  to  effective  economy  and 
constructive  retrenchment. 

The  Overman  act  invested  the  President  of 
the  United  States  with  all  the  authority  and 
power  necessary  to  restore  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  a  normal  peace  basis  and  to  reorganize, 
retrench  and  demobilize.  The  dominant  fact 
is  that  eighteen  months  after  the  armistice  the 
United  States  Government  is  still  on  a  war- 
time basis  and  the  expenditure  program  of  the 
Executive  reflects  war-time  extravagance 
rather  than  rigid  peace-time  economy. 

As  an  example  of  the  failure  to  retrench 
which  has  characterized  the  post-war  policy 
of  the  Administration,  we  cite  the  fact  that,  not 
including  the  War  and  Navy  Departments,  the 
executive  departments  and  other  establishments 
at  Washington  actually  record  an  increase  sub- 
sequent to  the  armistice  of  2,184  employees. 
The  net  decrease  in  payroll  costs  contained  in 
the  1921  demands  submitted  by  the  Administra- 
tion is  only  1  per  cent,  under  that  of  1920. 
The  annual  expenses  of  Federal  operation  can 
be  reduced  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars 
without  impairing  the  efficiency  of  the  public 
service. 


cmn 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


We  pledge  ourselves  to  a  carefully  planned 
readjustment  to  a  peace-time  basis  and  to  a 
policy  of  rigid  economy,  to  the  better  co-ordi- 
nation of  departmental  activities,  to  the  elimi- 
nation of  unnecessary  officials  and  employees 
and  to  the  raising  of  the  standard  of  individual 
efficiency. 

THE    EXECUTIVE    BUDGET 

We  congratulate  the  Republican  Congress  on 
the  enactment  of  a  law  providing  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  executive  budget  as  a  necessary 
instrument  for  a  sound  and  businesslike  admin- 
istration of  the  national  finances,  and  we  con- 
demn the  veto  of  the  President  which  defeated 
this  great  financial  reform. 

REORGANIZATION   OF   FEDERAL   DEPARTMENTS 
AND   BUREAUS 

We  advocate  a  thorough  investigation  of  the 
present  organization  of  the  Federal  depart- 
ments and  bureaus,  with  a  view  to  securing 
consolidation,  a  more  businesslike  distribution 
of  functions,  the  elimination  of  duplication, 
delays  and  overlapping  of  work  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  up-to-date  and  efficient  admin- 
istrative organization. 

WAR    POWERS    OF    THE    PRESIDENT 

The  President  clings  tenaciously  to  his  auto- 
cratic wartime  powers. 

His  veto  of  the  resolution  declaring  peace 
and  his  refusal  to  sign  the  bill  repealing  war- 
time legislation,  no  longer  necessary,  evidence 
his  determination  not  to  restore  to  the  nation 
and  to  the  States  the  form  of  government  pro- 
vided for  by  the  Constitution.  This  usurpation 
is  intolerable  and  deserves  the  severest  condem- 
nation. 

TAXATION 

The  burden  of  taxation  imposed  upon  the 
American  people  is  staggering,  but  in  present- 
ing a  true  statement  of  the  situation  we  must 
face  the  fact  that,  while  the  character  of  the 
taxes  can  and  should  be  changed,  an  early  re- 
duction of  the  amount  of  revenue  to  be  raised 
is  not  to  be  expected. 

The  next  Republican  Administration  will  in- 
herit from  its  Democratic  predecessor  a  float- 
ing indebtedness  of  over  $3,000,000,000,  the 
prompt  liquidation  of  which  is  demanded  by 
sound  financial  considerations.  Moreover,  the 
whole  fiscal  policy  of  the  Government  must  be 
deeply  influenced  by  the  necessity  of  meeting 
obligations  in  excess  of  $5,000,000,000  which 
mature  in  1923.  Rut  sound  policy  equally  de- 
mands the  early  accomplishment  of  that  real 
reduction  of  the  tax  burden  which  may  be 
achieved   by  substituting  simple   for   complex 


tax  laws  and  procedure,  prompt  and  certain 
determination  of  the  tax  liability  for  delay  and 
uncertainty,  tax  laws  which  do  not  for  tax  laws 
which  do  excessively  mulct  the  consumer  or 
needlessly  repress  enterprise  and  thrift. 

We  advocate  the  issuance  of  a  simplified 
form  of  income  return,  authorizing  the  Treas- 
ury Department  to  make  changes  in  regulations 
effective  only  from  the  date  of  their  approval, 
empowering  the  Commissioner  of  Internal 
Revenue,  with  the  consent  of  the  tax-payer,  to 
make  final  and  conclusive  settlements  of  tax 
claims  and  assessments,  barring  fraud,  and  the 
creation  of  a  Tax  Board  consisting  of  at  least 
three  representatives  of  the  tax-paying  public 
and  the  heads  of  the  principal  divisions  of 
the  Bureau  of  Internal  Revenue  to  act  as  a 
standing  committee  on  the  simplification  of 
forms,  procedure  and  law,  and  to  make  recom- 
mendations to  the  Congress. 

BANKING  AND    CURRENCY 

The  fact  is  that  the  war,  to  a  great  extent, 
was  financed  by  a  policy  of  inflation  through 
certificate  borrowing  from  the  banks,  and 
bonds  issued  at  artificial  rates  sustained  by  the 
low  discount  rates  established  by  the  Federal 
Reserve  Board.  The  continuance  of  this  policy 
since  the  armistice  lays  the  Administration 
open  to  severe  criticism.  Almost  up  to  the 
present  time,  the  practices  of  the  Federal  Re- 
serve Board  as  to  credit  control  have  been 
frankly  dominated  by  the  convenience  of  the 
Treasury. 

The  results  have  been  a  greatly  increased 
war  cost,  a  serious  loss  to  the  millions  of  people 
who  in  good  faith  bought  Liberty  bonds  and 
Victory  notes  at  par,  and  extensive  post-war 
speculation,  followed  to-day  by  a  restricted 
credit  for  legitimate  industrial  expansion.  As  a 
matter  of  public  policy,  we  urge  all  banks  to 
give  credit  preference  to  essential  industries. 

The  Federal  reserve  system  should  be  free 
from  political  influence,  which  is  quite  as  im- 
portant as  its  independence  of  domination  by 
financial  combinations. 

THE   HIGH    COST   OF  LIVING 

The  prime  cause  of  the  "high  cost  of  living" 
has  been,  first  and  foremost,  a  50  per  cent, 
depreciation  in  the  purchasing  power  of  the 
dollar,  due  to  a  gross  expansion  of  our  currency 
and  credit.  Reduced  production,  burdensome 
taxation,  swollen  profits  and  the  increased  de- 
mand for  goods  arising  from  a  fictitious  but 
enlarged  buying  power  have  been  contributing 
causes  in  a  greater  or  less  degree. 


C148] 


D. A-    LARRAZDL.O 

GOVERNOR     OF     NEW    MEXICO 


□  LIVCR     H.  SH  □  UP 
GOVERNOR     OF"     cauciHAaa 


BEN     W.     aUCOTT 
GOVERNOR      DF      DREGON 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


We  condemn  the  unsound  policies  of  the 
Democratic  Administration  which  have  brought 
these  things  to  pass  and  their  attempts  to  im- 
pute the  consequences  to  minor  and  secondary 
causes.  Much  of  the  injury  wrought  is  irrepar- 
able. There  is  no  short  way  out  and  we  de- 
cline to  deceive  the  people  with  vain  promises 
or  quack  remedies.  But  as  the  political  party 
that  throughout  its  history  has  stood  for  honest 
money  and  sound  finance,  we  pledge  ourselves 
to  earnest  and  consistent  attack  upon  the  high 
cost  of  living  by  rigorous  avoidance  of  further 
inflation  in  our  Government  borrowing,  by 
courageous  intelligent  deflation  of  overex- 
panded  credit  and  currency,  by  encouragement 
of  heightened  production  of  goods  and  ser- 
vices, by  prevention  of  unreasonable  profits, 
by  exercise  of  public  economy  and  stimulation 
of  private  thrift  and  by  revision  of  war-im- 
posed taxes  unsuited  to  peace-time  economy. 

PROFITEERING 

We  condemn  the  Democratic  Administration 
for  failure  impartially  to  enforce  the  anti- 
profiteering  laws  enacted  by  the  Republican 
Congress. 

RAILROADS 

We  are  opposed  to  Government  ownership 
and  operation  or  employee  operation  of  the  rail- 
roads. In  the  view  of  the  condition  prevailing 
in  the  country,  the  expenditures  of  the  last  two 
years  and  the  conclusions  which  may  be  fairly 
drawn  from  an  observation  of  the  transporta- 
tion systems  of  other  countries,  it  is  clear  that 
adequate  transportation  service,  both  for  the 
present  and  the  future,  can  be  furnished  more 
certainly,  economically  and  efficiently  through 
private  ownership  and  operation  under  proper 
regulation  and  control. 

There  should  be  no  speculative  profit  in 
rendering  the  service  of  transportation;  but  in 
order  to  do  justice  to  the  capital  already  in- 
vested in  railway  enterprises,  to  restore  rail- 
way credit,  to  induce  future  investments  at  a 
reasonable  rate  and  to  furnish  enlarged  facili- 
ties to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  constantly 
increasing  development  and  distribution,  a  fair 
return  upon  the  actual  value  of  the  railway 
property  used  in  transportation  should  be 
made  reasonably  sure,  and  at  the  same  time, 
to  provide  constant  employment  to  those  en- 
gaged in  transportation  service  with  fair  hours 
and  favorable  working  conditions  at  wages  or 
compensation  at  least  equal  to  those  prevailing 
in  similar  lines  of  industry. 


We  endorse  the  Transportation  act  of  1920 
enacted  by  the  Republican  Congress  as  a  most 
conservative  legislative  achievement. 

WATERWAYS 

We  declare  it  to  be  our  policy  to  encourage 
and  develop  water  transportation  service  and 
facilities  in  connection  with  the  commerce  of 
the  United  States. 

REGULATION    OF    INDUSTRY   AND    COMMERCE 

We  approve  in  general  the  existing  Federal 
legislation  against  monopoly  and  combinations 
in  restraint  of  trade,  but  since  the  known  cer- 
tainty of  a  law  is  the  safest  of  all,  we  advocate 
such  amendment  as  will  provide  American 
business  men  with  better  means  of  determining 
in  advance  whether  a  proposed  combination 
is  or  is  not  unlawful.  The  Federal  Trade  Com- 
mission, under  a  Democratic  Administration, 
has  not  accomplished  the  purpose  for  which  it 
was  created.  This  commission,  properly  or- 
ganized and  its  duties  efficiently  administered, 
should  afford  protection  to  the  public  and 
legitimate  business.  In  this  there  should  be  no 
persecution  of  honest  business,  but  to  the  ex- 
tent that  circumstances  warrant  we  pledge  our- 
selves to  strengthen  the  law  against  unfair 
practices. 

We  pledge  the  party  to  an  immediate  resump- 
tion of  trade  relations  with  every  nation  with 
which  we  are  at  peace. 

INTERNATIONAL  TRADE  AND  TARIFF 

The  uncertain  and  unsettled  conditions  of  in- 
ternational balances,  the  abnormal  economic 
and  trade  situation  of  the  world  and  the  im- 
possibility of  forecasting  accurately  even  the 
near  future  preclude  the  formulation  of  a 
definite  program  to  meet  conditions  a  year 
hence.  But  the  Republican  Party  reaffirms  its 
belief  in  the  protective  principle  and  pledges 
itself  to  a  revision  of  the  tariff  as  soon  as  con- 
ditions shall  make  it  necessary  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  home  market  for  American  labor, 
agriculture  and  industry. 

MERCHANT    MARINE 

The  national  defense  and  our  foreign  com- 
merce require  a  merchant  marine  of  the  best 
type  of  modern  ship,  flying  the  American  flag, 
manned  by  American  seamen,  owned  by  private 
capital  and  operated  by  private  energy. 

LAW    AND    ORDER 

The  equality  of  all  citizens  under  the  law 
has  always  been  a  policy  of  the  Republican 
Party. 


D493 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


Without  obedience  to  law  and  maintenance 
of  order,  our  American  institutions  must  perish. 
Our  laws  must  be  impartially  enforced  and 
speedy  justice  should  be  secured. 

PUBLIC  BOADS  AND   HIGHWAYS 

We  favor  liberal  appropriations  in  co-opera- 
tion with  the  States  for  the  construction  of  high- 
ways, which  will  bring  about  a  reduction  in 
transportation  costs,  better  marketing  of  farm 
products  and  improvement  in  rural  postal  de- 
livery, as  well  as  meet  the  needs  of  military 
defense. 

In  determining  the  proportion  of  Federal  aid 
for  road  construction  among  the  States,  the 
sums  lost  in  taxation  to  the  respective  States  by 
the  setting  apart  of  large  portions  of  their  area 
as  forest  reservations  should  be  considered  as 
a  controlling  factor. 

Conservation  is  a  Republican  policy.  It  be- 
gan with  the  passage  of  the  reclamation  act, 
signed  by  President  Roosevelt.  The  recent 
passage  of  the  Coal,  Oil  and  Phosphate  Leasing 
bill  by  a  Republican  Congress  and  the  enact- 
ment of  the  Water  Power  bill,  fashioned  in 
accordance  with  the  same  principle,  are  con- 
sistent and  landmarks  in  the  development  of 
the  conservation  of  our  national  resources.  We 
denounce  the  refusal  of  the  President  to  sign 
the  Water  Power  bill,  passed  after  ten  years  of 
controversy.  The  Republican  Party  has  taken 
an  especially  honorable  part  in  saving  our 
national  forests  and  in  the  effort  to  establish 
a  national  forest  policy.  Our  most  pressing 
conservation  question  relates  to  our  forests. 
We  are  using  our  forest  resources  faster  than 
they  are  being  renewed.  The  result  is  to  raise 
unduly  the  cost  of  forest  products  to  consum- 
ers and  especially  farmers,  who  use  more  than 
half  the  lumber  produced  in  America,  and  in 
the  end  to  create  a  timber  famine.  The  Federal 
Government,  the  States  and  private  interests 
must  unite  in  devising  means  to  meet  the 
menace. 

We  indorse  the  sound  legislation  recently 
enacted  by  the  Republican  Congress  that  will 
insure  the  promotion  and  maintenance  of  the 
American  merchant  marine. 

We  favor  the  application  of  the  Workmen's 
Compensation  Acts  to  the  merchant  marine. 

We  recommend  that  all  ships  engaged  in 
coastwise  trade  and  all  vessels  of  the  American 
merchant  marine  shall  pass  through  the 
Panama  Canal  without  premium  of  tolls. 

IMMIGBATION 

The  standard  of  living  and  the  standard  of 
citizenship   are   its  most  precious  possessions 


and  the  preservation  and  elevation  of  those 
standards  is  the  first  duty  of  our  Government. 

The  immigration  policy  of  the  United  States 
should  be  such  as  to  insure  that  the  number  of 
foreigners  in  the  country  at  any  one  time  shall 
not  exceed  that  which  can  be  assimilated  with 
reasonable  rapidity,  and  to  favor  immigrants 
whose  standards  are  similar  to  ours. 

The  selective  tests  that  are  at  present  applied 
could  be  improved  by  requiring  a  higher  physi- 
cal standard,  a  more  complete  exclusion  of 
mental  defectives  and  of  criminals  and  a  more 
effective  inspection,  applied  as  near  the  source 
of  immigration  as  possible,  as  well  as  at  the 
port  of  entry.  Justice  to  the  foreigner  and  to 
ourselves  demands  provision  for  the  guidance, 
protection  and  better  economic  distribution  pf 
our  alien  population.  To  facilitate  Government 
supervision  all  aliens  should  be  required  to 
register  annually  until  they  become  naturalized. 

The  existing  policy  of  the  United  States  for 
the  practical  exclusion  of  Asiatic  immigrants  is 
sound  and  should  be  maintained. 

NATURALIZATION 

There  is  urgent  need  of  improvement  in  our 
naturalization  law.  No  alien  should  become  a 
citizen  until  he  has  become  genuinely  Ameri- 
can and  tests  for  determining  the  alien's  fitness 
for  American  citizenship  should  be  provided 
for  by  law. 

We  advocate  in  addition  the  independent 
naturalization  of  married  women.  An  Ameri- 
can woman  should  not  lose  her  citizenship  by 
marriage  to  an  alien  resident  in  the  United 
States. 

FREE    SPEECH   AND    ALIEN   AGITATION 

We  demand  that  every  American  citizen  shall 
enjoy  the  ancient  and  constitutional  right  of 
free  speech,  free  press  and  free  assembly  and 
the  no  less  sacred  right  of  the  qualified  voter 
to  be  represented  by  his  duly  chosen  repre- 
sentatives, but  no  man  may  advocate  resistance 
to  the  law,  and  no  man  may  advocate  violent 
overthrow  of  the  Government. 

Aliens  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States  are  not  entitled  of  right  to  liberty  of 
agitation  directed  against  the  Government  or 
American  institutions. 

Every  Government  has  the  power  to  exclude 
and  deport  those  aliens  who  constitute  a  real 
menace  to  its  peaceful  existence.  Rut  in  view 
of  the  large  numbers  of  people  affected  by  the 
Immigrations  acts  and  in  view  of  the  vigorous 
malpractice  of  the  Departments  of  Justice  and 
Labor,   an    adequate   public    hearing   before    a 


[1503 


CARL     E.   MILLIKEN 
GOVERNOR    OF  MAINE 


5.  R.  M=    KE  LVIE 
GOVERNOR     OF    NEBRASKA 


EM  MAN  U  EL     l_.PHIL.IPP 
GOVERNOR    OF    WISCONSIN 


•JDHN     J.    TQWN5-ND,  JR. 
GOVERNOR      OF    DELAWARE 


_l.   A.  A.    BURNQUIST 

GOVERNOR     OF     MINNESOTA 


HENRY     _J.  ALLE  N 
GOVERNOR    OF   KAN5A5 


RDBERT     O.  CARE  Y 

GOVERNOR    OF   WYOMING 


MARCUS     H.    HGLCDMB 
GOVERNOR     DF   CONNECTICUT 


W.    l_.    HARDING 
GOVERNOR    OF     IOWA 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


competent    administrative    tribunal    should    be 
assured  to  all. 

LYNCHING 

We  urge  Congress  to  consider  the  most  effec- 
tive means  to  end  lynching  in  this  country, 
which  continues  to  be  a  terrible  blot  on  our 
American  citizenship. 

RECLAMATION 

We  favor  a  fixed  and  comprehensive  policy 
of  reclamation  to  increase  national  wealth  and 
production. 

We  recognize  in  the  development  of  reclama- 
tion through  Federal  action  with  its  increase  of 
production  and  taxable  wealth  a  safeguard  for 
the  nation.  We  commend  to  Congress  a  policy 
to  reclaim  lands  and  the  establishment  of  a 
fixed  national  policy  of  development  of  natural 
resources  in  relation  to  reclamation  through  the 
now  designated  Government  agencies. 

THE  SERVICE   MEN 

We  hold  in  imperishable  remembrance  the 
valor  and  the  patriotism  of  the  soldiers  and 
sailors  of  America  who  fought  in  the  great  war 
for  human  liberty,  and  we  pledge  ourselves  to 
discharge  to  the  fullest  the  obligations  which  a 
grateful  nation  justly  should  fulfill  in  apprecia- 
tion of  the  services  rendered  by  its  defenders 
on  sea  and  on  land. 

Republicans  are  not  ungrateful.  Throughout 
their  history  they  have  shown  their  gratitude 
toward  the  nation's  defenders.  Liberal  legis- 
lation for  the  care  of  the  disabled  and  infirm 
and  their  dependents  has  ever  marked  Repub- 
lican policy  toward  the  soldier  and  sailor  of  all 
the  wars  in  which  our  country  has  participated. 
The  present  Congress  has  appropriated  gener- 
ously for  the  disabled  of  the  World  War.  The 
amounts  already  applied  and  authorized  for  the 
fiscal  years  1920-21  for  this  purpose  reached 
the  stupendous  sum  of  $1,180,571,893.  This 
legislation  is  significant  of  the  party's  purpose 
in  generously  caring  for  the  maimed  and  dis- 
abled men  of  the  recent  war. 

CIVIL   SERVICE 

We  renew  our  repeated  declaration  that  the 
civil  service  law  shall  be  thoroughly  and  hon- 
estly enforced  and  extended  wherever  practi- 
cable. The  recent  action  of  Congress  in  enacting 
a  comprehensive  civil  service  retirement  law 
and  in  working  out  a  comprehensive  employ- 
ment and  wage  policy  that  will  guarantee  equal 
and  just  treatment  to  the  army  of  Government 
workers,  and  in  centralizing  the  administration 
of  the  new  and  progressive  employment  policy 


in  the  hands  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  is 
worthy  of  all  praise. 

POSTAL   SERVICE 

We  condemn  the  present  Administration  for 
its  destruction  of  the  efficiency  of  the  postal 
service  and  of  the  telegraph  and  telephone 
service  when  controlled  by  the  Government, 
and  for  its  failure  properly  to  compensate  em- 
ployees whose  expert  knowledge  is  essential  to 
the  proper  conduct  of  the  affairs  of  the  postal 
system.  We  commend  the  Republican  Congress 
for  the  enactment  of  legislation  increasing  the 
pay  of  postal  employees,  who  up  to  that  time 
were  the  poorest  paid  in  the  Government  ser- 
vice. 

WOMAN     SUFFRAGE 

We  welcome  women  into  full  participation  in 
the  affairs  of  Government  and  the  activities  of 
the  Republican  Party.  We  earnestly  hope  that 
Republican  Legislatures  in  States  which  have 
not  yet  acted  upon  the  suffrage  amendment  will 
ratify  the  amendment,  to  the  end  that  all  of  the 
women  of  the  nation  of  voting  age  may  par- 
ticipate in  the  election  of  1920,  which  is  so 
important  to  the  welfare  of  our  country. 

SOCIAL  PROGRESS 

The  supreme  duty  of  the  nation  is  the  con- 
servation of  human  resources  through  an 
enlightened  measure  of  social  and  industrial 
justice.  Although  the  Federal  jurisdiction  over 
social  problems  is  limited,  they  affect  the  wel- 
fare and  interests  of  the  nation  as  a  whole. 
We  pledge  the  Republican  Party  to  the  solution 
of  these  problems  through  national  and  State 
legislation  in  accordance  with  the  best  progres- 
sive thought  of  the  country. 

EDUCATION  AND  HEALTH 

We  indorse  the  principle  of  Federal  aid  to 
the  States  for  the  purposes  of  vocational  and 
agricultural  training. 

Where  Federal  money  is  devoted  to  educa- 
tion, such  education  must  be  so  directed  as  to 
awaken  in  the  youth  the  spirit  of  America  and 
a  sense  of  patriotic  duty  to  the  United  States. 

A  thorough  system  of  physical  education  for 
all  children  up  to  the  age  of  19,  including  ade- 
quate health  supervision  and  instruction,  would 
remedy  conditions  revealed  by  the  draft  and 
would  add  to  the  economic  and  industrial 
strength  of  the  nation.  National  leadership  and 
stimulation  will  be  necessary  to  induce  the 
States  to  adopt  a  wise  system  of  physical  train- 
ing. 

The  public  health  activities  of  the  Federal 
Government   are    scattered   through   numerous 


[151 3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


departments  and  bureaus,  resulting  in  ineffi- 
ciency, duplication  and  extravagance.  We  ad- 
vocate a  greater  centralization  of  the  Federal 
functions,  and  in  addition  urge  the  better  co- 
ordination of  the  work  of  the  Federal,  State 
and  local  health  agencies. 

CHILD    LABOR 

The  Republican  Party  stands  for  a  Federal 
child  labor  law  and  for  its  rigid  enforcement. 
If  the  present  law  be  found  unconstitutional  or 
ineffective  we  shall  seek  other  means  to  enable 
Congress  to  prevent  the  evils  of  child  labor. 

WOMEN    IN    INDUSTRY 

Women  have  special  problems  of  employ- 
ment which  make  necessary  special  study.  We 
commend  Congress  for  the  permanent  estab- 
lishment of  the  Women's  Bureau  in  the  United 
States  Department  of  labor  to  serve  as  a  source 
of  information  to  the  States  and  to  Congress. 

The  principle  of  equal  pay  for  equal  service 
should  be  applied  throughout  all  branches  of 
the  Federal  Government  in  which  women  are 
employed. 

Federal  aid  for  vocational  training  should 
take  into  consideration  the  special  aptitudes 
and  needs  of  women  workers. 

We  demand  Federal  legislation  to  limit  the 
hours  of  employment  of  women  engaged  in  in- 
tensive industry,  the  product  of  which  enters 
into  interstate  commerce. 

HOUSING 

The  housing  shortage  has  not  only  compelled 
careful  study  of  ways  of  stimulating  building, 
but  it  has  brought  into  relief  the  unsatisfactory 
character  of  the  housing  accommodations  of 
large  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  of  our  cities. 
A  nation  of  home-owners  is  the  best  guaranty 
of  the  maintenance  of  those  principles  of  lib- 
erty and  law  and  order  upon  which  our  Govern- 
ment is  founded.  Both  national  and  State 
Governments  should  encourage  in  all  proper 
ways  the  acquiring  of  homes  by  our  citizens. 
The  United  States  Government  should  make 
available  the  valuable  information  on  housing 
and  town  planning  collected  during  the  war. 
This  information  should  be  kept  up  to  date  and 
made  currently  available. 

HAWAII 

For  Hawaii,  we  recommend:  Federal  assist- 
ance in  Americanizing  and  educating  their 
greatly  disproportionate  foreign  population; 
home  rule  and  the  rehabilitation  of  the  Hawai- 
ian race. 


FOREIGN    RELATIONS 

The  foreign  policy  of  the  Administration  has 
been  founded  upon  no  principle  and  directed 
by  no  definite  conception  of  our  nation's  rights 
and  obligations.  It  has  been  humiliating  to 
America  and  irritating  to  other  nations,  with 
the  result  that  after  a  period  of  unexampled 
sacrifice,  our  motives  are  suspected,  our  moral 
influence  is  impaired  and  our  Government 
stands  discredited  and  friendless  among  the 
nations  of  the  world. 

We  favor  a  liberal  and  generous  foreign 
policy,  founded  upon  definite  moral  and  polit- 
ical principles,  characterized  by  a  clear  un- 
derstanding of  and  firm  adherence  to  our  own 
rights,  and  unfailing  respect  for  the  rights  of 
others.  We  should  afford  full  and  adequate 
protection  to  the  life,  liberty  and  property  and 
all  international  rights  of  every  American  citi- 
zen, and  should  require  a  proper  respect  for  the 
American  flag;  but  we  should  be  equally  careful 
to  manifest  a  just  regard  for  the  rights  of  other 
nations.  A  scrupulous  observance  of  our  in- 
ternational engagements  when  lawfully  as- 
sumed is  essential  to  our  own  honor  and  self- 
respect  and  the  respect  of  other  nations.  Sub- 
ject to  a  due  regard  for  our  international 
obligations,  we  should  leave  our  country  free  to 
develop  its  civilization  along  the  line  most  con- 
ducive to  the  happiness  and  welfare  of  the 
people,  and  to  cast  its  influence  on  the  side  of 
justice  and  right  should  occasion  require. 

MEXICO 

The  ineffective  policy  of  the  present  Admin- 
istration in  Mexican  matters  has  been  largely 
responsible  for  the  continued  loss  of  American 
lives  in  that  country  and  upon  our  border;  for 
the  enormous  loss  of  American  and  foreign 
property;  for  the  lowering  of  American  stand- 
ards of  morality  and  social  relations  with 
Mexicans,  and  for  the  bringing  of  American 
ideals  of  justice  and  national  honor  and  polit- 
ical integrity  into  contempt  and  ridicule  in 
Mexico  and  throughout  the  world. 

The  policy  of  wordy,  futile,  written  protests 
against  the  acts  of  Mexican  officials,  explained 
the  following  day  by  the  President  himself  as 
being  "meaningless  and  not  intended  to  be  con- 
sidered seriously  or  enforced,  has  but  added 
in  degree  to  that  contempt,  and  has  earned  for 
us  the  sneers  and  jeers  of  Mexican  bandits,  and 
added  insult  upon  insult  against  our  national 
honor  and  dignity. 

We  should  not  recognize  any  Mexican  Gov- 
ernment unless  it  be  a  responsible  Government, 
willing  and  able  to  give  sufficient  guarantees 


C152H 


CALVIN     CDDLIDSE 
GOVERNOR     OF      MASSACHUSETTS 


WM-    C.  5  PRO  Ul_ 
GOVERNOR    OF    PENNSYLVANIA 


LD  U  I  5    F.   HAR  T 
GOVERNOR     OF    WASHINGTON 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


that  the  lives  and  property  of  American  citizens 
are  respected  and  protected,  that  wrongs  will  be 
promptly  corrected  and  just  compensation  will 
be  made  for  injury  sustained.  The  Republican 
Party  pledges  itself  to  a  consistent,  firm  and 
effective  policy  toward  Mexico  that  shall  en- 
force respect  for  the  American  flag  and  that 
shall  protect  the  rights  of  American  citizens 
lawfully  in  Mexico  to  security  of  life  and  en- 
joyment of  property,  in  connection  with  an  es- 
tablished international  law  and  our  treaty  rights. 
The  Republican  Party  is  a  sincere  friend  of 
the  Mexican  people.  In  its  insistence  upon  the 
maintenance  of  order  for  the  protection  of 
American  citizens  within  its  borders  a  great 
service  will  be  rendered  the  Mexican  people 
themselves,  for  a  continuation  of  present  con- 
ditions means  disaster  to  their  interest  and 
patriotic  aspirations. 

MANDATE   FOR   ARMENIA 

We  condemn  President  Wilson  for  asking 
Congress  to  empower  him  to  accept  a  mandate 
for  Armenia.  The  acceptance  of  such  a  man- 
date would  throw  the  United  States  into  the 
very  maelstrom  of  European  quarrels.  Accord- 
ing to  the  estimate  of  the  Harbord  Commission, 
organized  by  authority  of  President  Wilson,  we 
would  be  called  upon  to  send  59,000  American 
boys  to  police  Armenia  and  to  expend  $276,- 
000,000  in  the  first  year  and  $756,000,000  in 
five  years.  This  estimate  is  made  upon  the 
basis  that  we  would  have  only  roving  bands  to 
fight,  but  in  case  of  serious  trouble  with  the 
Turks  or  with  Russia,  a  force  exceeding  200,000 
would  be  necessary. 

No  more  striking  illustration  can  be  found 
of  President  Wilson's  disregard  of  the  lives  of 
American  boys  or  American  interests. 

We  deeply  sympathize  with  the  people  of 
Armenia  and  stand  ready  to  help  them  in  all 
proper  ways,  but  the  Republican  Party  will 
oppose  now  and  hereafter  the  acceptance  of  a 
mandate  for  any  country  in  Europe  or  Asia. 

THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 

The  Republican  Party  stands  for  agreement 
among  the  nations  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
world.  We  believe  that  such  an  international 
association  must  be  based  upon  international 
justice,  and  must  provide  methods  which  shall 
maintain  the  rule  of  public  right  by  develop- 
ment of  law  and  the  decision  of  impartial 
courts,  and  which  shall  secure  instant  and  gen- 
eral international  conference  whenever  peace 
shall  be  threatened  by  political  action,  so  that 
the  nations  pledged  to  do  and  insist  upon  what 


is  just  and  fair  may  exercise  their  influence 
and  power  for  the  prevention  of  war.  We  be- 
lieve that  all  this  can  be  done  without  the  com- 
promise of  national  independence,  without 
depriving  the  people  of  the  United  States  in 
advance  of  the  right  to  determine  for  them- 
selves what  is  just  and  fair,  when  the  occasion 
arises,  and  without  involving  them  as  partici- 
pants and  not  as  peacemakers  in  a  multitude  of 
quarrels,  the  merits  of  which  they  are  unable  to 
judge. 

The  covenant  signed  by  the  President  at  Paris 
failed  signally  to  accomplish  this  purpose  and 
contained  stipulations  not  only  intolerable  for 
an  independent  people  but  certain  to  produce 
the  injustice,  hostility  and  controversy  among 
nations  which  it  proposed  to  prevent. 

That  covenant  repudiated,  to  a  degree  wholly 
unnecessary  and  unjustifiable,  the  time  honored 
policy  in  favor  of  peace  declared  by  Washing- 
ton and  Jefferson  and  Monroe  and  pursued  by 
all  American  administrators  for  more  than  a 
century,  and  it  ignored  the  universal  senti- 
ments of  America  for  generations  past  in  favor 
of  international  law  and  arbitration,  and  it 
rested  the  hope  of  the  future  upon  mere  ex- 
pediency and  negotiation. 

The  unfortunate  insistence  of  the  President 
upon  having  his  own  way,  without  any  change 
and  without  any  regard  to  the  opinion  of  the 
majority  of  the  Senate,  which  shares  with  him 
in  the  treaty  making  power,  and  the  President's 
demand  that  the  treaty  should  be  ratified  with- 
out any  modification,  created  a  situation  in 
which  Senators  were  required  to  vote  upon 
their  consciences  and  their  oaths,  according  to 
their  judgment,  upon  the  treaty  as  it  was  pre- 
sented or  submit  to  the  commands  of  a  dictator 
in  a  matter  where  the  authority,  under  the 
Constitution,  was  theirs,  and  not  his. 

The  Senators  performed  their  duty  faithfully. 
We  approve  their  conduct  and  honor  their 
courage  and  fidelity,  and  we  pledge  the  coming 
Republican  Administration  to  such  agreement 
with  the  other  nations  of  the  world  as  shall 
meet  the  full  duty  of  America  to  civilization 
and  humanity  in  accordance  with  American 
ideals  and  without  surrendering  the  right  of  the 
American  people  to  exercise  its  judgment  and 
its  power  in  favor  of  justice  and  peace. 

Pointing  to  its  history  and  relying1  upon  its 
fundamental  principles,  we  declare  that  the 
Republican  Party  has  the  generous  courage  and 
constructive  ability  to  end  executive  usurpation 
and  restore  Constitutional  Government;  to  ful- 
fill our  world  obligations  without  sacrificing 
our   national   independence;    to   raise    the    na- 


C 1531] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

tional  standard  of  education,  health  and  general  maintain  a  Government  of  all  the  people  as 

welfare;  to  reestablish  a  peace  time  administra-  contrasted  with  a  Government  for  some  of  the 

tion  and  to  substitute  economy  and  efficiency  people,  and,  finally,  to  allay  unrest,  suspicion 

for  extravagance    and    chaos;    to    restore    and  and  strife  and  to  secure  the  co-operation  and 

maintain  the  national  credit;  to  reform  unequal  unity  of  all  citizens  in  the  solution  of  the  com- 

and  burdensome  taxes;  to  free  business  from  plex  problems  of  the  day,  to  the  end  that  our 

arbitrary  and  unnecessary  official   control;   to  country,  happy  and  prosperous,  proud  of  its 

suppress  disloyalty  without  denial  of  justice;  to  past,  sure  of  itself  and  its  institutions,  may  look 

repeal  the  arrogant  challenge  of  any  class;  to  forward  with  confidence  to  the  future. 


[154H 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


SPEECH  OF  ACCEPTANCE  OF 
WARREN  G.  HARDING 

CHAIRMAN  LODGE,  Members  of  the  Notification  Committee,  Members  of  the 
National  Committee,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  The  message  which  you  have 
formally  conveyed  brings  to  me  a  realization  of  responsibility  which  is  not 
underestimated.  It  is  a  supreme  task  to  interpret  the  covenant  of  a  great  political 
party,  the  activities  of  which  are  so  woven  into  the  history  of  this  Republic,  and  a  very 
sacred  and  solemn  undertaking  to  utter  the  faith  and  aspirations  of  the  many  millions 
who  adhere  to  that  party.  The  party  platform  has  charted  the  way,  yet,  somehow,  we 
have  come  to  expect  that  interpretation  which  voices  the  faith  of  nominees  who  must 
assume  specific  tasks. 

Let  me  be  understood  clearly  from  the  very  beginning.  I  believe  in  party  sponsor- 
ship in  government.  I  believe  in  party  government  as  distinguished  from  personal 
government,  individual,  dictatorial,  autocratic  or  what  not.  In  a  citizenship  of  more 
than  a  hundred  millions  it  is  impossible  to  reach  agreement  upon  all  questions.  Parties 
are  formed  by  those  who  reach  a  consensus  of  opinion.  It  was  the  intent  of  the  found- 
ing fathers  to  give  to  this  Republic  a  dependable  and  enduring  popular  government, 
representative  in  form,  and  it  was  designed  to  make  political  parties  not  only  the 
preserving  sponsors  but  also  the  effective  agencies  through  which  hopes  and  aspirations 
and  convictions  and  conscience  may  be  translated  into  public  performance. 

Popular  government  has  been  an  inspiration  of  liberty,  since  the  dawn  of  civiliza- 
tion. Republics  have  risen  and  fallen,  and  a  transition  from  party  to  personal  govern- 
ment has  preceded  every  failure  since  the  world  began.  Under  the  constitution  we 
have  the  charted  way  to  security  and  perpetuity.  We  know  it  gave  to  us  the  safe 
path  to  a  developing  eminence  which  no  people  in  the  world  ever  rivaled.  It  has 
guaranteed  the  rule  of  intelligent,  deliberate  public  opinion  expressed  through  parties. 
Under  this  plan  a  masterful  leadership  becomingly  may  manifest  its  influence,  but  a 
people's  will  still  remains  the  supreme  authority. 

The  American  achievement  under  the  plan  of  the  fathers  is  nowhere  disputed.  On 
the  contrary,  the  American  example  has  been  the  model  of  every  republic  which  glori- 
fies the  progress  of  liberty,  and  is  everywhere  the  leaven  of  representative  democracy 
which  has  expanded  human  freedom.    It  has  been  wrought  through  party  government. 

No  man  is  big  enough  to  run  this  great  Republic.  There  never  has  been  one.  Such 
domination  was  never  intended.  Tranquillity,  stability,  dependability— all  are  assured 
in  party  sponsorship,  and  we  mean  to  renew  the  assurances  which  were  rended  in 
the  cataclysmal  war. 

It  was  not  surprising  that  we  went  far  afield  from  safe  and  prescribed  paths  amid 
the  war  anxieties.  There  was  the  unfortunate  tendency  before;  there  was  the  sur- 
render of  Congress  to  the  growing  assumption  of  the  executive  before  the  world-war 
imperiled  all  the  practices  we  had  learned  to  believe  in;  and  in  the  war  emergency 
every  safeguard  was  swept  away.    In  the  name  of  democracy  we  established  autocracy. 

C1553 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN  TWENTY 

We  are  not  complaining  at  this  extraordinary  bestowal  or  assumption  in  war,  it 
seemed  temporarily  necessary;  our  alarm  is  over  the  failure  to  restore  the  constitu- 
tional methods  when  the  war  emergency  ended. 

Our  iirst  committal  is  the  restoration  of  representative  popular  government,  under 
the  Constitution,  through  the  agency  of  The  Republican  Party.  Our  vision  includes 
more  than  a  chief  executive,  we  believe  in  a  cabinet  of  highest  capacity,  equal  to  the 
responsibilities  which  our  system  contemplates,  in  whose  councils  the  Vice-President, 
second  official  of  the  Republic,  shall  be  asked  to  participate.  The  same  vision  includes 
a  cordial  understanding  and  co-ordinated  activities  with  a  House  of  Congress,  fresh 
from  the  people,  voicing  the  convictions  which  members  bring  from  direct  contact 
with  the  electorate,  and  cordial  co-operation  along  with  the  restored  functions  of  the 
Senate,  fit  to  be  the  greatest  deliberative  body  of  the  world.  Its  members  are  the 
designated  sentinels  on  the  towers  of  constitutional  government.  The  resumption  of 
the  Senate's  authority  saved  to  this  Republic  its  independent  nationality,  when  autoc- 
racy misinterpreted  the  dream  of  a  world  experiment  to  be  the  vision  of  a  world  ideal. 

It  is  not  difficult,  Chairman  Lodge,  to  make  ourselves  clear  on  the  question  of  inter- 
national relationship.  We  Republicans  of  the  Senate,  conscious  of  our  solemn  oaths 
and  mindful  of  our  constitutional  obligations,  when  we  saw  the  structure  of  a  world 
super-government  taking  visionary  form,  joined  in  a  becoming  warning  of  our  devo- 
tion to  this  Republic.  If  the  torch  of  constitutionalism  had  not  been  dimmed,  the 
delayed  peace  of  the  world  and  the  tragedy  of  disappointment  and  Europe's  misunder- 
standing of  America  easily  might  have  been  avoided.  The  Republicans  of  the  Senate 
halted  the  barter  of  independent  American  eminence  and  influence,  which  it  was  pro- 
posed to  exchange  for  an  obscure  and  unequal  place  in  the  merged  government  of  the 
world.  Our  party  means  to  hold  the  heritage  of  American  nationality  unimpaired  and 
unsurrendered. 

The  world  will  not  misconstrue.  We  do  not  mean  to  hold  aloof.  We  do  not  mean 
to  shun  a  single  responsibility  of  this  Republic  to  world  civilization.  There  is  no  hate 
in  the  American  heart.  We  have  no  envy,  no  suspicion,  no  aversion  for  any  people 
in  the  world.  We  hold  to  our  rights,  and  means  to  defend,  aye,  we  mean  to  sustain 
the  rights  of  this  nation  and  our  citizens  alike,  everywhere  under  the  shining  sun. 
Yet  there  is  the  concord  of  amity  and  sympathy  and  fraternity  in  every  resolution. 
There  is  a  genuine  aspiration  in  every  American  breast  for  a  tranquil  friendship  with 
all  the  world. 

More,  we  believe  the  unspeakable  sorrows,  the  immeasurable  sacrifices,  the  awakened 
convictions  and  the  aspiring  conscience  of  humankind  must  commit  the  nations  of 
the  earth  to  a  new  and  better  relationship.  It  need  not  be  discussed  now  what  motives 
plunged  the  world  into  war,  it  need  not  be  inquired  whether  we  asked  the  sons  of 
this  Republic  to  defend  our  national  rights,  as  I  believe  we  did,  or  to  purge  the  old 
world  of  the  accumulated  ills  of  rivalry  and  greed,  the  sacrifices  will  be  in  vain  if  we 
can  not  acclaim  a  new  order,  with  added  security  to  civilization  and  peace  maintained. 

One  may  readily  sense  the  conscience  of  our  America.  I  am  sure  I  understand  the 
purpose  of  the  dominant  group  of  the  Senate.  We  were  not  seeking  to  defeat  a 
world  aspiration,  we  were  resolved  to  safeguard  America.  We  were  resolved  then, 
even  as  we  are  to-day,  and  will  be  to-morrow,  to  preserve  this  free  and  independent 
Republic.  Let  those  now  responsible,  or  seeking  responsibility,  propose  the  surrender, 
whether  with  interpretations,  apologies  or  reluctant  reservations — from  which  our 
rights  are  to  be  omitted — we  welcome  the  referendum  to  the  American  people  on  the 

C 15611 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


preservation  of  America,  and  The  Republican  Party  pledges  its  defense  of  the  pre- 
served inheritance  of  national  freedom. 

In  the  call  of  the  conscience  of  America  is  peace,  peace  that  closes  the  gaping  wound 
of  world  war,  and  silences  the  impassioned  voices  of  international  envy  and  distrust. 
Heeding  this  call  and  knowing  as  I  do  the  disposition  of  the  Congress,  I  promise  you 
formal  and  effective  peace  so  quickly  as  a  Republican  Congress  can  pass  its  declara- 
tion for  a  Republican  executive  to  sign.  Then  we  may  turn  to  our  readjustment  at 
home  and  proceed  deliberately  and  reflectively  to  that  hoped-for  world  relationship 
which  shall  satisfy  both  conscience  and  aspirations  and  still  hold  us  free  from  mena- 
cing involvement. 

I  can  hear  in  the  call  of  conscience  an  insistent  voice  for  the  largely  reduced  arma- 
ments throughout  the  world,  with  attending  reduction  of  burdens  upon  peace-loving 
humanity.  We  wish  to  give  of  American  influence  and  example;  we  must  give  of 
American  leadership  to  that  invaluable  accomplishment. 

I  can  speak  unreservedly  of  the  American  aspiration  and  the  Republican  committal 
for  an  association  of  nations,  co-operating  in  sublime  accord,  to  attain  and  preserve 
peace  through  justice  rather  than  force,  determined  to  add  to  security  through  inter- 
national law,  so  clarified  that  no  misconstruction  can  be  possible  without  affronting 
world  honor. 

This  Republic  can  never  be  unmindful  of  its  power,  and  must  never  forget  the  force 
of  its  example.  Possessor  of  might  that  admits  no  fear,  America  must  stand  foremost 
for  the  right.  If  the  mistaken  voice  of  America,  spoken  in  unheeding  haste,  led  Europe, 
in  the  hour  of  deepest  anxiety,  into  a  military  alliance  which  menaces  peace  and 
threatens  all  freedom,  instead  of  adding  to  their  security,  then  we  must  speak  the 
truth  for  America  and  express  our  hope  for  the  fraternized  conscience  of  nations. 

It  will  avail  nothing  to  discuss  in  detail  the  league  covenant,  which  was  conceived 
for  world  supergovernment,  negotiated  in  misunderstanding,  and  intolerantly  urged 
and  demanded  by  its  administration  sponsors,  who  resisted  every  effort  to  safeguard 
America,  and  who  finally  rejected  when  such  safeguards  were  inserted.  If  the  supreme 
blunder  has  left  European  relationships  inextricably  interwoven  in  the  league  com- 
pact, our  sympathy  for  Europe  only  magnifies  our  own  good  fortune  in  resisting  in- 
volvement. It  is  better  to  be  the  free  and  disinterested  agent  of  international  justice 
and  advancing  civilization,  with  the  covenant  of  conscience,  than  be  shackled  by  a 
written  compact  which  surrenders  our  freedom  of  action  and  gives  to  a  military 
alliance  the  right  to  proclaim  America's  duty  to  the  world.  No  surrender  of  rights  to 
a  world  council  or  its  military  alliance,  no  assumed  mandatary  however  appealing, 
ever  shall  summon  the  sons  of  this  Republic  to  war.  Their  supreme  sacrifice  shall 
only  be  asked  for  America  and  its  call  of  honor.  There  is  a  sanctity  in  that  right  we 
will  not  delegate. 

When  the  compact  was  being  written,  I  do  not  know  whether  Europe  asked  or 
ambition  insistently  bestowed.  It  was  so  good  to  rejoice  in  the  world's  confidence 
in  our  unselfishness  that  I  can  believe  our  evident  disinterestedness  inspired  Europe's 
wish  for  our  association,  quite  as  much  as  the  selfish  thought  of  enlisting  American 
power  and  resources.  Ours  is  an  outstanding,  influential  example  to  the  world, 
whether  we  cloak  it  in  spoken  modesty  or  magnify  it  in  exaltation.  We  want  to  help; 
we  mean  to  help;  but  we  hold  to  our  own  interpretation  of  the  American  conscience 
as  the  very  soul  of  our  nationality. 

COT] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Disposed  as  we  are,  the  way  is  very  simple.  Let  the  failure  attending  assumption, 
obstinacy,  impracticability  and  delay  be  recognized,  and  let  us  find  the  big,  practical, 
unselfish  way  to  do  our  part,  neither  covetous  because  of  ambition  nor  hesitant  through 
fear,  but  ready  to  serve  ourselves,  humanity  and  God.  With  a  Senate  advising  as  the 
Constitution  contemplates,  I  would  hopefully  approach  the  nations  of  Europe  and  of 
the  earth,  proposing  that  understanding  which  makes  us  a  willing  participant  in  the 
consecration  of  nations  to  a  new  relationship,  to  commit  the  moral  forces  of  the  world, 
America  included,  to  peace  and  international  justice,  still  leaving  America  free,  inde- 
pendent and  self-reliant,  but  offering  friendship  to  all  the  world. 

If  men  call  for  more  specific  details  I  remind  them  that  moral  committals  are  broad 
and  all  inclusive,  and  we  are  contemplating  peoples  in  the  concord  of  humanity's 
advancement.  From  our  own  viewpoint  the  program  is  specifically  American,  and  we 
mean  to  be  Americans  first,  to  all  the  world. 

Appraising  preserved  nationality  as  the  first  essential  to  the  continued  progress  of  the 
Republic,  there  is  linked  with  it  the  supreme  necessity  of  the  restoration — let  us  say 
the  re-revealment — of  the  Constitution,  and  our  reconstruction  as  an  industrial  nation. 
Here  is  the  transcending  task.  It  concerns  our  common  weal  at  home  and  will  decide 
our  future  eminence  in  the  world.  More  than  these,  this  Republic,  under  constitutional 
liberties,  has  given  to  mankind  the  most  fortunate  conditions  for  human  activity  and 
attainment  the  world  has  ever  noted,  and  we  are  to-day  the  world's  reserve  force  in  the 
great  contest  for  liberty  through  security,  and  maintained  equality  of  opportunity 
and  its  righteous  rewards. 

It  is  folly  to  close  our  eyes  to  outstanding  facts.  Humanity  is  restive,  much  of  the 
world  is  in  revolution,  the  agents  of  discord  and  destruction  have  wrought  their  tragedy 
in  pathetic  Russia,  have  lighted  their  torches  among  other  peoples,  and  hope  to  see 
America  as  a  part  of  the  great  Red  conflagration.  Ours  is  the  temple  of  liberty  under 
the  law,  and  it  is  ours  to  call  the  Sons  of  Opportunity  to  its  defense.  America  must  not 
only  save  herself,  but  ours  must  be  the  appealing  voice  to  sober  the  world. 

More  than  all  else  the  present-day  world  needs  understanding.  There  can  be  no 
peace  save  through  composed  differences,  and  the  submission  of  the  individual  to  the 
will  of  and  weal  of  the  many.    Any  other  plan  means  anarchy  and  its  rule  of  force. 

It  must  be  understood  that  toil  alone  makes  for  accomplishment  and  advancement, 
and  righteous  possession  is  the  reward  of  toil,  and  its  incentive.  There  is  no  progress 
except  in  the  stimulus  of  competition.  When  competition — natural,  fair,  impelling 
competition — is  suppressed,  whether  by  law,  compact  or  conspiracy,  we  halt  the  march 
of  progress,  silence  the  voice  of  aspiration,  and  paralyze  the  will  for  achievement. 
These  are  but  common-sense  truths  of  human  development. 

The  chief  trouble  to-day  is  that  the  world  war  wrought  the  destruction  of  healthful 
competition,  left  our  storehouses  empty,  and  there  is  a  minimum  production  when  our 
need  is  maximum.  Maximums,  not  minimums,  is  the  call  of  America.  It  isn't  a  new 
story,  because  war  never  fails  to  leave  depleted  storehouses  and  always  impairs  the 
efficiency  of  production.  War  also  establishes  its  higher  standards  for  wages,  and  they 
abide.  I  wish  the  higher  wage  to  abide,  on  one  explicit  condition — that  the  wage- 
earner  will  give  full  return  for  the  wage  received.  It  is  the  best  assurance  we  can 
have  for  a  reduced  cost  of  living.  Mark  you,  I  am  ready  to  acclaim  the  highest  standard 
of  pay,  but  I  would  be  blind  to  the  responsibilities  that  mark  this  fateful  hour  if  I  did 
not  caution  the  wage-earners  of  America  that  mounting  wages  and  decreased  produc- 
tion can  lead  only  to  industrial  and  economic  ruin. 

C158H 


-amiL^ 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


I  want,  somehow,  to  appeal  to  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  Republic,  to  every  pro- 
ducer, to  join  hand  and  brain  in  production,  more  production,  honest  production, 
patriotic  production,  because  patriotic  production  is  no  less  a  defense  of  our  best 
civilization  than  that  of  armed  force.  Profiteering  is  a  crime  of  commission,  under- 
production is  a  crime  of  omission.  We  must  work  our  most  and  best,  else  the  destruc- 
tive reaction  will  come.  We  must  stabilize  and  strive  for  normalcy,  else  the  inevitable 
reaction  will  bring  its  train  of  sufferings,  disappointments  and  reversals.  We  want 
to  forestall  such  reaction,  we  want  to  hold  all  advanced  ground,  and  fortify  it  with 
general  good-fortune. 

Let  us  return  for  a  moment  to  the  necessity  for  understanding,  particularly  that 
understanding  which  concerns  ourselves  at  home.  I  decline  to  recognize  any  conflict 
of  interest  among  the  participants  in  industry.  The  destruction  of  one  is  the  ruin  of 
the  other,  the  suspicion  or  rebellion  of  one  unavoidably  involves  the  other.  In  conflict 
is  disaster,  in  understanding  there  is  triumph.  There  is  no  issue  relating  to  the  founda- 
tion on  which  industry  is  builded,  because  industry  is  bigger  than  any  element  in  its 
modern  making.  But  the  insistent  call  is  for  labor,  management  and  capital  to  reach 
understanding. 

The  human  element  comes  first,  and  I  want  the  employers  in  industry  to  understand 
the  aspirations,  the  convictions,  the  yearnings  of  the  millions  of  American  wage- 
earners,  and  I  want  the  wage-earners  to  understand  the  problems,  the  anxieties,  the 
obligations  of  management  and  capital,  and  all  of  them  must  understand  their  re- 
lationship to  the  people  and  their  obligation  to  the  Republic.  Out  of  this  understanding 
will  come  the  unanimous  committal  to  economic  justice,  and  in  economic  justice  lies 
that  social  justice  which  is  the  highest  essential  to  human  happiness. 

I  am  speaking  as  one  who  has  counted  the  contents  of  the  pay  envelope  from  the 
viewpoint  of  the  earner  as  well  as  the  employer.  No  one  pretends  to  deny  the  inequali- 
ties which  are  manifest  in  modern  industrial  life.  They  are  less  in  fact  than  they  were 
before  organization  and  grouping  on  either  side  revealed  the  inequalities,  and  con- 
science has  wrought  more  justice  than  statutes  have  compelled,  but  the  ferment  of 
the  world  rivets  our  thoughts  on  the  necessity  of  progressive  solution,  else  our  genera- 
tion will  suffer  the  experiment  which  means  chaos  for  our  day  to  re-establish  God's 
plan  for  the  great  to-morrow. 

Speaking  our  sympathies,  uttering  the  conscience  of  all  the  people,  mindful  of  our 
right  to  dwell  amid  the  good  fortunes  of  rational,  conscience-impelled  advancement, 
we  hold  the  majesty  of  righteous  government,  with  liberty  under  the  law,  to  be  our 
avoidance  of  chaos,  and  we  call  upon  every  citizen  of  the  Republic  to  hold  fast  to  that 
which  made  us  what  we  are,  and  we  will  have  orderly  government  safeguard  the 
onward  march  to  all  we  ought  to  be. 

The  menacing  tendency  of  the  present  day  is  not  chargeable  wholly  to  the  unsettled 
and  fevered  conditions  caused  by  the  war.  The  manifest  weakness  in  popular  govern- 
ment lies  in  the  temptation  to  appeal  to  grouped  citizenship  for  political  advantage. 
There  is  no  greater  peril.  The  Constitution  contemplates  no  class  and  recognizes  no 
group.  It  broadly  includes  all  the  people,  with  specific  recognition  for  none,  and 
the  highest  consecration  we  can  make  to-day  is  a  committal  of  The  Republican  Party 
to  that  saving  constitutionalism  which  contemplates  all  America  as  one  people,  and 
holds  just  government  free  from  influence  on  the  one  hand  and  unmoved  by  intimida- 
tion on  the  other. 

C159  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

It  would  be  the  blindness  of  folly  to  ignore  the  activities  in  our  own  country  which 
are  aimed  to  destroy  our  economic  system,  and  to  commit  us  to  the  colossal  tragedy 
which  has  both  destroyed  all  freedom  and  made  Russia  impotent.  This  movement  is 
not  to  be  halted  in  throttled  liberties.  We  must  not  abridge  the  freedom  of  speech, 
the  freedom  of  press,  or  the  freedom  of  assembly,  because  there  is  no  promise  in 
repression.  These  liberties  are  as  sacred  as  the  freedom  of  religious  belief,  as  invio- 
lable as  the  rights  of  life  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  We  do  hold  to  the  right  to 
crush  sedition,  to  stifle  a  menacing  contempt  for  law,  to  stamp  out  a  peril  to  the  safety 
of  the  Republic  or  its  people,  when  emergency  calls,  because  security  and  the  majesty 
of  the  law  are  the  first  essentials  of  liberty.  He  who  threatens  destruction  of  the 
government  by  force  or  flaunts  his  contempt  for  lawful  authority,  ceases  to  be  a  loyal 
citizen  and  forfeits  his  rights  to  the  freedom  of  the  Republic. 

Let  it  be  said  to  all  of  America  that  our  plan  of  popular  government  contemplates 
such  orderly  changes  as  the  crystallized  intelligence  of  the  majority  of  our  people  think 
best.  There  can  be  no  modification  of  this  underlying  rule,  but  no  majority  shall 
abridge  the  rights  of  a  minority.  Men  have  a  right  to  question  our  system  in  fullest 
freedom,  but  they  must  always  remember  that  the  rights  of  freedom  impose  the  obliga- 
tions which  maintain  it.  Our  policy  is  not  of  repression,  but  we  make  appeal  to-day 
to  Amei'ican  intelligence  and  patriotism,  when  the  Republic  is  menaced  from  within, 
just  as  we  trusted  American  patriotism  when  our  rights  were  threatened  from  without. 

We  call  on  all  America  for  steadiness,  so  that  we  may  proceed  deliberately  to  the 
readjustment  which  concerns  all  the  people.  Our  party  platform  fairly  expresses 
the  conscience  of  Republicans  on  industrial  relations.  No  party  is  indifferent  to  the 
welfare  of  the  wage-earner.  To  us  his  good  fortune  is  of  deepest  concern,  and  we 
seek  to  make  that  good  fortune  permanent.  We  do  not  oppose  but  approve  collective 
bargaining,  because  that  is  an  outstanding  right,  but  we  are  unalterably  insistent  that 
its  exercise  must  not  destroy  the  equally  sacred  right  of  the  individual,  in  his  necessary 
pursuit  of  livelihood.  Any  American  has  the  right  to  quit  his  employment,  so  has 
every  American  the  right  to  seek  employment.  The  group  must  not  endanger  the 
individual,  and  we  must  discourage  groups  preying  upon  one  another,  and  none  shall 
be  allowed  to  forget  that  government's  obligations  are  alike  to  all  the  people. 

I  hope  we  may  do  more  than  merely  discourage  the  losses  and  sufferings  attending 
industrial  conflict.  The  strike  against  the  Government  is  properly  denied,  for  Govern- 
ment service  involves  none  of  the  elements  of  profit  which  relate  to  competitive  enter- 
prise. There  is  progress  in  the  establishment  of  official  revealment  of  issues  and  con- 
ditions which  lead  to  conflict,  so  that  unerring  public  sentiment  may  speed  the  ad- 
justment, but  I  hope  for  that  concord  of  purpose,  not  forced  but  inspired  by  the  com- 
mon weal,  which  will  give  a  regulated  public  service  the  fullest  guaranty  of  continuity. 
I  am  thinking  of  the  railroads.  In  modern  life  they  are  the  very  base  of  all  our  activi- 
ties and  interchanges.  For  public  protection  we  have  enacted  laws  providing  for  a 
regulation  of  the  charge  for  service,  a  limitation  on  the  capital  invested  and  a  limita- 
tion on  capital's  earnings.  There  remains  only  competition  of  service,  on  which  to 
base  our  hopes  for  an  efficiency  and  expansion  which  meet  our  modern  requirements. 
The  railway  workmen  ought  to  be  the  best  paid  and  know  the  best  working  conditions 
in  the  world.  Theirs  is  an  exceptional  responsibility.  They  are  not  only  essential  to 
the  life  and  health  and  all  productive  activities  of  the  people,  but  they  are  directly 
responsible  for  the  safety  of  traveling  millions.  The  Government  which  has  assumed 
so  much  authority  for  the  public  good  might  well  stamp  railway  employment  with  the 


fft 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


sanctity  of  public  service  and  guarantee  to  the  railway  employees  that  justice  which 
voices  the  American  conception  of  righteousness  on  the  one  hand,  and  assures  con- 
tinuity of  service  on  the  other. 

The  importance  of  the  railway  rehabilitation  is  so  obvious  that  reference  seems 
uncalled  for.  We  are  so  confident  that  much  of  the  present-day  insufficiency  and  in- 
efficiency of  transportation  is  due  to  the  withering  hand  of  Government  operation 
that  we  emphasize  anew  our  opposition  to  Government  ownership,  we  want  to  expedite 
the  reparation,  and  make  sure  the  mistake  is  not  repeated. 

It  is  little  use  to  recite  the  story  of  development,  exploitation,  Government  experi- 
ment and  its  neglect,  Government  operation  and  its  failures.  The  inadequacy  of  track- 
age and  terminal  facilities,  the  insufficiency  of  equipment  and  the  inefficiency  of 
operation — all  bear  the  blighting  stamp  of  governmental  incapacity  during  Federal 
operation.  The  work  of  rehabilitation  under  the  restoration  of  private  ownership 
deserves  our  best  encouragement.  Billions  are  needed  in  new  equipment,  not  alone 
to  meet  the  growing  demand  for  service,  but  to  restore  the  extraordinary  depreciation 
due  to  the  strained  service  of  war.  "With  restricted  earnings  and  with  speculative 
profits  removed,  railway  activities  have  come  to  the  realm  of  conservative  and  con- 
structive service,  and  the  Government  which  impaired  must  play  its  part  in  restoration. 
Manifestly  the  returns  must  be  so  gauged  that  necessary  capital  may  be  enlisted,  and 
we  must  foster  as  well  as  restrain. 

We  have  no  more  pressing  problem.  A  state  of  inadequate  transportation  facilities, 
mainly  chargeable  to  the  failure  of  governmental  experiment,  is  losing  millions  to 
agriculture,  it  is  hindering  industry,  it  is  menacing  the  American  people  with  a  fuel 
shortage  little  less  than  a  peril.  It  emphasizes  the  present-day  problem  and  suggests 
that  spirit  of  encouragement  and  assistance  which  commits  all  America  to  relieve  such 
an  emergency. 

The  one  compensation  amid  attending  anxieties  is  our  new  and  needed  realization 
of  the  vital  part  transportation  plays  in  the  complexities  of  modern  life.  We  are  not 
to  think  of  rails  alone,  but  highways  from  farm  to  market,  from  railway  to  farm, 
arteries  of  life-blood  to  present-day  life,  the  quickened  ways  to  communication  and 
exchange,  the  answer  of  our  people  to  the  motor  age.  We  believe  in  generous  federal 
co-operation  in  construction,  linked  with  assurances  of  maintenance  that  will  put  an 
end  to  criminal  waste  of  public  funds  on  the  one  hand  and  give  a  guaranty  of  upkept 
highways  on  the  other. 

Water  transportation  is  inseparably  linked  with  adequacy  of  facilities,  and  we  favor 
American  eminence  on  the  seas,  the  practical  development  of  inland  waterways,  the 
up-building  and  co-ordination  of  all  to  make  them  equal  to  and  ready  for  every  call 
of  developing  and  widening  American  commerce.  I  like  that  recommittal  to  thoughts 
of  America  first  which  pledges  the  Panama  Canal,  an  American  creation,  to  the  free 
use  of  American  shipping.    It  will  add  to  the  American  reawakening. 

One  can  not  speak  of  industry  and  commerce,  and  the  transportation  on  which  they 
are  dependent  without  an  earnest  thought  of  the  abnormal  cost  of  living  and  the 
problems  in  its  wake.  It  is  easy  to  inveigh,  but  that  avails  nothing.  And  it  is  far  too 
serious  to  dismiss  with  flaming  but  futile  promise. 

Eight  years  ago  in  times  of  peace,  the  Democratic  party  made  it  an  issue,  and  when 
clothed  with  power  that  party  came  near  to  its  accomplishment  by  destroying  the 
people's  capacity  to  buy.  But  that  was  a  cure  worse  than  the  ailment.  It  is  easy  to 
understand  the  real  causes,  after  which  the  patient  must  help  to  effect  his  own  cure. 

D613 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Gross  expansion  of  currency  and  credit  has  depreciated  the  dollar  just  as  expan- 
sion and  inflation  have  discredited  the  coins  of  the  world.  We  inflated  in  haste,  we 
must  deflate  in  deliberation.  We  debased  the  dollar  in  reckless  finance,  we  must  restore 
in  honesty.  Deflation  on  the  one  hand  and  restoration  of  the  100-cent  dollar  on  the 
other  ought  to  have  begun  on  the  day  after  the  armistice,  but  plans  were  lacking  or 
courage  failed.  The  unpreparedness  for  peace  was  little  less  costly  than  unprepared- 
ness  for  war. 

We  can  promise  no  one  remedy  which  will  cure  an  ill  of  such  wide  proportions,  but 
we  do  pledge  that  earnest  and  consistent  attack  which  the  party  platform  covenants. 
We  will  attempt  intelligent  and  courageous  deflation,  and  strike  at  government  borrow- 
ing which  enlarges  the  evil,  and  we  will  attack  high  cost  of  government  with  every 
energy  and  facility  which  attend  Republican  capacity.  We  promise  that  relief  which 
will  attend  the  halting  of  waste  and  extravagance,  and  the  renewal  of  the  practice  of 
public  economy,  not  alone  because  it  will  relieve  tax  burdens  but  because  it  will  be  an 
example  to  stimulate  thrift  and  economy  in  private  life. 

I  have  already  alluded  to  the  necessity  for  the  fullness  of  production,  and  we  need 
the  fullness  of  service  which  attends  the  exchange  of  products.  Let  us  speak  the 
irrefutable  truth,  high  wages  and  reduced  cost  of  living  are  in  utter  contradiction 
unless  we  have  the  height  of  efficiency  for  wages  received. 

In  all  sincerity  we  promise  the  prevention  of  unreasonable  profits,  we  challenge 
profiteering  with  all  the  moral  force  and  the  legal  powers  of  government  and  people, 
but  it  is  fair,  aye,  it  is  timely,  to  give  reminder  that  law  is  not  the  sole  corrective  of  our 
economic  ills. 

Let  us  call  to  all  the  people  for  thrift  and  economy,  for  denial  and  sacrifice  if  need 
be,  for  a  nation-wide  drive  against  extravagance  and  luxury,  to  a  recommittal  to  sim- 
plicity of  living,  to  that  prudent  and  normal  plan  of  life  which  is  the  health  of  the 
Republic.  There  hasn't  been  a  recovery  from  the  waste  and  abnormalities  of  war  since 
the  story  of  mankind  was  first  written,  except  through  work  and  saving,  through  in- 
dustry and  denial,  while  needless  spending  and  heedless  extravagance  have  marked 
every  decay  in  the  history  of  nations.  Give  the  assurance  of  that  rugged  simplicity  of 
American  life  which  marked  the  first  century  of  amazing  development  and  this  genera- 
tion may  underwrite  a  second  century  of  surpassing  accomplishment. 

The  Republican  Party  was  founded  by  farmers,  with  the  sensitive  conscience  born 
of  their  freedom  and  their  simple  lives.  These  founders  sprang  from  the  farms  of  the 
then  Middle  West.  Our  party  has  never  failed  in  its  realization  that  agriculture  is 
essentially  the  foundation  of  our  very  existence,  and  it  has  ever  been  our  policy,  pur- 
pose and  performance  to  protect  and  promote  that  essential  industry. 

New  conditions,  which  attend  amazing  growth  and  extraordinary  industrial  develop- 
ment, call  for  a  new  and  forward-looking  program.  The  American  farmer  had  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  millions  to  feed  in  the  home  market,  and  heard  the  cry  of  the  world 
for  food  and  answered  it,  though  he  faced  an  appalling  task  amid  handicaps  never 
encountered  before. 

In  the  rise  of  price  levels  there  have  come  increased  appraisals  to  his  acres  without 
adding  to  their  value  in  fact,  but  which  do  add  to  his  taxes  and  expenses  without 
enhancing  his  returns.  His  helpers  have  yielded  to  the  lure  of  shop  and  city,  until, 
almost  alone,  he  has  met  and  borne  the  burden  of  the  only  insistent  attempts  to  force 
down  prices.  It  challenges  both  the  wisdom  and  the  justice  of  artificial  drives  on 
prices  to  recall  that  they  were  effective  almost  solely  against  his  products  in  the  hands 

CM*  3 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


of  the  producer  and  never  effective  against  the  same  products  in  passing  to  the  con- 
sumer. Contemplating  the  defenselessness  of  the  individual  farmer  to  meet  the 
organized  buyers  of  his  products  and  the  distributors  of  the  things  the  farmer  buys,  I 
hold  that  farmers  should  not  only  be  permitted  but  encouraged  to  join  in  co-operative 
association  to  reap  the  just  measure  of  reward  merited  by  their  arduous  toil.  Let  us 
facilitate  co-operation  to  insure  against  the  risks  attending  agriculture,  which  the  urban 
world  so  little  understands,  and  a  like  co-operation  to  market  their  products  as  directly 
as  possible  with  the  consumer,  in  the  interests  of  all.  Upon  such  association  and  co- 
operation should  be  laid  only  such  restrictions  as  will  prevent  arbitrary  control  of  our 
food  supply  and  the  lixing  of  extortionate  price  upon  it. 

Our  platform  is  an  earnest  pledge  of  renewed  concern  for  this  most  essential  and 
elemental  industry,  and  in  both  appreciation  and  interest  we  pledge  effective  expres- 
sion in  law  and  practice.  We  will  hail  that  co-operation  which  again  will  make 
profitable  and  desirable  the  ownership  and  operation  of  comparatively  small  farms 
intensively  cultivated,  and  which  will  facilitate  the  caring  for  the  products  of  farm 
and  orchard  without  the  lamentable  waste  under  present  conditions. 

America  would  look  with  anxiety  on  the  discouragement  of  farming  activity  either 
through  the  government's  neglect  or  its  paralysis  by  socialistic  practices.  A  Republican 
administration  will  be  committed  to  renewed  regard  for  agriculture,  and  seek  the 
participation  of  farmers  in  curing  the  ills  justly  complained  of,  and  aim  to  place  the 
American  farm  where  it  ought  to  be — highly  ranked  in  American  activities  and  fully 
sharing  the  highest  good  fortunes  of  American  life. 

Becomingly  associated  with  this  subject  are  the  policies  of  irrigation  and  reclama- 
tion, so  essential  to  agricultural  expansion,  and  the  continued  development  of  the  great 
and  wonderful  West.  It  is  our  purpose  to  continue  and  enlarge  federal  aid,  not  in 
sectional  partiality,  but  for  the  good  of  all  America.  We  hold  to  that  harmony  of 
relationship  between  conservation  and  development,  which  fittingly  appraises  our 
natural  resources  and  makes  them  available  to  developing  America  of  to-day,  and  still 
holds  to  the  conserving  thought  for  the  America  of  the  morrow. 

The  federal  government's  relation  to  reclamation  and  development  is  too  important 
to  admit  of  ample  discussion  to-day.  Alaska,  alone,  is  rich  in  resources  beyond  all 
imagination,  and  needs  only  closer  linking,  through  the  lines  of  transportation,  and  a 
governmental  policy  that  both  safeguards  and  encourages  development,  to  speed  it  to 
a  foremost  position  as  a  commonwealth,  rugged  in  citizenship  and  rich  in  materialized 
resources. 

These  things  I  can  only  mention.  Within  becoming  limits  one  can  not  say  more. 
Indeed,  for  the  present  many  questions  of  vast  importance  must  be  hastily  passed, 
reserving  a  fuller  discussion  to  suitable  occasion  as  the  campaign  advances. 

I  believe  the  budget  system  will  effect  a  necessary,  helpful  reformation,  and  reveal 
business  methods  to  government  business. 

I  believe  federal  departments  should  be  made  more  business-like  and  send  back  to 
productive  effort  thousands  of  federal  employees,  who  are  either  duplicating  work  or 
not  essential  at  all. 

I  believe  in  the  protective  tariff  policy  and  know  we  will  be  calling  for  its  saving 
Americanism  again. 

I  believe  in  a  great  merchant  marine — I  would  have  this  Republic  the  leading  mari- 
time nation  of  the  world. 

I  believe  in  a  navy  ample  to  protect  it,  and  able  to  assure  us  dependable  defense. 

CW»3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN  TWENTY 

I  believe  in  a  small  army,  but  tbe  best  in  the  world,  with  a  mindfulness  for  pre- 
paredness which  will  avoid  the  unutterable  cost  of  our  previous  neglect. 

I  believe  in  our  eminence  in  trade  abroad,  which  the  government  should  aid  in  ex- 
panding, both  in  revealing  markets  and  speeding  cargoes. 

I  believe  in  establishing  standards  for  immigration,  which  are  concerned  with  the 
future  citizenship  of  the  Republic,  not  with  mere  man-power  in  industry. 

I  believe  that  every  man  who  dons  the  garb  of  American  citizenship  and  walks  in 
the  light  of  American  opportunity,  must  become  American  in  heart  and  soul. 

I  believe  in  holding  fast  to  every  forward  step  in  unshackling  child  labor  and  elevat- 
ing conditions  of  woman's  employment. 

I  believe  the  federal  government  should  stamp  out  lynching  and  remove  that  stain 
from  the  fair  name  of  America. 

I  believe  the  federal  government  should  give  its  effective  aid  in  solving  the  problem 
of  ample  and  becoming  housing  of  its  citizenship. 

I  believe  this  government  should  make  its  Liberty  and  Victory  bonds  worth  all  that 
its  patriotic  citizens  paid  in  purchasing  them. 

I  believe  the  tax  burdens  imposed  for  the  war  emergency  must  be  revised  to  the 
needs  of  peace,  and  in  the  interest  of  equity  in  distribution  of  the  burden. 

I  believe  the  Negro  citizens  of  America  should  be  guaranteed  the  enjoyment  of  all 
their  rights,  that  they  have  earned  the  full  measure  of  citizensip  bestowed,  that  their 
sacrifices  in  blood  on  the  battlefields  of  the  Republic  have  entitled  them  to  all  of  free- 
dom and  opportunity,  all  of  sympathy  and  aid  that  the  American  spirit  of  fairness  and 
justice  demands. 

I  believe  there  is  an  easy  and  open  path  to  righteous  relationship  with  Mexico.  It 
has  seemed  to  me  that  our  undeveloped,  uncertain  and  infirm  policy  has  made  us  a 
culpable  party  to  the  governmental  misfortunes  in  that  land.  Our  relations  ought  to 
be  both  friendly  and  sympathetic;  we  would  like  to  acclaim  a  stable  government  there, 
and  offer  a  neighborly  hand  in  pointing  the  way  to  greater  progress.  It  will  be  simple 
to  have  a  plain  and  neighborly  understanding,  merely  an  understanding  about  re- 
specting our  borders,  about  protecting  the  lives  and  possessions  of  American  citizens 
lawfully  within  the  Mexican  dominions.  There  must  be  that  understanding,  else  there 
can  be  no  recognition,  and  then  the  understanding  must  be  faithfully  kept. 

Many  of  these  declarations  deserve  a  fuller  expression,  with  some  suggestions  of 
plans  to  emphasize  the  faith.    Such  expression  will  follow,  in  due  time,  I  promise  you. 

I  believe  in  law  enforcement.  If  elected  I  mean  to  be  a  constitutional  president,  and 
it  is  impossible  to  ignore  the  Constitution,  unthinkable  to  evade  the  law,  when  our 
every  committal  is  to  orderly  government.  People  ever  will  differ  about  the  wisdom 
of  the  enactment  of  a  law — there  is  divided  opinion  respecting  the  eighteenth  amend- 
ment and  the  laws  enacted  to  make  it  operative — but  there  can  be  no  difference  of 
opinion  about  honest  law  enforcement. 

Neither  government  nor  party  can  afford  to  cheat  the  American  people.  The  laws 
of  Congress  must  harmonize  with  the  Constitution,  else  they  soon  are  adjudged  to  be 
void;  Congress  enacts  the  laws,  and  the  executive  branch  of  government  is  charged 
with  enforcement.  We  can  not  nullify  because  of  divided  opinion,  we  can  not  jeopard- 
ize orderly  government  with  contempt  for  law  enforcement.  Modification  or  repeal 
is  the  right  of  a  free  people,  whenever  the  deliberate  and  intelligent  public  sentiment 
commands,  but  perversion  and  evasion  mark  the  paths  to  the  failure  of  government 
itself. 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


Though  not  in  any  partisan  sense,  I  must  speak  of  the  services  of  the  men  and  women 
who  rallied  to  the  colors  of  the  Republic  in  world  war.  America  realizes  and  ap- 
preciates the  services  rendered,  the  sacrifices  made  and  the  sufferings  endured.  There 
shall  be  no  distinction  between  those  who  knew  the  perils  and  glories  of  the  battle 
front  or  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  and  those  who  were  compelled  to  serve  behind  the 
lines,  or  those  who  constituted  the  great  reserve  of  a  grand  army  which  awaited  the 
call  in  camps  at  home. 

All  were  brave,  all  were  sacrificing,  all  were  sharers  of  those  ideals  which  sent  our 
boys  thrice-armed  to  war.  Worthy  sons  and  daughters,  these,  fit  successors  to  those 
who  christened  our  banners  in  the  immortal  beginning,  worthy  sons  of  those  who  saved 
the  Union  and  nationality  when  civil  war  wiped  the  ambiguity  from  the  Constitution, 
ready  sons  of  those  who  drew  the  sword  for  humanity's  sake  the  first  time  in  the  world, 
in  1898. 

The  four  million  defenders  on  land  and  sea  were  worthy  of  the  best  traditions  of  a 
people  never  warlike  in  peace  and  never  pacifist  in  war.  They  commanded  our  pride, 
they  have  our  gratitude,  which  must  have  genuine  expression.  It  is  not  only  a  duty,  it 
is  a  privilege  to  see  that  the  sacrifices  made  shall  be  requited,  and  that  those  still  suffer- 
ing from  casualties  and  disabilities  shall  be  abundantly  aided  and  restored  to  the  high- 
est capabilities  of  citizenship  and  its  enjoyment. 

The  womanhood  of  America,  always  its  glory,  its  inspiration  and  the  potent,  uplift- 
ing force  in  its  social  and  spiritual  development,  is  about  to  be  enfranchised.  In  so  far 
as  Congress  can  go,  the  fact  is  already  accomplished.  By  party  edict,  by  my  recorded 
vote,  by  personal  conviction  I  am  committed  to  this  measure  of  justice.  It  is  my 
earnest  hope,  my  sincere  desire  that  the  one  needed  state  vote  be  quickly  recorded  in 
the  affirmation  of  the  right  of  equal  suffrage  and  that  the  vote  of  every  citizen  shall  be 
cast  and  counted  in  the  approaching  election. 

Let  us  not  share  the  apprehensions  of  many  men  and  women  as  to  the  danger  of  this 
momentous  extension  of  the  franchise.  Women  have  never  been  without  influence  in 
our  political  life.  Enfranchisement  will  bring  to  the  polls  the  votes  of  citizens  who 
have  been  born  upon  our  soil,  or  who  have  sought  in  faith  and  assurance  the  freedom 
and  opportunities  of  our  land.  It  will  bring  the  women  educated  in  our  schools, 
trained  in  our  customs  and  habits  of  thought,  and  sharers  of  our  problems.  It  will 
bring  the  alert  mind,  the  awakened  conscience,  the  sure  intuition,  the  abhorrence  of 
tyranny  or  oppression,  the  wide  and  tender  sympathy  that  distinguish  the  women  of 
America.    Surely  there  can  be  no  danger  there. 

And  to  the  great  number  of  noble  women  who  have  opposed  in  conviction  this 
tremendous  change  in  the  ancient  relation  of  the  sexes  as  applied  to  government,  I 
venture  to  plead  that  they  will  accept  the  full  responsibility  of  enlarged  citizenship 
and  give  to  the  best  in  the  Republic  their  suffrage  and  support. 

Much  has  been  said  of  late  about  world  ideals,  but  I  prefer  to  think  of  the  ideal  for 
America.  I  like  to  think  there  is  something  more  than  the  patriotism  and  practical 
wisdom  of  the  founding  fathers.  It  is  good  to  believe  that  maybe  destiny  held  this 
new-world  Republic  to  be  the  supreme  example  of  representative  democracy  and 
orderly  liberty  by  which  humanity  is  inspired  to  higher  achievement.  It  is  idle  to 
think  we  have  attained  perfection,  but  there  is  the  satisfying  knowledge  that  we  hold 
orderly  processes  for  making  our  government  reflect  the  heart  and  mind  of  the  Repub- 
lic. Ours  is  not  only  a  fortunate  people  but  a  very  common-sensical  people,  with  vision 
high  but  their  feet  on  the  earth,  with  belief  in  themselves  and  faith  in  God.    Whether 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN  TWENTY 

enemies  threaten  from  without  or  menaces  arise  from  within,  there  is  some  indefinable 
voice  saying,  "Have  confidence  in  the  Republic !    America  will  go  on !" 

Here  is  a  temple  of  liberty  no  storms  may  shake,  here  are  the  altars  of  freedom  no 
passions  shall  destroy.  It  was  American  in  conception,  American  in  its  building,  it 
shall  be  American  in  the  fulfilment.  Sectional  once,  we  are  all  American  now,  and 
we  mean  to  be  all  Americans  to  all  the  world. 

Mr.  Chairman,  members  of  the  committee,  my  countrymen  all:  I  would  not  be 
my  natural  self  if  I  did  not  utter  my  consciousness  of  my  limited  ability  to  meet  your 
full  expectations,  or  to  realize  the  aspirations  within  my  own  breast,  but  I  will  gladly 
give  all  that  is  in  me,  all  of  heart,  soul  and  mind  and  abiding  love  of  country,  to  service 
in  our  common  cause.  I  can  only  pray  to  the  Omnipotent  God  that  I  may  be  as  worthy 
in  service  as  I  know  myself  to  be  faithful  in  thought  and  purpose.  One  can  not  give 
more.  Mindful  of  the  vast  responsibilities,  I  must  be  frankly  humble,  but  I  have  that 
confidence  in  the  consideration  and  support  of  all  true  Americans  which  makes  me 
wholly  unafraid.  With  an  unalterable  faith  and  in  a  hopeful  spirit,  with  a  hymn  of 
service  in  my  heart,  I  pledge  fidelity  to  our  country  and  to  God,  and  accept  the  nomina- 
tion of  The  Republican  Party  for  the  presidency  of  the  United  States. 

Delivered  at  Marion,  Ohio 
July  22,  1920 


nee: 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


SPEECH  OF  ACCEPTANCE  OF 
CALVIN  COOLIDGE 

GOVERNOR  MORROW  and  Members  of  the  Notification  Committee:  To  your 
now  formal  notification  I  respond  with  formal  acceptance.  Your  presence 
tells  me  of  a  leader  and  a  cause.  A  leader  in  Warren  G.  Harding,  the  united 
choice  of  a  united  party,  a  statesman  of  ability,  seasoned  by  experience,  a  fitting  rep- 
resentative of  the  common  aspirations  of  his  fellow  citizens,  wise  enough  to  seek  coun- 
sel, great  enough  to  recognize  merit,  and  in  all  things  a  stalwart  American;  the  cause 
of  our  common  country,  as  declared  in  the  platform  of  The  Republican  Party,  the 
defence  of  our  institutions  from  every  assault,  the  restoration  of  constitutional  govern- 
ment, the  maintenance  of  law  and  order,  the  relief  of  economic  distress,  the  encour- 
agement of  industry  and  agriculture,  the  enactment  of  humanitarian  laws,  the  defence 
of  the  rights  of  our  citizens  everywhere,  the  rehabilitation  of  this  nation  in  the  estima- 
tion of  all  peoples,  under  an  agreement,  meeting  our  every  duty,  to  preserve  the  peace 
of  the  world,  always  with  unyielding  Americanism,  under  such  a  leader,  such  a  cause, 
1  serve. 

No  one  in  public  life  can  be  oblivious  to  the  organized  efforts  to  undermine  the  faith 
of  our  people  in  their  government,  foment  discord,  aggravate  industrial  strife,  stifle 
production,  and  ultimately  stir  up  revolution.  These  efforts  are  a  great  public  menace, 
not  through  danger  of  success,  but  through  the  great  amount  of  harm  they  can  do  if 
ignored.  The  first  duty  of  the  Government  is  to  repress  them,  punishing  wilful  viola- 
tions of  law,  turning  the  full  light  of  publicity  on  all  abuses  of  the  right  of  assembly 
and  of  free  speech,  and  it  is  the  first  duty  of  the  public  and  press  to  expose  false 
doctrines  and  answer  seditious  arguments.  American  institutions  can  stand  discus- 
sion and  criticism  only  if  those  who  know  bear  for  them  the  testimony  of  the  truth. 
Such  repression  and  such  testimony  should  be  forthcoming,  that  the  uninformed  may 
come  to  a  full  realization  that  these  seditious  efforts  are  not  for  their  welfare,  but  for 
their  complete  economic  and  political  destruction. 

To  a  free  people  the  most  reactionary  experience,  short  of  revolution,  is  war.  In 
order  to  organize  and  conduct  military  operations  a  reversion  to  an  autocratic  method 
of  government  is  absolutely  necessary.  In  our  own  case  it  was  no  less  autocratic 
because  voluntarily  established  by  the  people.  It  was  a  wise  and  successful  process 
for  the  purpose  of  winning  the  victory  of  freedom,  to  which  all  else  was  secondary 
consideration.  Rut  voluntary  autocracy  was  established  temporarily  that  freedom 
might  be  established  permanently.  Men  submitted  their  persons  and  their  property 
to  the  complete  dictation  of  the  government  that  they  might  conquer  an  impending 
peril.  This  has  always  been  fraught  with  the  gravest  dangers.  It  is  along  this  path 
that  rides  the  man  on  horseback.  Avarice  for  power  finds  many  reasons  for  con- 
tinuing arbitrary  action  after  the  cause  for  which  it  was  granted  has  been  removed. 
The  Government  of  the  United  States  was  not  established  for  the  continued  prosecu- 
tion, or  the  perpetual  preparation,  of  all  its  resources  for  war.    It  has  been  and  intends 

£16711 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

to  be  a  nation  devoted  to  the  arts  of  peace.  Fundamentally  considered  its  abiding 
purpose  has  been  the  recognition  of  the  rights  and  the  development  of  the  individual. 
This  great  purpose  has  been  accomplished  through  self  government.  To  the  individual 
has  been  left  power  and  responsibility,  the  foundation  for  the  rule  of  the  people.  In 
time  of  emergency  these  are  surrendered  to  the  Government  in  return  for  providing 
the  necessaries  of  life,  and  national  safety.  But  these  are  and  must  be  temporary 
expedients,  if  we  are  to  keep  our  form  of  government,  and  maintain  the  supreme  pur- 
pose of  Americans.  The  greatest  need  of  the  nation  at  the  present  time  is  to  be  rescued 
from  all  the  reactions  of  the  war.  The  chief  task  that  lies  before  us  is  to  repossess 
the  people  of  their  government  and  their  property.  We  want  to  return  to  a  thoroughly 
peace  basis  because  that  is  the  fundamental  American  basis.  Unless  the  government 
and  property  of  the  nation  are  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  there  to  stay  as  their 
permanent  abiding  place,  self  government  ends  and  the  hope  of  America  goes  down  in 
ruins.    This  need  is  transcendent. 

The  government  of  the  nation  is  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  when  it  is  administered 
in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  which  they  have  adopted  and  ratified, 
and  which  measures  the  powers  they  have  granted  to  their  public  officers,  in  all  its 
branches,  where  the  functions  and  duties  of  the  three  co-ordinate  branches,  executive, 
legislative,  judicial,  are  separate  and  distinct  and  neither  one  directly  or  indirectly 
exercises  any  of  the  functions  of  either  of  the  others.  Such  a  practice  and  such 
a  government  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  it  is  the  purpose  of  our 
party  to  re-establish  and  maintain.  All  authority  must  be  exercised  by  those  to  whom 
it  is  constitutionally  entrusted,  without  dictation,  and  with  responsibility  only  to  those 
who  have  bestowed  it,  the  people. 

The  property  of  the  nation  is  in  the  hands  of  the  people  when  it  is  under  their 
ownership  and  control.  It  is  true  that  the  control  of  a  part  of  the  property  taken  for 
war  purposes  has  been  returned,  but  there  hangs  over  private  enterprise  still  the 
menace  of  seizure,  blighting  in  its  effect,  paralyzing  in  its  result,  to  the  public  detri- 
ment. But  it  matters  not  whether  property  be  taken  by  seizure,  or  through  the  process 
of  taxation  for  extravagant  and  unnecessary  expenditures,  there  should  be  an  end  to 
both  operations.  The  reason  is  plain.  Ultimately  the  control  of  the  resources  of  the 
people  is  control  of  the  people.  Either  the  people  must  own  the  Government  or  the 
Government  will  own  the  people.  To  sustain  a  government  of  the  people  there  must 
be  maintained  a  property  of  the  people.  There  can  be  no  political  independence 
without  economic  independence. 

Another  source  of  the  gravest  public  concern  has  been  the  reactionary  tendency  to 
substitute  private  will  for  the  public  will.  Instead  of  inquiring  what  the  law  was  and 
then  rendering  it  full  obedience,  there  has  been  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  some 
individuals  and  of  groups  to  inquire  whether  they  liked  the  law,  and  if  not,  to  dis- 
regard it,  seek  to  override  it,  suspend  it,  and  prevent  its  execution,  sometimes  by  the 
method  of  direct  action,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  their  own  selfish  ends.  The  observ- 
ance of  the  law  is  the  greatest  solvent  of  public  ills.  Men  speak  of  natural  rights,  but 
I  challenge  any  one  to  show  where  in  nature  any  rights  ever  existed  or  were  recog- 
nized until  there  was  established  for  their  declaration  and  protection  a  duly  promul- 
gated body  of  corresponding  laws.  The  march  of  civilization  has  been  ever  under 
the  protecting  aegis  of  the  law.  It  is  the  strong  defence  of  the  weak,  the  ever  present 
refuge  of  innocence,  a  mighty  fortress  of  the  righteous.    One  with  the  law  is  a  majority. 

nesn 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


While  the  law  is  observed  the  progress  of  civilization  will  continue.  When  such 
observance  ceases,  chaos  and  the  ancient  night  of  despotism  will  come  again.  Liberty 
goes  unsupported  or  relies  in  its  entirety  on  the  maintenance  of  order  and  the  execu- 
tion of  the  law. 

There  is  yet  another  manifest  disposition  which  has  preyed  on  the  weakness  of  the 
race  from  its  infancy,  denounced  alike  by  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution 
and  repugnant  to  all  that  is  American,  the  attempt  to  create  class  distinctions.  In 
its  full  development  this  means  the  caste  system,  wherein  such  civilization  as  exists  is 
rigidly  set,  and  that  elasticity  so  necessary  for  progress,  and  that  recognition  of 
equality  which  has  been  the  aim  and  glory  of  our  institutions,  are  destroyed  and 
denied.  Society  to  advance  must  be  not  a  dead  form  but  a  living  organism,  plastic, 
inviting  progress.  There  are  no  classes  here.  There  are  different  occupations  and 
different  stations,  certainly  there  can  be  no  class  of  employer  and  employed.  All  true 
Americans  are  working  for  each  other,  exchanging  the  results  of  the  efforts  of  hand 
and  brain  wrought  through  the  unconsumed  efforts  of  yesterday,  which  we  call  capital, 
all  paying  and  being  paid  by  each  other,  serving  and  being  served.  To  do  otherwise 
is  to  stand  disgraced  and  alien  to  our  institutions.  This  means  that  government  must 
look  at  the  part  in  the  light  of  the  whole,  that  legislation  must  be  directed  not  for 
private  interest  but  for  public  welfare,  and  that  thereby  alone  will  each  of  our  citizens 
find  their  greatest  accomplishment  and  success. 

If  the  great  conflict  has  disturbed  our  political  conditions  it  has  caused  an  upheaval 
in  our  economic  relations.  The  mounting  prices  of  all  sorts  of  commodities  has  put 
a  well  nigh  unbearable  burden  on  every  home.  Much  of  this  is  beyond  relief  from 
law,  but  the  forces  of  the  Government  can  and  must  afford  a  considerable  remedy. 

The  most  obvious  place  to  begin  retrenchment  is  by  eliminating  the  extravagance  of 
the  government  itself.  In  this  the  Congress  has  made  a  commendable  beginning,  but 
although  the  Congress  makes  the  appropriations,  the  departments  make  the  ex- 
penditures, which  are  not  under  legislative  but  executive  control.  The  extravagant 
standards  bred  of  recent  years  must  be  eliminated.  This  should  show  immediately 
in  reduced  taxation.  That  great  breeder  of  public  and  private  extravagance,  the  ex- 
cess profits  tax,  should  be  revised  and  recourse  had  to  customs  taxes  on  imports,  one 
of  the  most  wholesome  of  all  means  of  raising  revenue,  for  it  is  voluntary  in  effect, 
and  taxes  consumption  rather  than  production.  It  should  be  laid  according  to  the 
needs  of  a  creditor  nation,  for  the  protection  of  the  public,  with  a  purpose  to  render 
us  both  economically  and  defensively  independent. 

A  revision  of  taxation  must  be  accompanied  with  a  reduction  of  that  private  ex- 
travagance which  the  returns  from  luxury  taxes  reveal  as  surpassing  all  compre- 
hension. Waiving  the  moral  effect,  the  economic  effect  of  such  extravagance  is  to 
withdraw  needed  capital  and  labor  from  essential  industries,  greatly  increasing  the 
public  distress  and  unrest.  There  has  been  profiteering.  It  should  be  punished  be- 
cause it  is  wrong.  But  it  is  idle  to  look  to  such  action  for  relief.  This  class  profit  by 
scarcity,  but  they  do  not  cause  it. 

As  every  one  knows  now,  the  difficulty  is  caused  by  the  scarcity  of  material,  an  abun- 
dance of  money,  and  insufficient  production.  The  Government  must  reduce  the  amount 
of  money  as  fast  as  it  can  without  curtailing  necessary  credits.  Production  must  be 
increased.    All  easy  to  say  but  difficult  of  accomplishment. 

One  of  the  chief  hindrances  to  production  is  lack  of  adequate  railroad  facilities. 

H691 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

Transportation  must  be  re-established.  A  few  glaring  instances  in  the  past  of  im- 
proper management  joined  with  an  improper  public  attitude  thereby  created,  wrought 
great  harm  to  our  railroads.  Government  operation  left  them  disintegrated,  dis- 
organized, and  demoralized.  On  their  service  depends  agriculture  and  industry, — 
the  entire  public  welfare.  They  must  be  provided  with  credit  and  capital  and  given 
the  power  to  serve.  This  can  only  be  done  by  removing  them  from  speculation,  re- 
storing their  prosperity  by  increased  revenues  where  necessary,  thereby  re-establish- 
ing them  in  the  confidence  of  the  investing  public.  Their  employees  must  be  com- 
pensated in  accordance  with  the  great  importance  of  the  service  they  render.  The 
whole  railroad  operation  must  be  restored  to  public  confidence  by  public  support. 

There  must  be  a  different  public  attitude  toward  industry,  a  larger  comprehension 
of  the  interdependence  of  capital,  management,  and  labor,  and  better  facilities  for 
the  prompt  and  reasonable  adjustment  of  industrial  disputes.  It  is  well  to  remember, 
too,  that  high  prices  produce  their  own  remedy  under  the  law  of  supply  and  demand. 
Already  in  the  great  leather  and  woolen  industries  there  is  a  recession  in  the  basic 
elements  which  must  soon  be  reflected  in  retail  prices.  When  buying  stops  prices 
come  down. 

This  condition  has  borne  with  especial  severity  on  the  agricultural  interests  of  the 
nation.  To  cope  with  it  the  farmers  need  an  enlarged  power  of  organization  whereby 
the  original  producer  may  profit  to  a  larger  degree  by  the  high  prices  paid  for  his 
produce  by  the  ultimate  consumer,  and  at  the  same  time  decrease  the  cost  of  food. 
The  economic  strength  of  a  country  rests  on  the  farm.  Industrial  activity  is  de- 
pendent upon  it.  It  replenishes  the  entire  life  of  the  nation.  Agriculture  is  entitled 
to  be  suitably  rewarded  and  on  its  encouragement  and  success  will  depend  the  produc- 
tion of  a  food  supply  large  enough  to  meet  the  public  needs  at  reasonable  cost. 

But  all  these  difficulties  depend  for  final  solution  on  the  character  and  moral  force 
of  the  nation.  Unless  these  forces  abound  and  manifest  themselves  in  work  done 
there  is  no  real  remedy. 

There  has  been  a  great  deal  of  misconception  as  to  what  was  won  by  the  victory 
in  France.  That  victory  will  not  be  found  to  be  a  substitute  for  further  human  effort 
and  endeavor.  It  did  not  create  magic  resources  out  of  which  wages  could  be  paid 
that  were  not  earned,  or  profits  be  made  without  corresponding  service;  it  did  not 
overcome  any  natural  law;  it  did  conquer  an  artificial  thralldom  sought  to  be  imposed 
on  mankind  and  establish  for  all  the  earth  a  new  freedom  and  a  larger  liberty.  But 
that  does  not,  cannot,  mean  less  responsibility;  it  means  more  responsibility,  and  until 
the  people  of  this  nation  understand  and  accept  this  increased  responsibility  and  meet 
it  with  increased  effort,  there  will  be  no  relief  from  the  present  economic  burdens. 

In  all  things  a  return  to  a  peace  basis  does  not  mean  the  basis  of  1914.  That  day 
is  gone.  It  means  a  peace  basis  of  the  present,  higher,  nobler,  because  of  the  sacrifices 
made  and  the  duties  assumed.    It  is  not  a  retreat,  it  is  a  new  summons  to  advance. 

Diminishing  resources  warn  us  of  the  necessity  of  conservation.  The  public  domain 
is  the  property  of  the  public.  It  is  held  in  trust  for  present  and  future  generations.  The 
material  resources  of  our  country  are  great,  very  great,  but  they  are  not  inexhaustible. 
They  are  becoming  more  and  more  valuable  and  more  and  more  necessary  to  the 
public  welfare.  It  is  not  wise  either  to  withhold  water  power,  reservoir  sites,  and 
mineral  deposits  from  development  or  to  deny  a  reasonable  profit  to  such  operations. 
But  these  natural  resources  are  not  to  be  turned  over  to  speculation  to  the  detriment 

C1703 


:  ■  '•  •   • 


«   ■         •      *  • 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


of  the  public.  Such  a  policy  would  soon  remove  these  resources  from  public  control 
and  the  result  would  be  that  soon  the  people  would  be  paying  tribute  to  private  greed. 
Conservation  does  not  desire  to  retard  development.  It  permits  it  and  encourages  it. 
It  is  a  desire  honestly  to  administer  the  public  domain.  The  time  has  passed  when 
public  franchises  and  public  grants  can  be  used  for  private  speculation. 

Whenever  in  the  future  this  nation  undertakes  to  assess  its  strength  and  resources, 
the  largest  item  will  be  the  roll  of  those  who  served  her  every  patriotic  capacity  in 
the  world  war.  There  are  those  who  bore  the  civil  tasks  of  that  great  undertaking, 
often  at  heavy  sacrifice,  always  with  the  disinterested  desire  to  serve  their  country. 
There  are  those  who  wore  the  uniform.  The  presence  of  the  living,  the  example  of 
the  dead,  will  ever  be  a  standing  guaranty  of  the  stability  of  our  Republic.  From 
their  rugged  virtue  springs  a  never  ending  obligation  to  hold  unimpaired  the  principles 
established  by  their  victory.  Honor  is  theirs  forevermore.  Duty  compels  that  those 
promises,  so  freely  made,  that  out  of  their  sacrifices  they  should  have  a  larger  life, 
be  speedily  redeemed.  Care  of  dependents,  relief  from  distress,  restoration  from  in- 
firmity, provision  for  education,  honorable  preferment  in  the  public  service,  a  help- 
ing hand  everywhere,  are  theirs  not  as  a  favor  but  by  right.  They  have  conquered  the 
claim  to  suitable  recognition  in  all  things.  The  nation  which  forgets  its  defenders 
will  be  itself  forgotten. 

Our  country  has  a  heart  as  well  as  a  head.  It  is  social  as  well  as  individual.  It  has 
a  broad  and  extending  sympathy.  It  looks  with  the  deepest  concern  to  the  welfare  of 
those  whom  adversity  still  holds  at  the  gateways  of  the  all-inclusive  American  oppoi'- 
tunity.  Conscious  that  our  resources  have  now  reached  a  point  where  there  is  an  abun- 
dance for  all,  we  are  determined  that  no  imposition  shall  hereafter  restrain  the  worthy 
from  their  heritage.  There  will  be,  can  be,  no  escape  from  the  obligation  of  the  strong 
to  bear  the  burdens  of  civilization,  but  the  weak  must  be  aided  to  become  strong. 
Ample  opportunity  for  education  at  public  expense,  reasonable  hours  of  employment 
always  under  sanitary  conditions,  a  fair  and  always  a  living  wage  for  faithful  work, 
healthful  living  conditions,  childhood  and  motherhood  cherished,  honored,  rescued 
from  the  grasp  of  all  selfishness,  and  rededicated  to  the  noblest  aspiration  of  the  race, 
these  are  not  socialistic  vagaries  but  the  mark  of  an  advancing  American  civilization, 
revealed  in  larger  social  justice,  tempered  with  an  abounding  mercy.  In  this  better 
appreciation  of  humanity  the  war  carried  the  nation  forward  to  a  new  position,  which 
it  is  our  solemn  duty  not  only  to  maintain  but  amplify  and  extend. 

There  is  especially  due  to  the  colored  race  a  more  general  recognition  of  their  con- 
stitutional rights.  Tempted  with  disloyalty  they  remained  loyal,  serving  in  the  military 
forces  with  distinction,  obedient  to  the  draft  to  the  extent  of  hundreds  of  thousands, 
investing  $1  out  of  every  $5  they  possessed  in  Liberty  Bonds;  surely  they  hold  the 
double  title  of  citizenship,  by  birth  and  by  conquest,  to  be  relieved  from  all  imposition, 
to  be  defended  from  lynching,  and  to  be  freely  granted  equal  opportunities. 

Equal  suffrage,  for  which  I  have  always  voted,  is  coming.  It  is  not  a  party  question 
although  nearly  six-sevenths  of  the  ratifying  legislatures  have  been  Republican.  The 
party  stands  pledged  to  use  its  endeavors  to  hasten  ratification,  which  I  trust  will  be  at 
once  accomplished. 

There  are  many  domestic  questions  which  I  cannot  discuss  here;  their  solution  is 
amply  revealed  in  the  platform,  such  as  a  merchant  marine,  an  adequate  army  and 
navy,  the  establishment  of  a  Department  of  Public  Works,  support  of  the  classified 

Cm  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

civil  service  laws,  provision  for  public  waterways  and  highways,  a  budget  system,  and 
other  equally  pressing  subjects.    I  am  not  unmindful  of  their  deep  importance. 

The  foreign  relations  of  our  country  ought  not  to  be  partizan  but  American.  If  re- 
stored to  the  limitations  of  constitutional  authority  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  constitutional  rights  of  our  citizens  on  the  other,  much  of  their  present 
difficulty  would  disappear.  There  can  be  no  sovereignty  without  a  corresponding  duty. 
It  is  fundamental  that  each  citizen  is  entitled  to  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws.  That 
goes  with  his  citizenship  and  abides  where  he  lawfully  abides,  whether  at  home  or 
abroad.  This  inherent  right  must  be  restored  to  our  people  and  observed  by  our 
government.  The  persons  and  property  of  Americans  wherever  they  may  lawfully 
be,  while  lawfully  engaged,  must  forever  have  protection  sufficient  to  insure  their 
safety  and  cause  the  punishment  of  all  who  violate  it.  This  is  theirs  as  a  plain  con- 
stitutional duty.  A  government  disregarding  it  invites  the  contempt  of  the  world 
and  is  on  the  way  to  humiliation  and  war.  Rejecting  the  rule  of  law  is  accepting  the 
sword  of  force. 

The  country  cannot  be  securely  restored  to  a  peace  basis  in  any  thing  until  a  peace 
is  first  made  with  those  with  whom  we  have  been  at  war.  The  Republicans  in  Con- 
gress, realizing  that  because  of  the  necessary  reliance  of  one  nation  on  another,  there 
was,  more  than  ever  before,  mutual  need  of  the  sustaining  influence  of  friendly  co- 
operation and  rapprochement,  twice  attempted  the  establishment  of  such  peace  by 
offers  of  ratification,  which  were  rejected  by  the  Democratic  administration.  No  one 
knows  now  whether  war  or  peace  prevails.  Our  party  stands  pledged  to  make  im- 
mediate peace  as  soon  as  it  is  given  power  by  the  people. 

The  proposed  League  of  Nations  without  reservation,  as  submitted  by  the  President 
to  the  Senate,  met  with  deserved  opposition  from  the  Republican  Senators.  To  a 
league  in  that  form,  subversive  of  the  traditions  and  the  independence  of  America, 
The  Republican  Party  is  opposed.  But  our  party,  by  the  record  of  its  members  in 
the  Senate  and  by  the  solemn  declaration  of  its  platform,  by  performance  and  by 
promise  approves  the  principle  of  agreement  among  nations  to  preserve  peace,  and 
pledges  itself  to  the  making  of  such  an  agreement,  preserving  American  independence, 
and  rights,  as  will  meet  every  duty  America  owes  to  humanity.  This  language  is  pur- 
posely broad,  not  exclusive  but  inclusive.  The  Republican  Party  is  not  narrow  enough 
to  limit  itself  to  one  idea,  but  wise  and  broad  enough  to  provide  for  the  adoption  of 
the  best  plan  that  can  be  devised  at  the  time  of  action.  The  Senate  received  a  con- 
crete proposition,  utterly  unacceptable  without  modifications,  which  the  Republican 
Senators  effected  by  reservations,  and  so  modified  twice  voted  for  ratification,  which 
the  Democratic  administration  twice  defeated.  The  platform  approves  this  action  of 
the  Senators.  The  Republicans  insisted  on  reservations  which  limit.  The  Democratic 
platform  and  record  permit  only  of  reservations  unessential  and  explanatory. 

We  have  been  taking  counsel  together  concerning  the  welfare  of  America.  We  have 
spent  much  time  discussing  the  affairs  of  government,  yet  most  of  the  great  concourse 
of  people  around  me  hold  no  public  office,  expect  to  hold  no  public  office.  Still  in 
solemn  truth  they  are  the  government,  they  are  America.  We  shall  search  in  vain 
in  legislative  halls,  executive  mansions,  and  the  chambers  of  the  judiciary  for  the 
greatness  or  the  government  of  our  country.  We  shall  behold  there  but  a  reflection, 
not  a  reality;  successful  in  proportion  to  its  accuracy.  In  a  free  Republic  a  great 
government  is  the  product  of  a  great  people.    They  will  look  to  themselves  rather  than 

twin 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1920 


government  for  success.  The  destiny,  the  greatness  of  America,  lies  around  the  hearth- 
stone. If  thrift  and  industry  are  taught  there,  and  the  example  of  self  sacritice  oft 
appears;  if  honor  abide  there,  and  high  ideals;  if  there  the  building  of  fortune  be  sub- 
ordinate to  the  building  of  character,  America  will  live  in  security,  rejoicing  in  an 
abundant  prosperity  and  good  government  at  home,  and  in  peace,  respect,  and  con- 
iidence  abroad.  If  these  virtues  be  absent  there  is  no  power  that  can  supply  these 
blessings.    Look  well  then  to  the  hearthstone,  therein  all  hope  for  America  lies. 


Delivered  at  Northampton,  Massachusetts 
July  27, 1920 


emu 


Part  V 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1856 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  of  New  York 
Secretary,  N.  B.  Judd,  of  Illinois 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  June  17,  1856. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Robert  Emmet,  of  New  York 
Chairman,  Henry  S.  Lane,  of  Indiana 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

JOHN  C.  FREMONT  WILLIAM  L.  DAYTON 

OF  CALIFORNIA  OF  NEW  JERSEY 

THIS  was  the  first  National  Republican  Convention  held.    The  delegates  were 
not  chosen  by  any  settled  rule.    New  York  with  96,  Pennsylvania  with  81,  and 
Ohio  with  69  votes  shows  the  size  of  some  of  the  delegations.    All  of  the  Northern 
States  were  represented,  as  were  Delaware,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  and  Virginia. 

General  John  C.  Fremont  was  nominated  informally  on  the  first  ballot,  receiving 
359  votes;  196  being  cast  for  John  McLean,  of  Ohio;  2  for  Charles  Sumner,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  1  for  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York.  On  a  formal  ballot  Fremont  was 
unanimously  nominated. 

On  an  informal  ballot  for  Vice-President,  William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  re- 
ceived 259;  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  110;  Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  46, 
while  12  other  candidates  received  some  votes  each.    On  a  formal  ballot  Dayton  was 
unanimously  nominated. 
The  convention  adopted  the  following  platform: — 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 

This  convention  of  delegates,  assembled  in  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President,  do 

pursuance  of  a  call  addressed  to  the  people  of  resolve  as  follows: 

the  United  States,  without  regard  to  past  politi-  Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  of  the  prin- 
cal  differences  or  divisions,  who  are  opposed  ciples  promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of 
to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  to  the  Independence  and  embodied  in  the  federal  Con- 
policy  of  the  present  administration,  to  the  ex-  stitution  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our 
tension  of  slavery  into  free  territory,  in  favor  republican  institutions,  and  that  the  federal 
of  admitting  Kansas  as  a  free  state,  of  restoring  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  states,  and  the 
the  action  of  the  federal  government  to  the  prin-  union  of  the  states,  shall  be  preserved, 
ciples  of  Washington  and  Jefferson,  and  who  Resolved,  That,  with  our  republican  fathers, 
purpose  to  unite  in  presenting  candidates  for  we  hold  it  to  be  a  self-evident  truth  that  all 

C177J 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


men  are  endowed  with  the  inalienable  rights  to 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and 
that  the  primary  object  and  ulterior  design  of 
our  federal  government  were  to  secure  these 
rights  to  all  persons  within  its  exclusive  juris- 
diction; that,  as  our  republican  fathers,  when 
they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our  national 
territory,  ordained  that  no  person  should  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without 
due  process  of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty  to  main- 
tain this  provision  of  the  Constitution  against 
all  attempts  to  violate  it  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  slavery  in  the  United  States,  by 
positive  legislation  prohibiting  its  existence  or 
extension  therein;  that  we  deny  the  authority  of 
Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  of  any  in- 
dividual or  association  of  individuals,  to  give 
legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  territory  of 
the  United  States  while  the  present  Constitution 
shall  be  maintained. 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  confers  upon 
Congress  sovereign  power  over  the  territories 
of  the  United  States  for  their  government,  and 
that  in  the  exercise  of  this  power  it  is  both  the 
right  and  the  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the 
territories  those  twin  relics  of  barbarism,  po- 
lygamy and  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  while  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  was  ordained  and  established  by 
the  people  "in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect 
union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tran- 
quillity, provide  for  the  common  defense,  pro- 
mote the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  bless- 
ings of  liberty,"  and  contains  ample  provision 
for  the  protection  of  the  life,  liberty,  and  prop- 
erty of  every  citizen,  the  dearest  constitu- 
tional rights  of  the  people  of  Kansas  have  been 
fraudulently  and  violently  taken  from  them; 
their  territory  has  been  invaded  by  an  armed 
force;  spurious  and  pretended  legislative,  judi- 
cial, and  executive  officers  have  been  set  over 
them,  by  whose  usurped  authority,  sustained  by 
the  military  power  of  the  government,  tyranni- 
cal and  unconstitutional  laws  have  been  enacted 
and  enforced;  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep 
and  bear  arms  has  been  infringed;  test  oaths  of 
an  extraordinary  and  entangling  nature  have 
been  imposed  as  a  condition  of  exercising  the 
right  of  suffrage  and  holding  office;  the  right 
of  an  accused  person  to  a  speedy  and  public 
trial  by  an  impartial  jury  has  been  denied;  the 
right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons, 
houses,  papers,  and  effects,  against  unreason- 
able searches  and  seizures,  has  been  violated; 
they  have  been  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  and 


property  without  due  process  of  law;  that  the 
freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  has  been 
abridged;  the  right  to  choose  their  representa- 
tives has  been  made  of  no  effect;  murders,  rob- 
beries, and  arsons  have  been  instigated  and  en- 
couraged, and  the  offenders  have  been  allowed 
to  go  unpunished;  that  all  these  things  have 
been  done  with  the  knowledge,  sanction,  and 
procurement  of  the  present  administration;  and 
that  for  this  high  crime  against  the  Constitution, 
the  Union,  and  humanity,  we  arraign  the  ad- 
ministration, the  President,  his  advisers,  agents, 
supporters,  apologists,  and  accessories,  either 
before  or  after  the  fact,  before  the  country  and 
before  the  world;  and  that  it  is  our  fixed  pur- 
pose to  bring  the  actual  perpetrators  of  these 
atrocious  outrages,  and  their  accomplices,  to  a 
sure  and  condign  punishment  hereafter. 

Resolved,  That  Kansas  should  be  immediately 
admitted  as  a  state  of  the  Union,  with  her  pres- 
ent free  Constitution,  as  at  once  the  most  effec- 
tual way  of  securing  to  her  citizens  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  rights  and  privileges  to  which  they 
are  entitled,  and  of  ending  the  civil  strife  now 
raging  in  her  territory. 

Resolved,  That  the  highwayman's  plea,  that 
"might  makes  right,"  embodied  in  the  Ostend 
circular,  was  in  every  respect  unworthy  of 
American  diplomacy,  and  would  bring  shame 
and  dishonor  upon  any  government  or  people 
that  gave  it  their  sanction. 

Resolved,  That  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean  by  the  most  central  and  practicable  route 
is  imperatively  demanded  by  the  interests  of  the 
whole  country,  and  that  the  federal  government 
ought  to  render  immediate  and  efficient  aid  in 
its  construction;  and  as  an  auxiliary  thereto, 
to  the  immediate  construction  of  an  emigrant 
route  on  the  line  of  the  railroad. 

Resolved,  That  appropriations  by  Congress 
for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors  of  a 
national  character,  required  for  the  accommo- 
dation and  security  of  our  existing  commerce, 
are  authorized  by  the  Constitution  and  justified 
by  the  obligation  of  the  government  to  protect 
the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

Resolved,  That  we  invite  the  affiliation  and 
co-operation  of  freemen  of  all  parties,  however 
differing  from  us  in  other  respects,  in  support 
of  the  principles  herein  declared;  and,  believing 
that  the  spirit  of  our  institutions  as  well  as  the 
Constitution  of  our  country,  guarantees  liberty 
of  conscience  and  equality  of  rights  among  citi- 
zens, we  oppose  all  legislation  impairing  their 
security. 


cnsn 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1860 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  of  New  York 
Secretary,  Edward  McPherson,  of  Pennsylvania 


REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  May  16-18,  1860. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania 
Chairman,  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts 

nominated 
For  President  For  Vice-President 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 

OF  ILLINOIS  OF  MAINE 

DELEGATES  were  present  from  all  of  the  free  states,  as  also  from  Delaware, 
Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri,  Texas,  and  Virginia,  and  from  the  Territories 
of  Kansas,  Nebraska,  and  the  District  of  Columbia.    Three  ballots  were  taken, 
with  the  following  result: 

CANDIDATES  1ST 

William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York 173 

Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 102 

Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania 50 

Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio 49 

Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri 48 

William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey 14 

John  McLean,  of  Ohio 12 

Jacob  Collamer,  of  Vermont 10 


2d 

184 

3d 
180 

181 

231 

2 

42 

24 

35 

22 

10 

8 

K 

8 

Whole  number  of  votes,  465 
Necessary  to  a  choice,       233. 

Then  Lincoln  was  nominated  by  the  quick  changing  of  four  votes  from  Ohio,  when 
oue  delegation  after  another  changed  in  his  favor  until  354  votes  were  recorded  for 
him.     On  motion  of  Mr.  W.  M.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  the  nomination  was  made 

D793 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


unanimous.    For  Vice-President,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  was  nominated  on  the 
second  ballot.    The  following  is  the  vote  for  Vice-President : 

1st  2d 

367 

86 

13 


CANDIDATES 

Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine 194. 

Cassius  M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky 101 . 

John  Hickman,  of  Pennsylvania 58 . 

Andrew  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania 51 . 

Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts 38. 

The  convention  adopted  the  following  platform: — 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 


Resolved,  That  we,  the  delegated  representa- 
tives of  the  Republican  electors  of  the  United 
States,  in  convention  assembled,  in  discharge  of 
the  duty  we  owe  to  our  constituents  and  our 
country,  unite  in  the  following  declarations : 

1.  That  the  history  of  the  nation  during  the 
last  four  years  has  fully  established  the  pro- 
priety and  necessity  of  the  organization  and 
perpetuation  of  the  Republican  party,  and  that 
the  causes  which  called  it  into  existence  are 
permanent  in  their  nature,  and  now,  more  than 
ever  before,  demand  its  peaceful  and  constitu- 
tional triumph. 

2.  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles 
promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  embodied  in  the  federal  Constitution,  "That 
all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are  en- 
dowed by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 
rights;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  to  secure  these 
rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men, 
deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent 
of  the  governed," — is  essential  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  our  republican  institutions;  and  that  the 
federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  states,  and 
the  union  of  the  states  must  and  shall  be  pre- 
served. 

3.  That  to  the  union  of  the  states  this  nation 
owes  its  unprecedented  increase  in  population, 
its  surprising  development  of  material  re- 
sources, its  rapid  augmentation  of  wealth,  its 
happiness  at  home  and  its  honor  abroad;  and 
we  hold  in  abhorrence  all  schemes  for  disunion, 
come  from  whatever  source  they  may;  and  we 
congratulate  the  country  that  no  Republican 
member  of  Congress  has  uttered  or  counte- 
nanced the  threats  of  disunion  so  often  made 
by  Democratic  members,  without  rebuke  and 
with  applause  from  their  political  associates; 
and  we  denounce  those  threats  of  disunion,  in 
case  of  a  popular  overthrow  of  their  ascendency, 
as  denying  the  vital  principles  of  a  free  govern- 
ment, and  as  an  avowal  of  contemplated  treason, 


C180  3 


which  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of  an  indignant 
people  sternly  to  rebuke  and  forever  silence. 

4.  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the 
rights  of  the  states,  and  especially  the  right 
of  each  state  to  order  and  control  its  own 
domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance 
of  power  on  which  the  perfection  and  endur- 
ance of  our  political  fabric  depends;  and  we 
denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed  force 
of  the  soil  of  any  state  or  territory,  no  matter 
under  what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of 
crimes. 

5.  That  the  present  Democratic  administra- 
tion has  far  exceeded  our  worst  apprehensions, 
in  its  measureless  subserviency  to  the  exactions 
of  a  sectional  interest,  as  especially  evinced  in 
its  desperate  exertions  to  force  the  infamous 
Lecompton  constitution  upon  the  protesting 
people  of  Kansas;  in  construing  the  personal  re- 
lations between  master  and  servant  to  involve 
an  unqualified  property  in  persons;  in  its  at- 
tempted enforcement  everywhere,  on  land  and 
sea,  through  the  intervention  of  Congress  and 
of  the  federal  courts,  of  the  extreme  pretensions 
of  a  purely  local  interest;  and  in  its  general  and 
unvarying  abuse  of  the  power  intrusted  to  it 
by  a  confiding  people. 

6.  That  the  people  justly  view  with  alarm  the 
reckless  extravagance  which  pervades  every  de- 
partment of  the  federal  government;  that  a  re- 
turn to  rigid  economy  and  accountability  is  in- 
dispensable to  arrest  the  systematic  plunder  of 
the  public  treasury  by  favored  partisans,  while 
the  recent  startling  developments  of  frauds  and 
corruptions  at  the  federal  metropolis  show  that 
an  entire  change  of  administration  is  impera- 
tively demanded. 

7.  That  the  new  dogma, — that  the  Constitu- 
tion, of  its  own  force,  carries  slavery  into  any 
or  all  of  the  territories  of  the  United  States, — 
is  a  dangerous  political  heresy,  at  variance  with 
the  explicit  provisions  of  that  instrument  itself, 


rltou^s  nA^^o^/bucs- 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


with  contemporaneous  exposition,  and  with 
legislative  and  judicial  precedent;  is  revolu- 
tionary in  its  tendency  and  subversive  of  the 
peace  and  harmony  of  the  country. 

8.  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States  is  that  of  freedom; 
that,  as  our  republican  fathers,  when  they  had 
abolished  slavery  in  all  our  national  territory, 
ordained  that  "no  person  should  be  deprived  of 
life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of 
law,"  it  becomes  our  duty,  by  legislation,  when- 
ever such  legislation  is  necessary,  to  maintain 
this  provision  of  the  Constitution  against  all  at- 
tempts to  violate  it;  and  we  deny  the  authority 
of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  or  of 
any  individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to 
slavery  in  any  territory  of  the  United  States. 

9.  That  we  brand  the  recent  reopening  of  the 
African  slave  trade,  under  the  cover  of  our 
national  flag,  aided  by  perversions  of  judicial 
power,  as  a  crime  against  humanity  and  a  burn- 
ing shame  to  our  country  and  age;  and  we  call 
upon  Congress  to  take  prompt  and  efficient 
measures  for  the  total  and  final  suppression  of 
that  execrable  traffic. 

10.  That  in  the  recent  vetoes,  by  their  federal 
governors,  of  the  acts  of  the  legislatures  of 
Kansas  and  Nebraska,  prohibiting  slavery  in 
those  territories,  we  find  a  practical  illustration 
of  the  boasted  Democratic  principle  of  non- 
intervention and  popular  sovereignty,  em- 
bodied in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  and  a  dem- 
onstration of  the  deception  and  fraud  involved 
therein. 

11.  That  Kansas  should  of  right  be  immedi- 
ately admitted  as  a  state  under  the  constitution 
recently  formed  and  adopted  by  her  people  and 
accepted  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

12.  That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the 
support  of  the  general  government  by  duties 
upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  an 
adjustment  of  these  imposts  as  to  encourage  the 
development  of  the  industrial  interests  of  the 


whole  country;  and  we  commend  that  policy  of 
national  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  work- 
ingmen  liberal  wages,  to  agriculture  remunera- 
tive prices,  to  mechanics  and  manufacturers  an 
adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor,  and  en- 
terprise, and  to  the  nation  commercial  pros- 
perity and  independence. 

13.  That  we  protest  against  any  sale  or  aliena- 
tion to  others  of  the  public  lands  held  by  actual 
settlers,  and  against  any  view  of  the  free-home- 
stead policy  which  regards  the  settlers  as 
paupers  or  suppliants  for  public  bounty;  and 
we  demand  the  passage  by  Congress  of  the  com- 
plete and  satisfactory  homestead  measure 
which  has  already  passed  the  House. 

14.  That  the  Republican  party  is  opposed  to 
any  change  in  our  naturalization  laws,  or  any 
state  legislation  by  which  the  rights  of  citizens 
hitherto  accorded  to  immigrants  from  foreign 
lands  shall  be  abridged  or  impaired;  and  in 
favor  of  giving  a  full  and  efficient  protection  to 
the  rights  of  all  classes  of  citizens,  whether 
native  or  naturalized,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

15.  That  appropriations  by  Congress  for 
river  and  harbor  improvements  of  a  national 
character,  required  for  the  accommodation  and 
security  of  an  existing  commerce,  are  author- 
ized by  the  Constitution  and  justified  by  the 
obligation  of  government  to  protect  the  lives 
and  property  of  its  citizens. 

16.  That  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  im- 
peratively demanded  by  the  interests  of  the 
whole  country;  that  the  federal  government 
ought  to  render  immediate  and  efficient  aid  in 
its  construction;  and  that,  as  preliminary  there- 
to, a  daily  overland  mail  should  be  promptly 
established. 

17.  Finally,  having  thus  set  forth  our  distinc- 
tive principles  and  views,  we  invite  the  co- 
operation of  all  citizens,  however  differing  on 
other  questions,  who  substantially  agree  with 
us  in  their  affirmance  and  support. 


D813 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ELECTION  OF  1864 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Marcus  L.  Ward,  of  New  Jersey 
Secretary,  John  D.  Defrees,  of  Indiana 

(REGULAR)  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Baltimore,  Md.,  June  7,  1864. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky 
Chairman,  William  Dennison,  of  Ohio 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  ANDREW  JOHNSON 

OF  ILLINOIS  OF  TENNESSEE 

THIRTY-ONE  states,  including  eight  Southern  States,  were  represented  at  this 
convention.    Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated  for  President,  by  a  unanimous 
vote,  on  the  first  ballot.    Missouri  voted  for  General  U.  S.  Grant,  but  changed  to 
Lincoln. 

For  Vice-President,  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot. 
The  vote  as  first  cast  was  Johnson,  200;  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  150;  Daniel  S. 
Dickinson,  of  New  York,  108;  and  61  votes  were  scattered  among  seven  others;  but 
before  the  vote  was  declared,  many  changes  were  reported,  leaving  the  final  vote 
stand:  Johnson,  494;  Dickinson,  17;  and  Hamlin,  9. 
The  following  is  the  platform  as  adopted: — 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 

1.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  highest  duty  of  to  compromise  with  rebels,  or  to  offer  them  any 
every  American  citizen  to  maintain  against  all  terms  of  peace  except  such  as  may  be  based 
their  enemies,  the  integrity  of  the  Union  and  upon  an  unconditional  surrender  of  their  hostil- 
the  paramount  authority  of  the  Constitution  and  ity  and  a  return  to  their  just  allegiance  to  the 
laws  of  the  United  States;  and  that,  laying  aside  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States;  and 
all  differences  of  political  opinion,  we  pledge  that  we  call  upon  the  government  to  maintain 
ourselves  as  Union  men,  animated  by  a  common  this  position  and  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the 
sentiment  and  aiming  at  a  common  object,  to  utmost  possible  vigor,  to  the  complete  suppres- 
do  everything  in  our  power  to  aid  the  govern-  sion  of  the  rebellion,  in  full  reliance  upon  the 
ment  in  quelling  by  force  of  arms  the  rebellion  self-sacrificing  patriotism,  the  heroic  valor,  and 
now  raging  against  its  authority,  and  in  bring-  the  undying  devotion  of  the  American  people  to 
ing  to  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes  the  the  country  and  its  free  institutions. 

rebels  and  traitors  arrayed  against  it.  3.  Resolved,  That  as  slavery  was  the  cause  and 

2.  Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  determina-  now  constitutes  the  strength  of  this  rebellion, 
tion  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  not      and  as  it  must  be  always  and  everywhere  hostile 

Cisan 


V 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


to  the  principles  of  republican  government,  jus- 
tice and  the  national  safety  demand  its  utter  and 
complete  extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  repub- 
lic; and  that  while  we  uphold  and  maintain  the 
acts  and  proclamations  by  which  the  govern- 
ment, in  its  own  defense,  has  aimed  a  death- 
blow at  this  gigantic  evil,  we  are  in  favor,  fur- 
thermore, of  such  an  amendment  to  the  Consti- 
tution, to  be  made  by  the  people  in  conformity 
with  its  provisions,  as  shall  terminate  and  for- 
ever prohibit  the  existence  of  slavery  within  the 
limits  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 

4.  Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  American 
people  are  due  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the 
army  and  navy  who  have  periled  their  lives  in 
defense  of  the  country  and  in  vindication  of  the 
honor  of  its  flag;  that  the  nation  owes  to  them 
some  permanent  recognition  of  their  patriotism 
and  their  valor,  and  ample  and  permanent  pro- 
vision for  those  of  their  survivors  who  have  re- 
ceived disabling  and  honorable  wounds  in  the 
service  of  the  country;  and  that  the  memories 
of  those  who  have  fallen  in  its  defense  shall  be 
held  in  grateful  and  everlasting  remembrance. 

5.  Resolved,  That  we  approve  and  applaud 
the  practical  wisdom,  the  unselfish  patriotism, 
and  the  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Constitution 
and  the  principles  of  American  liberty  with 
which  Abraham  Lincoln  has  discharged,  under 
circumstances  of  unparalleled  difficulty,  the 
great  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the  presi- 
dential office;  that  we  approve  and  indorse,  as 
demanded  by  the  emergency  and  essential  to  the 
preservation  of  the  nation,  and  as  within  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  the  measures  and 
acts  which  he  has  adopted  to  defend  the  nation 
against  its  open  and  secret  foes;  that  we  approve 
especially  the  proclamation  of  emancipation 
and  the  employment  as  Union  soldiers  of  men 
heretofore  held  in  slavery;  and  that  we  have 
full  confidence  in  his  determination  to  carry 
these  and  all  other  constitutional  measures  es- 
sential to  the  salvation  of  the  country  into  full 
and  complete  effect. 


6.  Resolved,  That  we  deem  it  essential  to  the 
general  welfare  that  harmony  should  prevail  in 
the  national  councils,  and  we  regard  as  worthy 
of  public  confidence  and  official  trust  those  only 
who  cordially  indorse  the  principles  proclaimed 
in  these  resolutions,  and  which  should  char- 
acterize the  administration  of  the  government. 

7.  Resolved,  That  the  government  owes  to  all 
men  employed  in  its  armies,  without  regard  to 
distinction  of  color,  the  full  protection  of  the 
laws  of  war;  and  that  any  violation  of  these 
laws,  or  of  the  usages  of  civilized  nations  in 
time  of  war,  by  the  rebels  now  in  arms,  should 
be  made  the  subject  of  prompt  and  full  redress. 

8.  Resolved,  That  foreign  immigration,  which 
in  the  past  has  added  so  much  to  the  wealth, 
development  of  resources,  and  increase  of  power 
to  the  nation — the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of 
all  nations — should  be  fostered  and  encouraged 
by  a  liberal  and  just  policy. 

9.  Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the 
speedy  construction  of  the  railroad  to  the  Paci- 
fic coast. 

10.  Resolved,  That  the  national  faith,  pledged 
for  the  redemption  of  the  public  debt,  must  be 
kept  inviolate,  and  that  for  this  purpose  we  rec- 
ommend economy  and  rigid  responsibility  in  the 
public  expenditures,  and  a  vigorous  and  just 
system  of  taxation;  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of 
every  loyal  state  to  sustain  the  credit  and  pro- 
mote the  use  of  the  national  currency. 

11.  Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  position 
taken  by  the  government,  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  can  never  regard  with  indifference 
the  attempt  of  any  European  power  to  overthrow 
by  force,  or  to  supplant  by  fraud,  the  institutions 
of  any  republican  government  on  the  western 
continent;  and  that  they  will  view  with  extreme 
jealousy,  as  menacing  to  the  peace  and  inde- 
pendence of  their  own  country,  the  efforts  of 
any  such  power  to  obtain  new  footholds  for 
monarchical  governments,  sustained  by  foreign 
military  force,  in  near  proximity  to  the  United 
States. 


C1883 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ELECTION  OF  1868 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  William  Claflin,  of  Massachusetts 
Secretary,  John  D.  Defrees,  of  Indiana 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  May  20-22,  1868. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri 
Chairman,  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut 


nominated 


For  President 
ULYSSES  S.  GRANT 

OF  ILLINOIS 


For  Vice-President 
SCHUYLER  COLFAX 

OF  INDIANA 


THIS  convention  was  composed  of  650  delegates.    General  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  of 
Illinois,  was  unanimously  nominated  on  the  first  ballot,  receiving  650  votes,  the 
full  vote  of  the  convention. 
For  Vice-President,  five  ballots  had  been  taken,  when  Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana, 
was  nominated.    The  following  is  the  vote  in  detail : 


CANDIDATES  1ST 

Benjamin  F.  Wade,  of  Ohio 147  . 

Reuben  E.  Fenton,  of  New  York 126  . 

Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts 119  . 

Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana 115  . 

Andrew  G.  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania 51  . 

Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine 28  . 

James  Speed,  of  Kentucky 22  . 

James  Harlan,  of  Iowa 16  . 

John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland 14  . 

Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas 6  . 

William  D.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania 4  . 

The  convention  adopted  the  following  platform : — 


2d 
170 
144 
114 
145 
45 
30 


3d 
178 
139 
101 
165 
40 
25 


4th 
206 
144 
87 
186 

25 


5th 
38 
69 

541 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 


The  National  Republican  Party  of  the  United 
States,  assembled  in  national  convention  in  the 
city  of  Chicago,  on  the  21st  day  of  May,  1868, 
make  the  following  declaration  of  principles: 

1.  We  congratulate  the  country  on  the  assured 


success  of  the  reconstruction  policy  of  Con- 
gress, as  evinced  by  the  adoption,  in  the  ma- 
jority of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion,  of  Con- 
stitutions securing  equal  civil  and  political 
rights  to  all;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  govern- 


C184  3 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


mcnt  to  sustain  those  institutions  and  to  prevent 
the  people  of  such  states  from  being  remitted 
to  a  state  of  anarchy. 

2.  The  guaranty  by  Congress  of  equal  suffrage 
to  all  loyal  men  at  the  South  was  demanded  by 
every  consideration  of  public  safety,  of  grati- 
tude, and  of  justice,  and  must  be  maintained; 
while  the  question  of  suffrage  in  all  the  loyal 
states  properly  belongs  to  the  people  of  those 
states. 

3.  We  denounce  all  forms  of  repudiation  as  a 
national  crime;  and  the  national  honor  requires 
the  payment  of  the  public  indebtedness  to  the 
uttermost  good  faith  to  all  creditors  at  home  and 
abroad,  not  only  according  to  the  letter,  but  the 
spirit  of  the  laws  under  which  it  was  con- 
tracted. 

4.  It  is  due  to  the  labor  of  the  nation  that 
taxation  should  be  equalized,  and  reduced  as 
rapidly  as  the  national  faith  will  permit. 

5.  The  national  debt,  contracted  as  it  has  been 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  for  all  time 
to  come,  should  be  extended  over  a  fair  period 
for  redemption;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress 
to  reduce  the  rate  of  interest  thereon  whenever 
it  can  be  honestly  done. 

6.  That  the  best  policy  to  diminish  our  bur- 
den of  debt  is  to  so  improve  our  credit  that 
capitalists  will  seek  to  loan  us  money  at  lower 
rates  of  interest  than  we  now  pay,  and  must 
continue  to  pay,  so  long  as  repudiation,  partial 
or  total,  open  or  covert,  is  threatened  or  sus- 
pected. 

7.  The  government  of  the  United  States 
should  be  administered  with  the  strictest  econ- 
omy; and  the  corruptions  which  have  been  so 
shamefully  nursed  and  fostered  by  Andrew 
Johnson  call  loudly  for  radical  reform. 

8.  We  profoundly  deplore  the  untimely  and 
tragic  death  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  regret 
the  accession  to  the  Presidency  of  Andrew 
Johnson,  who  has  acted  treacherously  to  the 
people  who  elected  him  and  the  cause  he  was 
pledged  to  support;  who  has  usurped  high  legis- 
lative and  judicial  functions;  who  has  refused 
to  execute  the  laws;  who  has  used  his  high 
office  to  induce  other  officers  to  ignore  and 
violate  the  laws;  who  has  employed  his  execu- 
tive powers  to  render  insecure  the  property, 
the  peace,  the  liberty  and  life  of  the  citizen; 
who  has  abused  the  pardoning  power;  who  has 
denounced  the  national  legislature  as  unconsti- 
tutional; who  has  persistently  and  corruptly  re- 
sisted, by  every  means  in  his  power,  every 
proper  attempt  at  the  reconstruction  of  the 
states  lately  in  rebellion;  who  has  perverted  the 


public  patronage  into  an  engine  of  wholesale 
corruption;  and  who  has  been  justly  impeached 
for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and  prop- 
erly pronounced  guilty  thereof  by  the  vote  of 
thirty-five  senators. 

9.  The  doctrine  of  Great  Britain  and  other 
European  powers,  that  because  a  man  is  once  a 
subject  he  is  always  so,  must  be  resisted  at  every 
hazard  by  the  United  States,  as  a  relic  of  feudal 
times,  not  authorized  by  the  laws  of  nations, 
and  at  war  with  our  national  honor  and  inde- 
pendence. Naturalized  citizens  are  entitled  to 
protection  in  all  their  rights  of  citizenship  as 
though  they  were  native-born;  and  no  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  native  or  naturalized,  must  be 
liable  to  arrest  and  imprisonment  by  any 
foreign  power  for  acts  done  or  words  spoken  in 
this  country;  and,  if  so  arrested  and  im- 
prisoned, it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
interfere  in  his  behalf. 

10.  Of  all  who  were  faithful  in  the  trials  of 
the  late  war  there  were  none  entitled  to  more 
especial  honor  than  the  brave  soldiers  and  sea- 
men who  endured  the  hardships  of  campaign 
and  cruise,  and  imperilled  their  lives  in  the 
service  of  the  country;  the  bounties  and  pen- 
sions provided  by  the  laws  for  these  brave  de- 
fenders of  the  nation  are  obligations  never  to 
be  forgotten;  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the 
gallant  dead  are  the  wards  of  the  people — a 
sacred  legacy  bequeathed  to  the  nation's  pro- 
tecting care. 

11.  Foreign  immigration,  which  in  the  past 
has  added  so  much  to  the  wealth,  development, 
and  resources,  and  increase  of  power  to  this 
republic — the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  all 
nations — should  be  fostered  and  encouraged  by 
a  liberal  and  just  policy. 

12.  This  convention  declares  itself  in  sympa- 
thy with  all  oppressed  people  struggling  for 
their  rights. 

13.  That  we  highly  commend  the  spirit  of 
magnanimity  and  forbearance  with  which  men 
who  have  served  in  the  rebellion,  but  who  now 
frankly  and  honestly  co-operate  with  us  in  re- 
storing the  peace  of  the  country  and  recon- 
structing the  Southern  State  governments  upon 
the  basis  of  impartial  justice  and  equal  rights, 
are  received  back  into  the  communion  of  the 
loyal  people;  and  we  favor  the  removal  of  the 
disqualifications  and  restrictions  imposed  upon 
the  late  rebels  in  the  same  measure  as  the  spirit 
of  disloyalty  will  die  out,  and  as  may  be  con- 
sistent with  the  safety  of  the  loyal  people. 

14.  That  we  recognize  the  great  principles  laid 
down  in  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independ- 


C185  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

ence  as  the  true  foundation  of  democratic  gov-     toward  making  these  principles  a  living  reality 
ernment;  and  we  hail  with  gladness  every  effort      on  every  inch  of  American  soil. 

By  the  admission  of  Nebraska  the  whole  number  of  states  became  thirty-seven;  but 
Mississippi,  Texas,  and  Virginia,  under  an  act  of  Congress,  were  debarred  from  choos- 
ing electors. 

The  election  occurred  on  November  3,  1868. 

Thirty-four  states  voted. 


11861 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1872 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  of  New  York 
Secretary,  William  E.  Chandler,  of  New  Hampshire 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  June  5-6,  1872. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Morton  McMichael,  of  Pennsylvania 
Chairman,  Thomas  Settle,  of  North  Carolina 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  HENRY  WTLSON 

OF  ILLINOIS  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 

THE  renomination  of  General  Grant  was  conceded  before  the  convention  reached 
a  ballot,  and  he  was  nominated  by  a  unanimous  vote. 
In  the  contest  for  Vice-President,  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  received 
364x/2  votes,  and  Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  3211/£. 
The  convention  adopted  the  following  platform: — 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

The  Republican  party  of  the  United  States,  as-  the  public  lands  freely  given  to  actual  settlers, 

sembled  in  national  convention  in  the  city  of  immigration  protected  and  encouraged,  and  a 

Philadelphia  on  the  5th  and  6th  days  of  June,  full    acknowledgment    of   the   naturalized    citi- 

1872,  again  declares  its  faith,  appeals  to  its  his-  zens'  rights  secured  from  European  powers.    A 

tory,  and  announces  its  position  upon  the  ques-  uniform  national  currency  has  been  provided, 

tions  before  the  country.  repudiation  frowned  down,  the  national  credit 

1.  During  eleven  years  of  supremacy  it  has  sustained  under  the  most  extraordinary  bur- 
accepted  with  grand  courage  the  solemn  duties  dens,  and  new  bonds  negotiated  at  lower  rates, 
of  the  time.  It  suppressed  a  gigantic  rebellion,  The  revenues  have  been  carefully  collected  and 
emancipated  four  millions  of  slaves,  decreed  honestly  applied.  Despite  annual  large  reduc- 
the  equal  citizenship  of  all,  and  established  uni-  tions  in  the  rates  of  taxation,  the  public  debt 
versal  suffrage.  Exhibiting  unparalleled  mag-  has  been  reduced  during  General  Grant's  Presi- 
nanimity,  it  criminally  punished  no  man  for  dency  at  the  rate  of  a  hundred  millions  a  year; 
political  offenses,  and  warmly  welcomed  all  who  great  financial  crises  have  been  avoided,  and 
proved  loyalty  by  obeying  the  laws  and  dealing  peace  and  plenty  prevail  throughout  the  land, 
justly  with  their  neighbors.  It  has  steadily  de-  Menacing  foreign  difficulties  have  been  peace- 
creased  with  firm  hand  the  resultant  disorders  fully  and  honorably  composed,  and  the  honor 
of  a  great  war  and  initiated  a  wise  and  humane  and  power  of  the  nation  kept  in  high  respect 
policy  toward  the  Indians.  The  Pacific  Rail-  throughout  the  world.  This  glorious  record  of 
road  and  similar  vast  enterprises  have  been  the  past  is  the  party's  best  pledge  for  the  future, 
generously  aided   and  successfully  conducted,  We  believe  the  people  will  not  intrust  the  gov- 

C1873 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ernment  to  any  party  or  combination  of  men 
composed  chiefly  of  those  who  have  resisted 
every  step  of  this  beneficent  progress. 

2.  The  recent  amendments  to  the  National 
Constitution  should  be  cordially  sustained  be- 
cause they  are  right,  not  merely  tolerated  be- 
cause they  are  law,  and  should  be  carried  out 
according  to  their  spirit  by  appropriate  legis- 
lation, the  enforcement  of  which  can  safely  be 
entrusted  only  to  the  party  that  secured  those 
amendments. 

3.  Complete  liberty  and  exact  equality  in  the 
enjoyment  of  all  civil,  political,  and  public 
rights  should  be  established  and  effectually 
maintained  throughout  the  Union,  by  efficient 
and  appropriate  state  and  federal  legislation. 
Neither  the  law  nor  its  administration  should 
admit  any  discrimination  in  respect  of  citizens 
by  reason  of  race,  creed,  color,  or  previous  con- 
dition of  servitude. 

4.  The  national  government  should  seek  to 
maintain  honorable  peace  with  all  nations,  pro- 
tecting its  citizens  everywhere,  and  sympathiz- 
ing with  all  people  who  strive  for  greater  liberty. 

5.  Any  system  of  the  civil  service  under 
which  the  subordinate  positions  of  the  govern- 
ment are  considered  rewards  for  mere  party 
zeal  is  fatally  demoralizing,  and  we  therefore 
favor  a  reform  of  the  system  by  laws  which 
shall  abolish  the  evils  of  patronage  and  make 
honesty,  efficiency,  and  fidelity  the  essential 
qualifications  for  public  positions,  without 
practically  creating  a  life-tenure  of  office. 

6.  We  are  opposed  to  further  grants  of  the 
public  lands  to  corporations  and  monopolies, 
and  demand  that  the  national  domain  be  set 
apart  for  free  homes  for  the  people. 

7.  The  annual  revenue,  after  paying  current 
expenditures,  pensions,  and  the  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  should  furnish  a  moderate  balance 
for  the  reduction  of  the  principal,  and  that 
revenue,  except  so  much  as  may  be  derived  from 
a  tax  on  tobacco  and  liquors,  should  be  raised 
by  duties  upon  importations,  the  details  of 
which  should  be  so  adjusted  as  to  aid  in  secur- 
ing remunerative  wages  to  labor,  and  promote 
the  industries,  prosperity,  and  growth  of  the 
whole  country. 

8.  We  hold  in  undying  honor  the  soldiers  and 
sailors  whose  valor  saved  the  Union.  Their 
pensions  are  a  sacred  debt  of  the  nation,  and 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  for 
their  country  are  entitled  to  the  care  of  a  gener- 
ous and  grateful  people.  We  favor  such  addi- 
tional legislation  as  will  extend  the  bounty  of 
the  government  to  all  our  soldiers  and  sailors 
who  were  honorably  discharged,  and  who  in 


the  line  of  duty  became  disabled,  without  re- 
gard to  the  length  of  service  or  the  cause  of 
such  discharge. 

9.  The  doctrine  of  Great  Britain  and  other 
European  powers  concerning  allegiance — "Once 
a  subject  always  a  subject" — having  at  last, 
through  the  efforts  of  the  Republican  party  been 
abandoned,  and  the  American  idea  of  the  in- 
dividual's right  to  transfer  allegiance  having 
been  accepted  by  European  nations,  it  is  the 
duty  of  our  government  to  guard  with  jealous 
care  the  rights  of  adopted  citizens  against  the 
assumption  of  unauthorized  claims  by  their 
former  governments,  and  we  urge  continued 
careful  encouragement  and  protection  of  volun- 
tary immigration. 

10.  The  franking  privilege  ought  to  be 
abolished  and  the  way  prepared  for  a  speedy  re- 
duction in  the  rates  of  postage. 

11.  Among  the  questions  which  press  for  at- 
tention is  that  which  concerns  the  relations  of 
capital  and  labor,  and  the  Republican  party 
recognizes  the  duty  of  so  shaping  legislation 
as  to  secure  full  protection  and  the  amplest 
field  for  capital,  and  for  labor,  the  creator  of 
capital,  the  largest  opportunities  and  a  just 
share  of  the  mutual  profits  of  these  two  great 
servants  of  civilization. 

12.  We  hold  that  Congress  and  the  President 
have  only  fulfilled  an  imperative  duty  in  their 
measures  for  the  suppression  of  violent  and 
treasonable  organizations  in  certain  lately  re- 
bellious regions,  and  for  the  protection  of  the 
ballot-box;  and  therefore  they  are  entitled  to  the 
thanks  of  the  nation. 

13.  We  denounce  repudiation  of  the  public 
debt,  in  any  form  or  disguise,  as  a  national 
crime.  We  witness  with  pride  the  reduction  of 
the  principal  of  the  debt,  and  of  the  rates  of 
interest  upon  the  balance,  and  confidently  ex- 
pect that  our  excellent  national  currency  will  be 
perfected  by  a  speedy  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ment. 

14.  The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  its 
obligations  to  the  loyal  women  of  America  for 
their  noble  devotion  to  the  cause  of  freedom. 
Their  admission  to  wider  fields  of  usefulness  is 
viewed  with  satisfaction;  and  the  honest  de- 
mand of  any  class  of  citizens  for  additional 
rights  should  be  treated  with  respectful  con- 
sideration. 

15.  We  heartily  approve  the  action  of  Con- 
gress in  extending  amnesty  to  those  lately  in 
rebellion,  and  rejoice  in  the  growth  of  peace 
and  fraternal  feeling  throughout  the  land. 

16.  The  Republican  party  proposes  to  respect 
the  rights  reserved  by  the  people  to  themselves 


C188  3 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 

as  carefully  as  the  powers  delegated  by  them  to  the  illustrious  services  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant  have 
the  state  and  to  the  federal  government.  It  dis-  commended  him  to  the  heart  of  the  American 
approves  of  the  resort  to  unconstitutional  laws  people,  and  with  him  at  our  head  we  start  to- 
for  the  purpose  of  removing  evils,  by  interfer-  day  upon  a  new  march  to  victory, 
ence  with  rights  not  surrendered  by  the  people  19.  Henry  Wilson,  nominated  for  the  Vice- 
to  either  the  state  or  national  government.  Presidency,  known  to  the  whole  land  from  the 

17.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  general  government  early  days  of  the  great  struggle  for  liberty  as  an 
to  adopt  such  measures  as  may  tend  to  encour-  indefatigable  laborer  in  all  campaigns,  an  in- 
age  and  restore  American  commerce  and  ship-  corruptible  legislator,  and  representative  man 
building.  of  American  institutions,  is  worthy  to  associate 

18.  We  believe  that  the  modest  patriotism,  the  with  our  great  leader  and  share  the  honors 
earnest  purpose,  the  sound  judgment,  the  prac-  which  we  pledge  our  best  efforts  to  bestow  upon 
tical  wisdom,  the  incorruptible  integrity,  and  them. 


C189] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ELECTION  OF  1876 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Zach.  Chandler,  of  Michigan 
Secretary,  R.  C.  McCormick,  of  Arizona 

Mr.  Chandler  having  resigned,  J.  Donald  Cameron  was  selected  as  Chairman,  and 
Thos.  B.  Keogh,  of  North  Carolina,  succeeded  Mr.  McCormick  as  Secretary. 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Cincinnati,  O.,  June  14-16,  1876. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Theodore  M.  Pomeroy,  of  New  York 
Chairman,  Edward  McPherson,  of  Pennsylvania 

NOMINATED 
For  President  For  Vice-President 

RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES  WILLIAM  A.  WHEELER 

OF  OHIO  OF  NEW  YORK 

THE  attempt  to  enforce  the  unit  rule  failed,  the  decision  of  the  chair  being 
sustained  by  a  vote  of  395  to  354.  The  vote  was  taken  on  an  appeal  from  a 
decision  of  the  chair  in  which  he  had  recognized  the  right  of  four  members  of 
the  Pennsylvania  delegation  to  have  their  votes  separately  recorded.  The  platform  as 
reported  by  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  was  opposed  by  a  minority.  E.  L.  Pierce,  of 
Massachusetts,  moved  to  strike  out  the  eleventh  resolution,  relating  to  the  Chinese.  The 
motion  to  strike  out  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  215  to  532.  E.  J.  Davis,  of  Texas,  moved  to 
strike  out  the  fourth  resolution  and  insert  a  clause  for  the  immediate  resumption  of 
specie  payments.  This  was  rejected  without  a  roll-call,  and  the  platform  was  then 
adopted. 

Seven  ballots  were  taken  for  a  candidate  for  President,  when  Rutherford  B.  Hayes 
was  unanimously  nominated.   The  following  is  the  ballot  in  detail : 

candidates                             1st         2d             3d         4th  5th        6th         7th 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 285  . .  296  . .  293  . .  292  . .  286  . .  308  ..  351 

Oliver  P.  Morton,  of  Indiana 125  . .  120  . .  113  . .  108  . .  95  . .     85  . .     .. 

Ben  jamin  H.  Bristow,  of  Kentucky...  113  . .  114  . .  121  . .  126  . .  114  . .  Ill  . .     21 

Roscoe  Conkling,  of  New  York 99  . .     93  . .     90  . .     84  . .  82  . .     81  . .     .. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio 61  . .     64  . .     67  . .     68  . .  104  . .  113  . .  384 

John  F.  Hartranft,  of  Pennsylvania    58  . .     63  . .     68  . .     71  . .  69  . .     50  . . 

Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut 11 

Scattering 3..      4..      3..      5..  5..      5..     .. 

Whole  number  of  votes 754  . .  754  . .  755  . .  754  . .  755  . .  755  . .  756 

Necessary  to  a  choice 378  . .  378  . .  378  . .  378  ..  378  ..  378  ..  379 

D903 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


For  Vice-President,  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York,  was  unanimously  chosen. 
The  following  is  the  platform  as  adopted: — 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 


When,  in  the  economy  of  Providence,  this 
land  was  to  be  purged  of  human  slavery,  and 
when  the  strength  of  government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people,  and  for  the  people  was  to  be 
demonstrated,  the  Republican  party  came  into 
power.  Its  deeds  have  passed  into  history,  and 
we  look  back  to  them  with  pride.  Incited  by 
their  memories  to  high  aims  for  the  good  of 
our  country  and  mankind,  and  looking  to  the 
future  with  unfaltering  courage,  hope,  and  pur- 
pose, we,  the  representatives  of  the  party,  in 
national  convention  assembled,  make  the  fol- 
lowing declaration  of  principles: — 

1.  The  United  States  of  America  is  a  nation, 
not  a  league.  By  the  combined  workings  of  the 
national  and  state  governments,  under  their 
respective  constitutions,  the  rights  of  every 
citizen  are  secured,  at  home  and  abroad,  and 
the  common  welfare  promoted. 

2.  The  Republican  party  has  preserved  these 
governments  to  the  hundredth  anniversary  of 
the  nation's  birth,  and  they  are  now  embodi- 
ments of  the  great  truth  spoken  at  its  cradle: 
"That  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalien- 
able rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  for  the  attain- 
ment of  these  ends  governments  have  been  in- 
stituted among  men,  deriving  their  just  pow- 
ers from  the  consent  of  the  governed."  Until 
these  truths  are  cheerfully  obeyed,  or,  if  need 
be,  vigorously  enforced,  the  work  of  the  Re- 
publican party  is  unfinished. 

3.  The  permanent  pacification  of  the  south- 
ern section  of  the  Union  and  the  complete  pro- 
tection of  all  its  citizens  in  the  free  enjoyment 
of  all  their  rights,  is  a  duty  to  which  the  Re- 
publican party  stands  sacredly  pledged.  The 
power  to  provide  for  the  enforcement  of  the 
principles  embodied  in  the  recent  constitu- 
tional amendments  is  vested  by  those  amend- 
ments in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
and  we  declare  it  to  be  the  solemn  obligation 
of  the  legislative  and  executive  departments  of 
the  government  to  put  into  immediate  and  vig- 
orous exercise  all  their  constitutional  powers 
for  removing  any  just  causes  of  discontent  on 
the  part  of  any  class,  and  for  securing  to  every 
American  citizen  complete  liberty  and  exact 
equality  in  the  exercise  of  all  civil,  political, 


and  public  rights.  To  this  end  we  imperatively 
demand  a  Congress  and  a  Chief  Executive 
whose  courage  and  fidelity  to  these  duties  shall 
not  falter  until  these  results  are  placed  beyond 
dispute  or  recall. 

4.  In  the  first  act  of  Congress  signed  by  Presi- 
dent Grant  the  national  government  assumed 
to  remove  any  doubts  of  its  purpose  to  dis- 
charge all  just  obligations  to  the  public  credi- 
tors, and  "solemnly  pledged  its  faith  to  make 
provisions,  at  the  earliest  practicable  period, 
for  the  redemption  of  the  United  States  notes  in 
coin."  Commercial  prosperity,  public  morals, 
and  the  national  credit  demand  that  this  prom- 
ise be  fulfilled  by  a  continuous  and  steady 
progress  to  specie  payment. 

5.  Under  the  Constitution  the  President  and 
heads  of  departments  are  to  make  nominations 
for  office;  the  Senate  is  to  advise  and  consent 
to  appointments,  and  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives is  to  accuse  and  prosecute  faithless  offi- 
cers. The  best  interest  of  the  public  service 
demands  that  these  distinctions  be  respected; 
that  Senators  and  Representatives  who  may  be 
judges  and  accusers  should  not  dictate  appoint- 
ments to  office.  The  invariable  rule  in  appoint- 
ments should  have  reference  to  the  honesty, 
fidelity,  and  capacity  of  the  appointees,  giving 
to  the  party  in  power  those  places  where  har- 
mony and  vigor  of  administration  require  its 
policy  to  be  represented,  but  permitting  all 
others  to  be  filled  by  persons  selected  with  sole 
reference  to  the  efficiency  of  the  public  service, 
and  the  right  of  all  citizens  to  share  in  the  honor 
of  rendering  faithful  service  to  the  country. 

6.  We  rejoice  in  the  quickening  conscience 
of  the  people  concerning  political  affairs,  and 
will  hold  all  public  officers  to  a  rigid  re- 
sponsibility, and  engage  that  the  prosecution 
and  punishment  of  all  who  betray  official  trusts 
shall  be  swift,  thorough,  and  unsparing. 

7.  The  public-school  system  of  the  several 
states  is  the  bulwark  of  the  American  Republic, 
and  with  a  view  to  its  security  and  permanence 
we  recommend  an  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  forbidding  the  appli- 
cation of  any  public  funds  or  property  for  the 
benefit  of  any  schools  or  institutions  under 
sectarian  control. 


C1913 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


8.  The  revenue  necessary  for  current  ex- 
penditures and  the  obligations  of  the  public 
debt  must  be  largely  derived  from  duties  upon 
importations,  which,  so  far  as  possible,  should 
be  adjusted  to  promote  the  interests  of  Ameri- 
can labor  and  advance  the  prosperity  of  the 
whole  country. 

9.  We  reaffirm  our  opposition  to  further 
grants  of  the  public  lands  to  corporations  and 
monopolies,  and  demand  that  the  national  do- 
main be  devoted  to  free  homes  for  the  people. 

10.  It  is  the  imperative  duty  of  the  govern- 
ment so  to  modify  existing  treaties  with 
European  governments  that  the  same  protection 
shall  be  afforded  to  the  adopted  American  citi- 
zen that  is  given  to  the  native-born;  and  that  all 
necessary  laws  should  be  passed  to  protect  emi- 
grants, in  the  absence  of  power  in  the  states  for 
that  purpose. 

11.  It  is  the  immediate  duty  of  Congress  to 
fully  investigate  the  effect  of  the  immigration 
and  importation  of  Mongolians  upon  the  moral 
and  material  interests  of  the  country. 

12.  The  Republican  party  recognizes  with 
approval  the  substantial  advances  recently  made 
toward  the  establishment  of  equal  rights  for 
women,  by  the  many  important  amendments 
effected  by  Republican  legislatures,  in  the  laws 
which  concern  the  personal  and  property  rela- 
tions of  wives,  mothers,  and  widows,  and  by 
the  appointment  and  election  of  women  to  the 
superintendence  of  education,  charities,  and 
other  public  trusts.  The  honest  demands  of 
this  class  of  citizens  for  additional  rights,  privi- 
leges, and  immunities  should  be  treated  with 
respectful  consideration. 

13.  The  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress 
sovereign  power  over  the  territories  of  the 
United  States  for  their  government,  and  in  the 
exercise  of  this  power  it  is  the  right  and  duty 
of  Congress  to  prohibit  and  extirpate,  in  the 
territories,  that  relic  of  barbarism,  polygamy; 
and  we  demand  such  legislation  as  shall  secure 
this  end  and  the  supremacy  of  American  insti- 
tutions in  all  the  territories. 

14.  The  pledges  which  the  nation  has  given 
to  her  soldiers  and  sailors  must  be  fulfilled,  and 
a  grateful  people  will  always  hold  those  who 


imperilled  their  lives  for  the  country's  preserva- 
tion in  the  kindest  remembrance. 

15.  We  sincerely  deprecate  all  sectional  feel- 
ing and  tendencies.  We  therefore  note  with 
deep  solicitude  that  the  Democratic  party 
counts,  as  its  chief  hope  of  success,  upon  the 
electoral  vote  of  a  united  South,  secured  through 
the  efforts  of  those  who  were  recently  arrayed 
against  the  nation;  and  we  invoke  the  earnest 
attention  of  the  country  to  the  grave  truth  that 
a  success  thus  achieved  would  reopen  sectional 
strife  and  imperial  national  honor  and  human 
rights. 

16.  We  charge  the  Democratic  party  with 
being  the  same  in  character  and  spirit  as  when 
it  sympathized  with  treason;  with  making  its 
control  of  the  House  of  Representatives  the 
triumph  and  opportunity  of  the  nation's  recent 
foes;  with  reasserting  and  applauding  in  the 
National  Capitol  the  sentiments  of  unrepentant 
rebellion;  with  sending  Union  soldiers  to  the 
rear  and  promoting  Confederate  soldiers  to  the 
front;  with  deliberately  proposing  to  repudiate 
the  plighted  faith  of  the  government;  with  be- 
ing equally  false  and  imbecile  upon  the  over- 
shadowing financial  question;  with  thwarting 
the  ends  of  justice  by  its  partisan  mismanage- 
ments and  obstruction;  with  proving  itself, 
through  the  period  of  its  ascendency  in  the 
Lower  House  of  Congress,  utterly  incompetent 
to  administer  the  government;  and  we  warn  the 
country  against  trusting  a  party  thus  alike  un- 
worthy, recreant,  and  incapable. 

17.  The  national  administration  merits  com- 
mendation for  its  honorable  work  in  the  man- 
agement of  domestic  and  foreign  affairs,  and 
President  Grant  deserves  the  continued  hearty 
gratitude  of  the  American  people  for  his  patriot- 
ism and  his  eminent  services,  in  war  and  in 
peace. 

18.  We  present  as  our  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States 
two  distinguished  statesmen,  of  eminent  ability 
and  character,  and  conspicuously  fitted  for 
those  high  offices,  and  we  confidently  appeal 
to  the  American  people  to  intrust  the  adminis- 
tration of  their  public  affairs  to  Rutherford  R. 
Hayes  and  William  A.  Wheeler. 


H921 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1880 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Dwight  M.  Sabin,  of  Minnesota 
Secretary,  John  A.  Martin,  of  Kansas 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  June  2-8,  1880. 
Chairman  pro  tern,  and  permanent  Chairman,  George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts 


NOMINATED 


For  President 
JAMES  A.  GARFIELD 

OF  OHIO 


For  Vice-President 
CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR 

OF  NEW  YORK 


THREE  days  were  spent  in  perfecting  organization.     It  was  at  this  convention 
that  the  unit-rule  received  its  death-blow.    Thirty-six  ballots  were  taken  before 
James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  was  nominated  for  President.    The  following  is  a 
brief  summary : 


CANDIDATES  1ST 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  of  Ohio 304 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 284 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio 98 

George  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont. .     34 

E.  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 30 

William  Windom,  of  Minnesota . .     10 
James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio 


2d 

20th    34th   .  35th 

i 

...  305  .. 

.  308  ....  312  ....  313  .. 

...  282  .. 

.  276  ....  278  ....  257  .. 

...  94  .. 

.  96  ....  99  ....  99  .. 

...  32  .. 

.  31  ....  11  ....  11  .. 

...  31  .. 

.  35  ....  30  ....  23  .. 

...  10  .. 

.  10  ....   3  ....   3  .. 

...  10  .. 

.   1  ....  17  ....  50  .. 

lyes,  Benja 

min  Harrison,  Phil.  Sheridai 

i, 

36th 

306 

42 


399 


coe  Conkling,  and  (?)  McCreary. 

For  Vice-President,  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  on  the  first 
ballot.    The  following  table  shows  for  whom  the  votes  were  cast : 


CANDIDATES  VOTES 

Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York. . .  .468 

Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 199 

Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut 43 

Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee 30 

Edmund  J.  Davis,  of  Texas 20 


candidates  votes 

Blanche  K.  Bruce,  of  Mississippi 8 

James  L.  Alcorn,  of  Mississippi 4 

Thomas  Settle,  of  Florida 2 

Stewart  L.  Woodford,  of  New  York. .     1 


Cl9Sj 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


The  following  is  the  platform  as  adopted : — 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 


The  Republican  party,  in  national  convention 
assembled,  at  the  end  of  twenty  years  since  the 
federal  government  was  first  committed  to  its 
charge,  submits  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  this  brief  report  of  its  administration : — 

It  suppressed  a  rebellion  which  had  armed 
nearly  a  million  of  men  to  subvert  the  national 
authority;  it  reconstructed  the  union  of  the 
states  with  freedom  instead  of  slavery  as  its 
corner-stone;  it  transformed  4,000,000  human 
beings  from  the  likeness  of  things  to  the  rank 
of  citizens;  it  relieved  Congress  of  the  infamous 
work  of  hunting  fugitive  slaves,  and  charged 
it  to  see  that  slavery  does  not  exist. 

It  has  raised  the  value  of  our  paper  cur- 
rency from  38  per  cent,  to  the  par  of  gold;  it 
has  restored,  upon  a  solid  basis,  payment  in  coin 
of  all  national  obligations,  and  has  given  us 
a  currency  absolutely  good  and  equal  in  every 
part  of  our  extended  country;  it  has  lifted  the 
credit  of  the  nation  from  the  point  of  where 
6  per  cent,  bonds  sold  at  86  to  that  where  4 
per  cent,  bonds  are  eagerly  sought  at  a 
premium. 

Under  its  administration  railways  have  in- 
creased from  31,000  miles  in  1860  to  more  than 
82,000  miles  in  1879. 

Our  foreign  trade  increased  from  $700,000,000 
to  $1,150,000,000  in  the  same  time,  and  our  ex- 
ports, which  were  $20,000,000  less  than  our  im- 
ports in  1860,  were  $265,000,000  more  than  our 
imports  in  1879. 

Without  resorting  to  loans,  it  has,  since  the 
war  closed,  defrayed  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
government  besides  the  accruing  interest  on 
the  public  debt,  and  has  disbursed  annually 
more  than  $30^000,000  for  soldiers'  and  sailors' 
pensions.  It  has  paid  $880,000,000  of  the  public 
debt,  and,  by  refunding  the  balance  at  lower 
rates,  has  reduced  the  annual  interest-charge 
from  nearly  $150,000,000  to  less  than  $89,000,000. 

All  the  industries  of  the  country  have  re- 
vived, labor  is  in  demand,  wages  have  in- 
creased, and  throughout  the  entire  country 
there  is  evidence  of  a  coming  prosperity  greater 
than  we  have  ever  enjoyed. 

Upon  this  record  the  Republican  party  asks 
for  the  continued  confidence  and  support  of 
the  people,  and  this  convention  submits  for 
their  approval  the  following  statement  of  the 
principles  and  purposes  which  will  continue 
to  guide  and  inspire  its  efforts: 

1.  We  affirm  that  the  work  of  the  Republi- 
can party  for  the  last  twenty  years  has  been 


C1943 


such  as  to  command  it  to  the  favor  of  the 
nation;  that  the  fruits  of  the  costly  victories 
which  we  have  achieved  through  immense  diffi- 
culties should  be  preserved;  that  the  peace  re- 
gained should  be  cherished;  that  the  Union 
should  be  perpetuated,  and  that  the  liberty 
secured  to  this  generation  should  be  transmitted 
undiminished  to  other  generations;  that  the 
order  established  and  the  credit  acquired 
should  never  be  impaired;  that  the  pensions 
promised  should  be  paid;  that  the  debt,  so  much 
reduced,  should  be  extinguished  by  the  full 
payment  of  every  dollar  thereof;  that  the  reviv- 
ing industries  should  be  further  promoted,  and 
that  the  commerce,  already  increasing,  should 
be  steadily  encouraged. 

2.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  a 
supreme  law,  and  not  a  mere  contract.  Out  of 
confederated  states  it  made  a  sovereign  nation. 
Some  powers  are  denied  to  the  nation,  while 
others  are  denied  to  the  states;  but  the  bound- 
ary between  the  powers  delegated  and  those 
reserved  is  to  be  determined  by  the  national, 
and  not  by  the  state  tribunal. 

3.  The  work  of  popular  education  is  one  left 
to  the  care  of  the  several  states,  but  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  national  government  to  aid  that 
work  to  the  extent  of  its  constitutional  ability. 
The  intelligence  of  the  nation  is  but  the  aggre- 
gate of  the  intelligence  in  the  several  states, 
and  the  destiny  of  the  nation  must  be  guided, 
not  by  the  genius  of  any  one  state,  but  by  the 
average  genius  of  all. 

4.  The  Constitution  wisely  forbids  Congress 
to  make  any  law  respecting  the  establishment 
of  religion,  but  it  is  idle  to  hope  that  the  nation 
can  be  protected  against  the  influence  of  secret 
sectarianism  while  each  state  is  exposed  to  its 
domination.  We  therefore  recommend  that  the 
Constitution  be  so  amended  as  to  lay  the  same 
prohibition  upon  the  legislature  of  each  state, 
and  to  forbid  the  appropriation  of  public  funds 
to  the  support  of  sectarian  schools. 

5.  We  reaffirm  the  belief  avowed  in  1876, 
that  the  duties  levied  for  the  purpose  of  revenue 
should  so  discriminate  as  to  favor  American 
labor;  that  no  further  grants  of  the  public  do- 
main should  be  made  to  any  railway  or  other 
corporation;  that,  slavery  having  perished  in 
the  states,  its  twin  barbarity — polygamy — must 
die  in  the  territories;  that  everywhere  the  pro- 
tection accorded  to  a  citizen  of  American  birth 
must  be  secured  to  citizens  by  American  adop- 
tion; that  we  deem  it  the  duty  of  Congress  to 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


develop  and  improve  our  seacoast  and  harbors, 
but  insist  that  further  subsidies  to  private  per- 
sons or  corporations  must  cease;  that  the  obli- 
gations of  the  republic  to  the  men  who  pre- 
served its  integrity  in  the  day  of  battle  are 
undiminished  by  the  lapse  of  fifteen  years  since 
their  final  victory — to  do  them  honor  is  and 
shall  forever  be  the  grateful  privilege  and 
sacred  duty  of  the  American  people. 

6.  Since  the  authority  to  regulate  immigra- 
tion and  intercourse  between  the  United  States 
and  foreign  nations  rests  with  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  and  the  treaty-making  power, 
the  Republican  party,  regarding  the  unrestricted 
immigration  of  Chinese  as  a  matter  of  grave 
concernment  under  the  exercise  of  both  these 
powers,  would  limit  and  restrict  that  immigra- 
tion by  the  enactment  of  such  just,  humane,  and 
reasonable  laws  and  treaties  as  will  produce 
that  result. 

7.  That  the  purity  and  patriotism  which  char- 
acterized the  earlier  career  of  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes  in  peace  and  war,  and  which  guided  the 
thoughts  of  our  immediate  predecessors  to  him 
for  a  presidential  candidate,  have  continued  to 
inspire  him  in  his  career  as  Chief  Executive; 
and  that  history  will  accord  to  his  administra- 
tion the  honors  which  are  due  to  an  efficient, 
just,  and  courteous  discharge  of  the  public 
business,  and  will  honor  his  vetoes  interposed 
between  the  people  and  attempted  partisan 
laws. 

8.  We  charge  upon  the  Democratic  party  the 
habitual  sacrifice  of  patriotism  and  justice  to  a 
supreme  and  insatiable  lust  for  office  and  pa- 
tronage; that  to  obtain  possession  of  the  na- 
tional government  and  control  of  the  place,  they 
have  obstructed  all  efforts  to  promote  the  purity 
and  to  conserve  the  freedom  of  the  suffrage, 
and  have  devised  fraudulent  ballots  and  in- 
vented fraudulent  certification  of  returns;  have 
labored  to  unseat  lawfully  elected  members  of 
Congress,  to  secure  at  all  hazards  the  vote  of  a 
majority  of  the  states  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives; have  endeavored  to  occupy  by  force 
and  fraud  the  places  of  trust  given  to  others  by 
the  people  of  Maine,  rescued  by  the  courage 
and  action  of  Maine's  patriotic  sons;  have,  by 
methods  vicious  in  principle  and  tyrannical  in 
practice,  attached  partisan  legislation  to  appro- 
priation bills  upon  whose  passage  the  very 
movement  of  the  government  depended;  have 


crushed  the  rights  of  the  individual;  have  ad- 
vocated the  principles  and  sought  the  favor  of 
the  rebellion  against  the  nation,  and  have  en- 
deavored to  obliterate  the  sacred  memories  and 
to  overcome  its  inestimably  valuable  results  of 
nationality,  personal  freedom,  and  individual 
equality. 

The  equal,  steady,  and  complete  enforcement 
of  the  laws  and  the  protection  of  all  our  citizens 
in  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  privileges  and  im- 
munities guaranteed  by  the  Constitution,  are  the 
first  duties  of  the  nation. 

The  dangers  of  a  "Solid  South"  can  only  be 
averted  by  a  faithful  performance  of  every 
promise  which  the  nation  has  made  to  the  citi- 
zen. The  execution  of  the  laws,  and  the  punish- 
ment of  all  those  who  violate  them,  are  the  only 
safe  methods  by  which  an  enduring  peace  can 
be  secured  and  genuine  prosperity  established 
throughout  the  South.  Whatever  promises  the 
nation  makes  the  nation  must  perform.  A  na- 
tion cannot  with  safety  relegate  this  duty  to  the 
states.  The  "Solid  South"  must  be  divided  by 
the  peaceful  agencies  of  the  ballot,  and  all 
honest  opinions  must  there  find  free  expression. 
To  this  end  the  honest  voter  must  be  protected 
against  terrorism,  violence,  or  fraud. 

And  we  affirm  it  to  be  the  duty  and  the  pur- 
pose of  the  Republican  party  to  use  all  legiti- 
mate means  to  restore  all  the  states  of  this  Union 
to  the  most  perfect  harmony  which  may  be  pos- 
sible, and  we  submit  to  the  practical,  sensible 
people  of  these  United  States  to  say  whether 
it  would  not  be  dangerous  to  the  dearest  in- 
terests of  our  country  at  this  time  to  surrender 
the  administration  of  the  national  government 
to  a  party  which  seeks  to  overthrow  the  exist- 
ing policy  under  which  we  are  so  prosperous, 
and  thus  bring  distrust  and  confusion  where 
there  is  now  order,  confidence,  and  hope. 

9.  The  Republican  party,  adhering  to  the 
principles  affirmed  by  its  last  national  conven- 
tion of  respect  for  the  constitutional  rules  gov- 
erning appointments  to  office,  adopts  the 
declaration  of  President  Hayes  that  the  reform 
of  the  civil  service  should  be  thorough,  radical, 
and  complete.  To  this  end  it  demands  the  co- 
operation of  the  legislative  with  the  executive 
departments  of  the  government,  and  that  Con- 
gress shall  so  legislate  that  fitness,  ascertained 
by  proper  practical  tests,  shall  admit  to  the 
public  service. 


C195] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ELECTION  OF  1884 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  B.  F.  Jones,  of  Pennsylvania 
Secretary,  Samuel  Fessenden,  of  Connecticut 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  June  3-6,  1884. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi 
Chairman,  John  B.  Henderson,  of  Missouri 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

JAMES  G.  BLAINE  JOHN  A.  LOGAN 

OF  MAINE  OF  ILLINOIS 

WHEN  the  convention  met  there  was  a  contest  for  the  temporary  chairmanship, 
which  resulted  in  the  selection  of  John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  a  distinguished 
colored  man,  by  431  votes,  against  387  given  for  Powell  Clayton,  of  Arkansas, 
At  this  convention  an  important  rule  was  adopted,  excluding  all  office-holders  as  mem- 
bers of  the  national  committee,  and  for  allowing  more  freedom  in  the  selection  of 
delegates  to  future  conventions.  As  a  candidate  for  President,  James  G.  Blaine,  of 
Maine,  was  nominated  on  the  fourth  ballot,  as  follows : 

CANDIDATES  1ST 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 334V&  

Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York 278       

George  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont 93       

John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois 63V£  

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio 30    ' 

Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut 13       

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 4       4 

William  T.  Sherman,  of  Missouri 2       2  2 

Mr.  Blaine's  nomination  was  afterward  made  unanimous. 

For  Vice-President,  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois,  was  nominated  by  779  votes;  Lucius 
Fairchild,  of  Wisconsin,  received  7,  and  Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana,  6. 
The  convention  adopted  the  following  platform : — 

REPURLICAN  PLATFORM 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  triumphed  in  six  successive  Presidential  elec- 
national  convention  assembled,  renew  their  al-  tions,  and  congratulate  the  American  people  on 
legiance  to  the  principles  upon  which  they  have      the  attainment  of  so  many  results  in  legislation 

C196I1 


2d 

3d 

4th 

349  ... 

. ..  375  ... 

...  541 

276  ... 

...  274  ... 

...  207 

85  ... 

. ..  69  ... 

...  41 

61  ... 

. ..  53  ... 

...   7 

28  ... 

...  25  ... 

13  ... 

. ..  13  ... 

...  15 

4  ... 

...   8  ... 

...   2 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


and  administration,  by  which  the  Republican 
party  has,  after  saving  the  Union,  done  so  much 
to  render  its  institutions  just,  equal,  and  benefi- 
cent, the  safeguard  of  liberty  and  the  embodi- 
ment of  the  best  thought  and  highest  purpose 
of  our  citizens. 

The  Republican  party  has  gained  its  strength 
by  quick  and  faithful  response  to  the  demands 
of  the  people  for  the  freedom  and  equality  of  all 
men;  for  a  united  nation,  assuring  the  rights  of 
all  citizens;  for  the  elevation  of  labor;  for  an 
honest  currency;  for  purity  in  legislation,  and 
for  integrity  and  accountability  in  all  depart- 
ments of  the  government,  and  it  accepts  anew 
the  duty  of  leading  in  the  work  of  progress  and 
reform. 

We  lament  the  death  of  President  Garfield, 
whose  sound  statesmanship,  long  conspicuous 
in  Congress,  gave  promise  of  a  strong  and  suc- 
cessful administration — a  promise  fully  realized 
during  the  short  period  of  his  office  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  His  distinguished 
services  in  war  and  peace  have  endeared  him 
to  the  hearts  of  the  American  people. 

In  the  administration  of  President  Arthur  we 
recognize  a  wise,  conservative,  and  patriotic 
policy,  under  which  the  country  has  been 
blessed  with  remarkable  prosperity,  and  we 
believe  his  eminent  services  are  entitled  to  and 
will  receive  the  hearty  approval  of  every 
citizen. 

It  is  the  first  duty  of  a  good  government  to 
protect  the  rights  and  promote  the  interests  of 
its  own  people. 

The  largest  diversity  of  industry  is  most  pro- 
ductive of  general  prosperity,  and  of  the  com- 
fort and  independence  of  the  people. 

We  therefore  demand  that  the  imposition  of 
duties  on  foreign  imports  shall  be  made,  not 
"for  revenue  only,"  but  that  in  raising  the  re- 
quisite revenues  for  the  government  such  duties 
shall  be  so  levied  as  to  afford  security  to  our 
diversified  industries  and  protection  to  the 
rights  and  wages  of  the  laborer,  to  the  end  that 
active  and  intelligent  labor,  as  well  as  capital, 
may  have  its  just  reward,  and  the  laboring  man 
his  full  share  in  the  national  prosperity. 

Against  the  so-called  economic  system  of  the 
Democratic  party,  which  would  degrade  our 
labor  to  the  foreign  standard,  we  enter  our  ear- 
nest protest. 

The  Democratic  party  has  failed  completely 
to  relieve  the  people  of  the  burden  of  unneces- 
sary taxation,  by  a  wise  reduction  of  the 
surplus. 

The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  cor- 
rect the  inequalities  of  the  tariff  and  to  reduce 


emu 


the  surplus,  not  by  the  vicious  and  indiscrimi- 
nate process  of  horizontal  reduction,  but  by 
such  methods  as  will  relieve  the  tax-payer  with- 
out injuring  the  laborer  or  the  great  productive 
interests  of  the  country. 

We  recognize  the  importance  of  sheep- 
husbandry  in  the  United  States,  the  serious  de- 
pression which  it  is  now  experiencing,  and  the 
danger  threatening  its  future  prosperity;  and 
we  therefore  respect  the  demands  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  this  important  agricultural  interest 
for  a  readjustment  of  duties  upon  foreign  wool, 
in  order  that  such  industry  shall  have  full  and 
adequate  protection. 

We  have  always  recommended  the  best  money 
known  to  the  civilized  world;  and  we  urge  that 
efforts  should  be  made  to  unite  all  commercial 
nations  in  the  establishment  of  an  international 
standard,  which  shall  fix  for  all  the  relative 
value  of  gold  and  silver  coinage. 

The  regulation  of  commerce  with  foreign  na- 
tions and  between  the  states  is  one  of  the  most 
important  prerogatives  of  the  general  govern- 
ment; and  the  Republican  party  distinctly  an- 
nounces its  purpose  to  support  such  legislation 
as  will  fully  and  efficiently  carry  out  the  con- 
stitutional power  of  Congress  over  interstate 
commerce. 

The  principle  of  public  regulation  of  railway 
corporations  is  a  wise  and  salutary  one  for  the 
protection  of  all  classes  of  the  people;  and  we 
favor  legislation  that  shall  prevent  unjust  dis- 
crimination and  excessive  charges  for  trans- 
portation, and  that  shall  secure  to  the  people 
and  the  railways  alike  the  fair  and  equal  pro- 
tection of  the  laws. 

We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  national 
bureau  of  labor;  the  enforcement  of  the  eight- 
hour  law;  a  wise  and  judicious  system  of  gen- 
eral legislation  by  adequate  appropriation  from 
the  national  revenues,  wherever  the  same  is 
needed.  We  believe  that  everywhere  the  pro- 
tection to  a  citizen  of  American  birth  must  be 
secured  to  citizens  by  American  adoption;  and 
we  favor  the  settlement  of  national  differences 
by  international  arbitration. 

The  Republican  party,  having  its  birth  in  a 
hatred  of  slave  labor  and  a  desire  that  all  men 
may  be  truly  free  and  equal,  is  unalterably  op- 
posed to  placing  our  workingmen  in  competi- 
tion with  any  form  of  servile  labor,  whether  at 
home  or  abroad.  In  this  spirit  we  denounce 
the  importation  of  contract  labor,  whether 
from  Europe  or  Asia,  as  an  offense  against  the 
spirit  of  American  institutions;  and  we  pledge 
ourselves  to  sustain  the  present  law  restricting 
Chinese    immigration,    and    to    provide    such 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


further  legislation  as  is  necessary  to  carry  out 
its  purposes. 

Reform  of  the  civil  service,  auspiciously  be- 
gun under  Republican  administration,  should 
be  completed  by  the  further  extension  of  the 
reform  system,  already  established  by  law,  to 
all  the  grades  of  the  service  to  which  it  is 
applicable.  The  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  re- 
form should  be  observed  in  all  executive  ap- 
pointments, and  all  laws  at  variance  with  the 
objects  of  existing  reform  legislation  should  be 
repealed,  to  the  end  that  the  dangers  to  free 
institutions  which  lurk  in  the  power  of  official 
patronage  may  be  wisely  and  effectively 
avoided. 

The  public  lands  are  a  heritage  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  and  should  be  reserved  as 
far  as  possible  for  small  holdings  by  actual 
settlers.  We  are  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of 
large  tracts  of  these  lands  by  corporations  or 
individuals,  especially  where  such  holdings  are 
in  the  hands  of  non-residents  or  aliens,  and  we 
will  endeavor  to  obtain  such  legislation  as  will 
tend  to  correct  this  evil.  We  demand  of  Con- 
gress the  speedy  forfeiture  of  all  land-grants 
which  have  lapsed  by  reason  of  non-compliance 
with  acts  of  incorporation,  in  all  cases  where 
there  has  been  no  attempt  in  good  faith  to  per- 
form the  conditions  of  such  grants. 

The  grateful  thanks  of  the  American  people 
are  due  to  the  Union  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the 
late  war;  and  the  Republican  party  stands 
pledged  to  suitable  pensions  for  all  who  were 
disabled,  and  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of 
those  who  died  in  the  war.  The  Republican 
party  also  pledges  itself  to  the  repeal  of  the 
limitations  contained  in  the  Arrears  Act  of  1879, 
so  that  all  invalid  soldiers  shall  share  alike,  and 
their  pensions  begin  with  the  date  of  disability 
or  discharge,  and  not  with  the  date  of  appli- 
cation. 

The  Republican  party  favors  a  policy  which 
shall  keep  us  from  entangling  alliances  with 
foreign  nations,  and  which  gives  us  the  right 
to  expect  that  foreign  nations  shall  refrain  from 
meddling  in  American  affairs — a  policy  which 
seeks  peace  and  trade  with  all  powers,  but  espe- 
cially with  those  of  the  Western  Hemisphere. 


We  demand  the  restoration  of  our  navy  to  its 
old-time  strength  and  efficiency,  that  it  may  in 
any  sea  protect  the  rights  of  American  citizens 
and  the  interests  of  American  commerce;  and 
we  call  upon  Congress  to  remove  the  burdens 
under  which  American  shipping  has  been  de- 
pressed, so  that  it  may  again  be  true  that  we 
have  a  commerce  which  leaves  no  sea  unex- 
plored, and  a  navy  which  takes  no  law  from 
superior  force. 

Resolved,  That  appointments  by  the  President 
to  offices  in  the  territories  should  be  made  from 
the  bona  fide  citizens  and  residents  of  the  terri- 
tories wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to 
enact  such  laws  as  shall  promptly  and  effec- 
tually suppress  the  system  of  polygamy  within 
our  territories,  and  divorce  the  political  from 
the  ecclesiastical  power  of  the  so-called  Mor- 
mon Church;  and  that  the  laws  so  enacted 
should  be  rigidly  enforced  by  the  civil  authori- 
ties, if  possible,  and  by  the  military,  if  need  be. 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  in  their 
organized  capacity,  constitute  a  nation,  and  not 
an  American  federacy  of  states.  The  national 
government  is  supreme  within  the  sphere  of  its 
national  duties;  but  the  states  have  reserved 
rights  which  should  be  faithfully  maintained. 
Each  should  be  guarded  with  jealous  care,  so 
that  the  harmony  of  our  system  of  government 
may  be  preserved  and  the  Union  kept  inviolate. 

The  perpetuity  of  our  institutions  rests  upon 
the  maintenance  of  a  free  ballot,  an  honest 
count,  and  correct  returns.  We  denounce  the 
fraud  and  violence  practised  by  the  Democracy 
in  Southern  States,  by  which  the  will  of  a  voter 
is  defeated,  as  dangerous  to  the  preservation 
of  free  institutions;  and  we  solemnly  arraign 
the  Democratic  party  as  being  the  guilty  recip- 
ient of  the  fruits  of  such  fraud  and  violence. 

We  extend  to  the  Republicans  of  the  South, 
regardless  of  their  former  party  affiliations,  our 
cordial  sympathy,  and  pledge  to  them  our  most 
earnest  efforts  to  promote  the  passage  of  such 
legislation  as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  of 
whatever  race  and  color,  the  full  and  complete 
recognition,  possession,  and  exercise  of  all  civil 
and  political  rights. 


C198  3 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1888 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  M.  S.  Quay,  of  Pennsylvania 
Secretary,  J.  Sloat  Fassett,  of  New  York 
In  1891  Mr.  Quay  resigned,  and  James  S.  Clarkson,  of  Iowa,  was  chosen  Chairman. 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  June  19,  1888. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska 
Chairman,  M.  M.  Estee,  of  California 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON  LEVI  P.  MORTON 

OF  INDIANA  OF  NEW  YORK 

THE  session  of  this  convention  was  one  of  the  longest  in  the  history  of  the  country, 
having  lasted  for  six  days.    From  among  the  large  number  of  candidates  for 
President,  Benjamin  Harrison  was  chosen  on  the  eighth  ballot.    The  following 
is  the  vote  in  detail : 

candidates  1st        2d         3d        4th      5th       6th      7th       8th 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio 229  . .  249  . .  244  . .  235  . .  224  . .  244  . .  231  . .  118 

Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana Ill  . .  108  . .  123  . .    98..    87..    91..    91..    59 

ChaunceyM.  Depew,  of  New  York...    99..    99..    91 

Russel  A.  Alger,  of  Michigan 84  . .  116  . .  122  . .  135  . .  142  . .  137  . .  120  . .  100 

Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana 80  . .    91  . .    94  . .  217  . .  213  . .  231  . .  278  . .  544 

William  B.  Allison,  of  Iowa 72..    75..    88..    88..    99..    73..    76..    .. 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 35..    33..    35..    42..    48..    40..    15..     5 

John  J.  Ingalls,  of  Kansas 28  . .    16 

Jeremiah  M.  Rusk,  of  Wisconsin 25  . .    20  . .    16 

William  W.  Phelps,  of  New  Jersey. .    25  . .    18  . .      5 

E.  H.  Fitler,  of  Pennsylvania 24 

Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut..    13 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 3..      2..      2..      1 2..    .. 

William  McKinley,  Jr.,  of  Ohio 2..      3..     8  . .    11  . .    14  . .    12  . .    16  . .     4 

Samuel  F.  Miller,  of  Iowa 2 

Frederick  Douglass,  of  Dist.  of  Col 1 

Joseph  B.  Foraker,  of  Ohio 1 1  . .      1  . .    .. 

C1993 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

candidates  1st        2d         3d        4th      5th      6th      7th       8th 

Frederick  D.  Grant,  of  New  York 1 

Creed  Haymond,  of  California 1  . . 

Whole  number  of  votes 830  . .  830  . .  830  . .  829  . .  827  . .  830  . .  831  . .  830 

Necessary  to  a  choice 416  . .  416  . .  416  . .  415  . .  414  . .  416  . .  416  . .  416 

For  Vice-President,  Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot, 
receiving  591  votes.  Votes  were  also  cast  for  other  candidates,  as  follows:  William 
Walter  Phelps,  of  New  Jersey,  119;  William  O.  Bradley,  of  Kentucky,  103;  Blanche 
K.  Bruce,  of  Mississippi,  11;  and  Walter  F.  Thomas,  of  Texas,  1. 

The  following  is  the  platform  as  adopted : — 


BEPUBLICAN  PLATFOBM 


The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  as- 
sembled by  their  delegates  in  national  conven- 
tion, pause  on  the  threshold  of  their  proceed- 
ings to  honor  the  memory  of  their  first  great 
leader,  the  immortal  champion  of  liberty  and 
the  rights  of  the  people — Abraham  Lincoln; — 
and  to  cover  also  with  wreaths  of  imperishable 
remembrance  and  gratitude  the  heroic  names 
of  our  later  leaders,  who  have  more  recently 
been  called  away  from  our  councils — Grant, 
Garfield,  Arthur,  Logan,  Conkling.  May  their 
memories  be  faithfully  cherished.  We  also  re- 
call, with  our  greetings  and  with  prayer  for  his 
recovery,  the  name  of  one  of  our  living  heroes, 
whose  memory  will  be  treasured  in  the  history 
both  of  Republicans  and  of  the  republic — the 
name  of  that  noble  soldier  and  favorite  child 
of  victory,  Philip  H.  Sheridan. 

In  the  spirit  of  those  great  leaders,  and  of  our 
own  devotion  to  human  liberty,  and  with  that 
hostility  to  all  forms  of  despotism  and  oppres- 
sion which  is  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  Re- 
publican party,  we  send  fraternal  congratula- 
tions to  our  fellow-Americans  of  Rrazil  upon 
their  great  act  of  emancipation,  which  com- 
pleted the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the 
two  American  continents.  We  earnestly  hope 
that  we  may  soon  congratulate  our  fellow-citi- 
zens of  Irish  birth  upon  the  peaceful  recovery 
of  home  rule  for  Ireland. 

FREE  SUFFRAGE 

We  reaffirm  our  unswerving  devotion  to  the 
national  Constitution  and  to  the  indissoluble 
union  of  the  states;  to  the  autonomy  reserved  to 
the  states  under  the  Constitution;  to  the  per- 
sonal rights  and  liberties  of  citizens  in  all  the 
states  and  territories  in  the  Union,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  supreme  and  sovereign  right  of 


every  lawful  citizen,  rich  or  poor,  native  or 
foreign-born,  white  or  black,  to  cast  one  free 
ballot  in  public  elections  and  to  have  that  bal- 
lot duly  counted.  We  hold  the  free  and  honest 
popular  ballot  and  the  just  and  equal  represen- 
tation of  all  the  people  to  be  the  foundation  of 
our  republican  government,  and  demand  effec- 
tive legislation  to  secure  the  integrity  and 
purity  of  elections,  which  are  the  fountains  of 
all  public  authority.  We  charge  that  the  present 
administration  and  the  Democratic  majority 
in  Congress  owe  their  existence  to  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  ballot  by  a  criminal  nullification  of 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States. 

PROTECTION    TO   AMERICAN    INDUSTRIES 

We  are  uncompromisingly  in  favor  of  the 
American  system  of  protection;  we  protest 
against  its  destruction  as  proposed  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  party.  They  serve  the  interests  of 
Europe;  we  will  support  the  interests  of 
America.  We  accept  the  issue  and  confidently 
appeal  to  the  people  for  their  judgment.  The 
protective  system  must  be  maintained.  Its 
abandonment  has  always  been  followed  by 
general  disaster  to  all  interests,  except  those  of 
the  usurer  and  the  sheriff.  We  denounce  the 
Mills  bill  as  destructive  to  the  general  business, 
the  labor,  and  the  farming  interests  of  the 
country,  and  we  heartily  indorse  the  consistent 
and  patriotic  action  of  the  Republican  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  in  opposing  its  passage. 

DUTIES   ON  WOOL 

We  condemn  the  proposition  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  to  place  wool  on  the  free  list,  and 
we  insist  that  the  duties  thereon  shall  be  ad- 
justed and  maintained  so  as  to  furnish  full  and 
adequate  protection  to  that  industry. 


C2003 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


THE  INTERNAL  REVENUE 

The  Republican  party  would  effect  all  needed 
reduction  of  the  national  revenue  by  repealing 
the  taxes  upon  tobacco,  which  are  an  annoy- 
ance and  burden  to  agriculture,  and  the  tax 
upon  spirits  used  in  the  arts  and  for  mechanical 
purposes,  and  by  such  revision  of  the  tariff  laws 
as  will  tend  to  check  imports  of  such  articles 
as  are  produced  by  our  people,  the  production 
of  which  gives  employment  to  our  labor,  and 
release  from  import  duties  those  articles  of 
foreign  production  (except  luxuries)  the  like  of 
which  cannot  be  produced  at  home.  If  there 
shall  still  remain  a  larger  revenue  than  is  requi- 
site for  the  wants  of  the  government,  we  favor 
the  entire  repeal  of  internal  taxes  rather  than 
the  surrender  of  any  part  of  our  protective  sys- 
tem, at  the  joint  behests  of  the  whiskey  trusts 
and  the  agents  of  foreign  manufacturers. 

FOREIGN  CONTRACT  LAROR 

We  declare  our  hostility  to  the  introduction 
into  this  country  of  foreign  contract  labor 
and  of  Chinese  labor,  alien  to  our  civilization 
and  our  Constitution,  and  we  demand  the  rigid 
enforcement  of  the  existing  laws  against  it,  and 
favor  such  immediate  legislation  as  will  exclude 
such  labor  from  our  shores. 

COMRINATIONS  OF  CAPITAL 

We  declare  our  opposition  to  all  combinations 
of  capital,  organized  in  trusts  or  otherwise,  to 
control  arbitrarily  the  condition  of  trade  among 
our  citizens;  and  we  recommend  to  Congress 
and  the  state  legislatures,  in  their  respective 
jurisdictions,  such  legislation  as  will  prevent 
the  execution  of  all  schemes  to  oppress  the 
people  by  undue  charges  on  their  supplies,  or 
by  unjust  rates  for  the  transportation  of  their 
products  to  market.  We  approve  the  legislation 
by  Congress  to  prevent  alike  unjust  burdens 
and  unfair  discriminations  between  the  states. 

HOMES  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

We  reaffirm  the  policy  of  appropriating  the 
public  lands  of  the  United  States  to  be  home- 
steads for  American  citizens  and  settlers,  not 
aliens,  which  the  Republican  party  established 
in  1862,  against  the  persistent  opposition  of  the 
Democrats  in  Congress,  and  which  has  brought 
our  great  Western  domain  into  such  magnificent 
development.  The  restoration  of  unearned  rail- 
road land-grants  to  the  public  domain  for  the 
use  of  actual  settlers,  which  was  begun  under 
the  administration  of  President  Arthur,  should 
be  continued.  We  deny  that  the  Democratic 
party  has  ever  restored  one  acre  to  the  people, 
but  declare  that  by  the  joint  action  of  the  Re- 


publicans and  Democrats  about  50,000,000  of 
acres  of  unearned  lands  originally  granted  for 
the  construction  of  railroads  have  been  restored 
to  the  public  domain,  in  pursuance  of  the  con- 
ditions inserted  by  the  Republican  party  in  the 
original  grants.  We  charge  the  Democratic  ad- 
ministration with  failure  to  execute  the  laws 
securing  to  settlers  title  to  their  homesteads, 
and  with  using  appropriations  made  for  that 
purpose  to  harass  innocent  settlers  with  spies 
and  prosecutions,  under  the  false  pretense  of 
exposing  frauds  and  vindicating  the  law. 

HOME  RULE  IN  TERRITORIES 

The  government  by  Congress  of  the  terri- 
tories is  based  upon  necessity  only,  to  the  end 
that  they  may  become  states  in  the  Union; 
therefore,  whenever  the  conditions  of  popula- 
tion, material  resources,  public  intelligence  and 
morality  are  such  as  to  insure  a  stable  local  gov- 
ernment therein,  the  people  of  such  territories 
should  be  permitted,  as  a  right  inherent  in  them, 
the  right  to  form  for  themselves  constitutions 
and  state  governments,  and  be  admitted  into  the 
Union.  Pending  the  preparation  for  statehood, 
all  officers  thereof  should  be  selected  from  the 
bona  fide  residents  and  citizens  of  the  territory 
wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

ADMITTANCE  OF  SOUTH  DAKOTA 

South  Dakota  should  of  right  be  immediately 
admitted  as  a  state  in  the  Union,  under  the  con- 
stitution framed  and  adopted  by  her  people,  and 
we  heartily  indorse  the  action  of  the  Republi- 
can Senate  in  twice  passing  bills  for  her  admis- 
sion. The  refusal  of  the  Democratic  House  of 
Representatives,  for  partisan  purposes,  to  favor- 
ably consider  these  bills,  is  a  willful  violation 
of  the  sacred  American  principle  of  local  self- 
government,  and  merits  the  condemnation  of 
all  just  men.  The  pending  bills  in  the  Senate 
for  acts  to  enable  the  people  of  Washington, 
North  Dakota,  and  Montana  Territories  to  form 
constitutions  and  establish  state  governments 
should  be  passed  without  unnecessary  delay. 
The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  do  all  in 
its  power  to  facilitate  the  admission  of  the  Ter- 
ritories of  New  Mexico,  Wyoming,  Idaho,  and 
Arizona  to  the  enjoyment  of  self-government  as 
state — such  of  them  as  are  now  qualified  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  the  others  as  soon  as  they 
may  become  so. 

MORMONISM. 

The  political  power  of  the  Mormon  Church 
in  the  territories  as  exercised  in  the  past  is  a 
menace  to  free  institutions,  a  danger  no  longer 
to  be  suffered.    Therefore  we  pledge  the  Repub- 


C20U 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


lican  party  to  appropriate  legislation  asserting 
the  sovereignty  of  the  nation  in  all  territories 
where  the  same  is  questioned,  and  in  further- 
ance of  that  end  to  place  upon  the  statute-books 
legislation  stringent  enough  to  divorce  the  polit- 
ical from  the  ecclesiastical  power,  and  thus 
stamp  out  the  attendant  wickedness  of  po- 
lygamy. 

BIMETALLISM. 

The  Republican  party  is  in  favor  of  the  use 
of  both  gold  and  silver  as  money,  and  condemns 
the  policy  of  the  Democratic  administration  in 
its  efforts  to  demonetize  silver. 

REDUCTION  OF  LETTER  POSTAGE 

We  demand  the  reduction  of  letter  postage  to 
one  cent  per  ounce. 

FREE  SCHOOLS 

In  a  Republic  like  ours,  where  the  citizen  is 
the  sovereign  and  the  official  the  servant,  where 
no  power  is  exercised  except  by  the  will  of  the 
people,  it  is  important  that  the  sovereign — the 
people — should  possess  intelligence.  The  free 
school  is  the  promoter  of  that  intelligence  which 
is  to  preserve  us  a  free  nation;  therefore  the 
state  or  nation,  or  both  combined,  should  sup- 
port free  institutions  of  learning  sufficient  to 
afford  to  every  child  growing  up  in  the  land  the 
opportunity  of  a  good  common-school  educa- 
tion. 

ARMY   AND    NAVY    FORTIFICATIONS 

We  earnestly  recommend  that  prompt  action 
be  taken  by  Congress  in  the  enactment  of  such 
legislation  as  will  best  secure  the  rehabilitation 
of  our  American  merchant  marine,  and  we  pro- 
test against  the  passage  by  Congress  of  a  free- 
ship  bill,  as  calculated  to  work  injustice  to  labor 
by  lessening  the  wages  of  those  engaged  in  pre- 
paring materials  as  well  as  those  directly  em- 
ployed in  our  shipyards.  We  demand  appro- 
priations for  the  early  rebuilding  of  our  navy; 
for  the  construction  of  coast  fortifications  and 
modern  ordnance,  and  other  approved  modern 
means  of  defense  for  the  protection  of  our  de- 
fenseless harbors  and  cities;  for  the  payment  of 
just  pensions  to  our  soldiers;  for  the  necessary 
works  of  national  importance  in  the  improve- 
ment of  harbors  and  the  channels  of  internal, 
coastwise,  and  foreign  commerce;  for  the  en- 
couragement of  the  shipping  interests  of  the  At- 
lantic, Gulf  and  Pacific  States,  as  well  as  for  the 
payment  of  the  maturing  public  debt.  This 
policy  will  give  employment  to  our  labor,  activ- 
ity to  our  various  industries,  increase  the  se- 
curity of  our  country,  promote  trade,  open  new 
and  direct  markets  for  our  produce,  and  cheap- 

c 


en  the  cost  of  transportation.  We  affirm  this  to 
be  far  better  for  our  country  than  the  Demo- 
cratic policy  of  loaning  the  government's 
money,  without  interest,  to  "pet  banks." 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 

The  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  by  the  present 
administration  has  been  distinguished  by  its 
inefficiency  and  its  cowardice.  Having  with- 
drawn from  the  Senate  all  pending  treaties 
effected  by  Republican  administrations  for  the 
removal  of  foreign  burdens  and  restrictions  up- 
on our  commerce  and  for  its  extension  into  bet- 
ter markets,  it  has  neither  effected  nor  proposed 
any  others  in  their  stead.  Professing  adherence 
to  the  Monroe  doctrine,  it  has  seen,  with  idle 
complacency,  the  extension  of  foreign  influence 
in  Central  America  and  of  foreign  trade  every- 
where among  our  neighbors.  It  has  refused  to 
charter,  sanction,  or  encourage  any  American 
organization  for  constructing  the  Nicaragua 
Canal,  a  work  of  vital  importance  to  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  of  our  na- 
tional influence  in  Central  and  South  America, 
and  necessary  for  the  development  of  trade  with 
our  Pacific  territory,  with  South  America,  and 
with  the  islands  and  farther  coasts  of  the  Paci- 
fic Ocean. 

PROTECTION    OF   OUR    FISHERIES 

We  arraign  the  present  Democratic  admin- 
istration for  its  weak  and  unpatriotic  treatment 
of  the  fisheries  question,  and  its  pusillanimous 
surrender  of  the  essential  privileges  to  which 
our  fishing  vessels  are  entitled  in  Canadian  ports 
under  the  treaty  of  1818,  the  reciprocal  mari- 
time legislation  of  1830,  and  the  comity  of  na- 
tions, and  which  Canadian  fishing  vessels  re- 
ceive in  the  ports  of  the  United  States.  We  con- 
demn the  policy  of  the  present  administration 
and  the  Democratic  majority  in  Congress  toward 
our  fisheries  as  unfriendly  and  conspicuously 
unpatriotic,  and  as  tending  to  destroy  a  valuable 
national  industry  and  an  indispensable  resource 
of  defense  against  a  foreign  enemy.  The  name 
of  American  applies  alike  to  all  citizens  of  the 
republic,  and  imposes  upon  all  alike  the  same 
obligation  of  obedience  to  the  laws.  At  the 
same  time  that  citizenship  is  and  must  be  the 
panoply  and  safeguard  of  him  who  wears  it,  and 
protect  him,  whether  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor, 
in  all  his  civil  rights.  It  should  and  must  afford 
him  protection  at  home,  and  follow  and  protect 
him  abroad,  in  whatever  land  he  may  be,  on  a 
lawful  errand. 

CIVIL-SERVICE  REFORM 

The  men  who  abandoned  the  Republican 
party  in  1884  and  continue  to  adhere  to  the 

3 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


Democratic  party  have  deserted  not  only  the 
cause  of  honest  government,  of  sound  finance, 
of  freedom,  of  purity  of  the  ballot,  but  espe- 
cially have  deserted  the  cause  of  reform  in  the 
civil  service.  We  will  not  fail  to  keep  our 
pledges  because  they  have  broken  theirs,  or  be- 
cause their  candidate  has  broken  his.  We 
therefore  repeat  our  declaration  of  1884,  to  wit: 
"The  reform  of  the  civil  service,  auspiciously 
begun  under  the  Republican  administration, 
should  be  completed  by  the  further  extension 
of  the  reform  system,  already  established  by 
law,  to  all  the  grades  of  the  service  to  which  it 
is  applicable.  The  spirit  and  purpose  of  the 
reform  should  be  observed  in  all  executive  ap- 
pointments, and  all  laws  at  variance  with  the 
object  of  existing  reform  legislation  should  be 
repealed,  to  the  end  that  the  dangers  to  free 
institutions  which  lurk  in  the  power  of  official 
patronage  may  be  wisely  and  effectively 
avoided. 

PENSIONS    FOR  THE   SOLDIERS 

The  gratitude  of  the  nation  to  the  defenders 
of  the  Union  cannot  be  measured  by  laws.  The 
legislation  of  Congress  should  conform  to  the 
pledge  made  by  a  loyal  people,  and  be  so  en- 
larged and  extended  as  to  provide  against  the 


possibility  that  any  man  who  honorably  wore 
the  Federal  uniform  should  become  the  inmate 
of  an  almshouse,  or  dependent  upon  private 
charity.  In  the  presence  of  an  overflowing 
treasury,  it  would  be  a  public  scandal  to  do  less 
for  those  whose  valorous  service  preserved  the 
government.  We  denounce  the  hostile  spirit 
of  President  Cleveland  in  his  numerous  vetoes 
of  measures  for  pension  relief,  and  the  action  of 
the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  in  re- 
fusing even  a  consideration  of  general  pension 
legislation. 

In  support  of  the  principles  herewith  enun- 
ciated, we  invite  the  co-operation  of  patriotic 
men  of  all  parties,  and  especially  of  all  work- 
ingmen,  whose  prosperity  is  seriously  threat- 
ened by  the  free-trade  policy  of  the  present  ad- 
ministration. 

RESOLUTION  RELATING  TO  PROHIBITION 

Offered  by  Mr.  Boutelle,  of  Maine : 
The  first  concern  of  all  good  government  is 
the  virtue  and  sobriety  of  the  people  and  the 
purity  of  their  homes.  The  Republican  party 
cordially  sympathizes  with  all  wise  and  well- 
directed  efforts  for  the  promotion  of  temper- 
ance and  morality. 


C203] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ELECTION  OF  1892 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Thomas  H.  Carter,  of  Montana 
Secretary,  Louis  E.  McComas,  of  Maryland 

Mr.  McComas  having  been  appointed  to  a  judgeship  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
Joseph  H.  Manley,  of  Maine,  succeeded  him. 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Minneapolis,  Minn.,  June  7-10,  1892. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  J.  Sloat  Fassett,  of  New  York 
Chairman,  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  of  Ohio 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON  WHITELAW  REID 

OF  INDIANA  OF  NEW  YORK 


0 


N  the  first  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  President,  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana, 
was  nominated  for  a  second  term.    The  vote  stood  as  follows: 


CANDIDATES  VOTES         CANDIDATES  VOTES 

Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana. . . .  535%     Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine 4 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 182%     Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 1 

William  McKinley,  Jr.,  of  Ohio. . .  182        Whole  number  of  votes 905 

Necessary  to  a  choice 453 

For  Vice-President,  Whitelaw  Reid,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  by  acclamation. 
The  platform  of  the  Tenth  National  Republican  Convention,  at  Minneapolis,  adopted 
June  9, 1892,  is  as  follows : — 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 

The  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  the  fields,  workshops  and  mines,  and  make  the  fol- 
United  States,  assembled  in  general  convention  lowing  declaration  of  principles: — 
on  the  shores  of  the  Mississippi  River,  the  ever- 
lasting   bond    of    an    indestructible    republic,  THE  principle  of  protection 
whose  most  glorious  chapter  of  history  is  the  We  reaffirm  the  American  doctrine  of  protec- 
record  of  the  Republican   party,   congratulate  tion.     We  call  attention  to  its  growth  abroad, 
their  countrymen  on  the  majestic  march  of  the  We  maintain  that  the  prosperous  condition  of 
nation   under  the  banners  inscribed  with  the  our  country  is  largely  due  to  the  wise  revenue 
principles  of  our  platform  of  1888,  vindicated  legislation  of  the  last  Republican  Congress.    We 
by  victory  at  the  polls  and  prosperity  in  our  believe  that  all  articles  which  cannot  be  pro- 

Cto*3 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


duced  in  the  United  States,  except  luxuries, 
should  be  admitted  free  of  duty,  and  that  on  all 
imports  coming  into  competition  with  the 
products  of  American  labor  there  should  be 
levied  duties  equal  to  the  difference  between 
wages  abroad  and  at  home. 

We  assert  that  the  prices  of  manufactured 
articles  of  general  consumption  have  been  re- 
duced under  the  operations  of  the  Tariff  Act  of 
1890. 

We  denounce  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic 
majority  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  de- 
stroy our  tariff  laws  piecemeal,  as  manifested 
by  their  attacks  upon  wool,  lead,  and  lead  ores, 
the  chief  products  of  a  number  of  states,  and 
we  ask  the  people  for  their  judgment  thereon. 

TRIUMPH  OF  RECIPROCITY 

We  point  to  the  success  of  the  Republican 
policy  of  reciprocity,  under  which  our  export 
trade  has  vastly  increased  and  new  and  en- 
larged markets  have  been  opened  for  the  pro- 
ducts of  our  farms  and  workshops.  We  remind 
the  people  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  to  this  practical  business  measure, 
and  claim  that,  executed  by  a  Republican  ad- 
ministration, our  present  laws  will  eventually 
give  us  control  of  the  trade  of  the  world. 

FREE  AND  SAFE  COINAGE  OF  GOLD  AND  SILVER 

The  American  people,  from  tradition  and  in- 
terest, favor  bimetallism,  and  the  Republican 
party  demands  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver 
as  standard  money,  with  such  restrictions  and 
under  such  provisions,  to  be  determined  by 
legislation,  as  will  secure  the  maintenance  of 
the  parity  of  values  of  the  two  metals,  so  that 
the  purchasing  and  debt-paying  power  of  the 
dollar,  whether  of  silver,  gold,  or  paper,  shall 
be  at  all  times  equal.  The  interests  of  the  pro- 
ducers of  the  country,  its  farmers  and  its  work- 
ingmen,  demand  that  every  dollar,  paper,  or 
coin,  issued  by  the  government  shall  be  as  good 
as  any  other.  We  commend  the  wise  and  pa- 
triotic steps  already  taken  by  our  government 
to  secure  an  international  conference  to  adopt 
such  measures  as  will  insure  a  parity  of  value 
between  gold  and  silver  for  use  as  money 
throughout  the  world. 

FREEDOM  OF  THE  BALLOT 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  un- 
restricted ballot  in  all  public  elections,  and  that 
such  ballot  shall  be  counted  and  returned  as 
cast;  that  such  laws  shall  be  enacted  and  en- 
forced as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  be  he  rich 
or  poor,  native  or  foreign-born,  white  or  black, 
this  sovereign  right,  guaranteed  by  the  Consti- 


tution. The  free  and  honest  popular  ballot,  the 
just  and  equal  representation  of  all  the  people, 
as  well  as  their  just  and  equal  protection  under 
the  laws,  are  the  foundation  of  our  republican 
institutions,  and  the  party  will  never  relax  its 
efforts  until  the  integrity  of  the  ballot  and  the 
purity  of  elections  shall  be  fully  guaranteed  and 
protected  in  every  state. 

OUTRAGES   IN  THE  SOUTH 

We  denounce  the  continued  inhuman  outrages 
perpetrated  upon  American  citizens  for  political 
reasons  in  certain  Southern  States  of  the  Union. 

EXTENSION  OF  FOREIGN  COMMERCE 

We  favor  the  extension  of  our  foreign  com- 
merce, the  restoration  of  our  mercantile  marine 
by  home-built  ships,  and  the  creation  of  a  navy 
for  the  protection  of  our  national  interests  and 
the  honor  of  our  flag;  the  maintenance  of  the 
most  friendly  relations  with  all  foreign  powers, 
entangling  alliances  with  none,  and  the  protec- 
tion of  the  rights  of  our  fishermen. 

MONROE  DOCTRINE 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine, and  believe  in  the  achievement  of  the 
manifest  destiny  of  the  republic  in  its  broadest 
sense. 

RESTRICTION  OF  IMMIGRATION 

We  favor  the  enactment  of  more  stringent 
laws  and  regulations  for  the  restriction  of  crim- 
inal, pauper,  and  contract  immigration. 

EMPLOYEES  OF  RAILROADS 

We  favor  efficient  legislation  by  Congress  to 
protect  the  life  and  limbs  of  employees  of  trans- 
portation companies  engaged  in  carrying  on 
interstate  commerce,  and  recommend  legisla- 
tion by  the  respective  states  that  will  protect 
employees  engaged  in  state  commerce,  in  min- 
ing and  manufacturing. 

CHAMPIONING  THE  OPPRESSED 

The  Republican  party  has  always  been  the 
champion  of  the  oppressed  and  recognizes  the 
dignity  of  manhood,  irrespective  of  faith,  color, 
or  nationality.  R  sympathizes  with  the  cause 
of  home  rule  in  Ireland,  and  protests  against  the 
persecution  of  the  Jews  in  Russia. 

FREEDOM   OF  THOUGHT  AND   SPEECH 

The  ultimate  reliance  of  free  popular  govern- 
ment is  the  intelligence  of  the  people  and  the 
maintenance  of  freedom  among  all  men.  We 
therefore  declare  anew  our  devotion  to  liberty 
of  thought  and  conscience,  of  speech  and  press, 
and  approve  all  agencies  and  instrumentalities 


n«05] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


which  contribute  to  the  education  of  the  chil- 
dren of  the  land;  but  while  insisting  upon  the 
fullest  measure  of  religious  liberty,  we  are  op 
posed  to  any  union  of  church  and  state. 

TRUSTS  CONDEMNED 

We  reaffirm  our  opposition,  declared  in  the 
Republican  platform  of  1888,  to  all  combina- 
tions of  capital,  organized  in  trusts  or  other 
wise,  to  control  arbitrarily  the  condition  of 
trade  among  our  citizens.  We  heartily  indorse 
the  action  already  taken  upon  this  subject,  and 
ask  for  such  further  legislation  as  may  be  re- 
quired to  remedy  any  defects  in  existing  laws 
and  to  render  their  enforcement  more  complete 
and  effective. 

FREE-DELIVERY    SERVICE 

We  approve  the  policy  of  extending  to  towns, 
villages,  and  rural  communities  the  advantages 
of  the  free-delivery  service  now  enjoyed  by  the 
larger  cities  of  the  country,  and  reaffirm  the 
declaration  contained  in  the  Republican  plat- 
form of  1888,  pledging  the  reduction  of  letter 
postage  to  one  cent  at  the  earliest  possible  mo- 
ment consistent  with  the  maintenance  of  the 
Postoffice  Department  and  the  highest  class  of 
postal  service. 

SPIRIT  OF  CIVIL-SERVICE  REFORM 

We  commend  the  spirit  and  evidence  of  re- 
form in  the  civil  service,  and  the  wise  and  con- 
sistent enforcement  by  the  Republican  party  of 
the  laws  regulating  the  same. 

THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL 

The  construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  is  of 
the  highest  importance  to  the  American  people, 
both  as  a  measure  of  defense  and  to  build  up 
and  maintain  American  commerce,  and  it  should 
be  controlled  by  the  United  States  Government. 

TERRITORIES 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  ter- 
ritories at  the  earliest  practicable  day,  having 
due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the 
territories  and  of  the  United  States. 


FEDERAL  TERRITORIAL  OFFICERS 

All  the  federal  officers  appointed  for  the  ter- 
ritories should  be  selected  from  bona  fide  resi- 
dents thereof,  and  the  right  of  self-government 
should  be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

ARID  LANDS 

We  favor  cession,  subject  to  the  homestead 
laws,  of  the  arid  public  lands  to  the  states  and 
territories  in  which  they  lie,  under  such  con- 
gressional restrictions  as  to  disposition,  reclam- 
ation, and  occupancy  by  settlers  as  will  secure 
the  maximum  benefits  to  the  people. 

THE   COLUMRIAN    EXPOSITION 

The  World's  Columbian  Exposition  is  a  great 
national  undertaking,  and  Congress  should 
promptly  enact  such  reasonable  legislation  in 
aid  thereof  as  will  insure  a  discharging  of  the 
expense  and  obligations  incident  thereto  and 
the  attainment  of  results  commensurate  with  the 
dignity  and  progress  of  the  nation. 

SYMPATHY   FOR  TEMPERANCE 

We  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate 
efforts  to  lessen  and  prevent  the  evils  of  in- 
temperance and  promote  morality. 

PLEDGES  TO  THE  VETERANS 

Ever  mindful  of  the  services  and  sacrifices  of 
the  men  who  saved  the  life  of  the  nation,  we 
pledge  anew  to  the  veteran  soldiers  of  the  re- 
public a  watchful  care  and  a  just  recognition 
of  their  claims  upon  a  grateful  people. 

Harrison's  administration  commended 

We  commend  the  able,  patriotic,  and  thor- 
oughly American  administration  of  President 
Harrison.  Under  it  the  country  has  enjoyed 
remarkable  prosperity,  and  the  dignity  and 
honor  of  the  nation,  at  home  and  abroad,  have 
been  faithfully  maintained,  and  we  offer  the 
record  of  pledges  kept  as  a  guarantee  of  faith- 
ful performance  in  the  future. 


C8063 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1896 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Marcus  A.  Hanna,  of  Ohio 
Secretary,  Wm,  M.  Osborn,  of  Massachusetts 

Mr.  Osborn  having  resigned,  Charles  Dick,  of  Ohio,  was  chosen  secretary. 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

St.  Louis,  Mo.,  June  16,  1896. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana 
Chairman,  John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY  GARRET  A.  HOBART 

OF  OHIO  OF  NEW  JERSEY 

A  FTER  the  platform  had  been  adopted  by  the  convention,  thirty-four  members  who 
f\     had  protested  against  the  financial  plank  without  avail,  solemnly  withdrew 
■J-  3L  from  the  convention.    William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  was  chosen  as  the  candidate 
for  President  on  the  first  ballot,  as  is  shown  in  the  following  table: 

CANDIDATES  VOTES         CANDIDATES  VOTES 

William  McKinley,  of  Ohio 661  %     Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York 58 

Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine 84%     William  B.  Allison,  of  Iowa 35% 

Matthew  S.  Quay,  of  Pennsylvania    61%     J.  Donald  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania  1 

Blank 4 

As  the  candidate  for  Vice-President,  Garret  A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey,  was  also 
chosen  on  the  first  ballot,  as  is  shown  below: 

candidates                                  votes  candidates                                 votes 

Garret  A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey. .  535%  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  of  New  York. .       3 

Henry  Clay  Evans,  of  Tennessee. .  277%     John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska 2 

Morgan  G.  Bulkeley,  of  Connecticut    39        Frederick  D.  Grant,  of  New  York 2 

James  A.  Walker,  of  Virginia 24         Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York 1 

Charles  W.  Lippitt,  of  Bhode  Island     8         Whole  number  of  votes 895 

Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine 3         Necessary  to  a  choice 448 

C2073 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


The  convention  adopted  the  following  as  the  platform : 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 


The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  as- 
sembled by  their  representatives  in  national 
convention,  appealing  for  the  popular  and  his- 
torical justification  of  their  claims  to  the  match- 
less achievements  of  the  thirty  years  of  Repub- 
lican rule,  earnestly  and  confidently  address 
themselves  to  the  awakened  intelligence,  ex- 
perience, and  conscience  of  their  countrymen 
in  the  following  declaration  of  facts  and  prin- 
ciples: 

For  the  first  time  since  the  Civil  War  the 
American  people  have  witnessed  the  calamitous 
consequences  of  full  and  unrestricted  Democra- 
tic control  of  the  government.  It  has  been  a 
record  of  unparalleled  incapacity,  dishonor, 
and  disaster.  In  administrative  management  it 
has  ruthlessly  sacrificed  indispensable  revenue, 
entailed  an  unceasing  deficit,  eked  out  ordinary 
current  expenses  with  borrowed  money,  piled 
up  the  public  debt  by  $262,000,000  in  time  of 
peace,  forced  an  adverse  balance  of  trade,  kept 
a  perpetual  menace  hanging  over  the  redemp- 
tion fund,  pawned  American  credit  to  alien 
syndicates,  and  reversed  all  the  measures  and 
results  of  successful  Republican  rule. 

In  the  broad  effect  of  its  policy  it  has  precip- 
itated panic,  blighted  industry  and  trade  with 
prolonged  depression,  closed  factories,  reduced 
work  and  wages,  halted  enterprise,  and  crippled 
American  production  while  stimulating  foreign 
production  for  the  American  market.  Every 
consideration  of  public  safety  and  individual 
interest  demands  that  the  government  shall  be 
rescued  from  the  hands  of  those  who  have 
shown  themselves  incapable  to  conduct  it  with- 
out disaster  at  home  and  dishonor  abroad,  and 
shall  be  restored  to  the  party  which  for  thirty 
years  administered  it  with  unequaled  success 
and  prosperity,  and  in  this  connection  we  heart- 
ily indorse  the  wisdom,  the  patriotism,  and  the 
success  of  the  administration  of  President 
Harrison, 

TABIFF 

We  renew  and  emphasize  our  allegiance  to 
the  policy  of  protection  as  the  bulwark  of 
American  industrial  independence  and  the 
foundation  of  American  development  and  pros- 
perity. This  true  American  policy  taxes  foreign 
products  and  encourages  home  industry;  it  puts 
the  burden  of  revenue  on  foreign  goods;  it  se- 
cures the  American  market  for  the  American 
producer;  it  upholds  the  American  standard  of 
wages  for  the  American  workingman;  it  puts 


C208] 


the  factory  by  the  side  of  the  farm,  and  makes 
the  American  farmer  less  dependent  on  foreign 
demand  and  price;  it  diffuses  general  thrift,  and 
founds  the  strength  of  all  on  the  strength  of 
each.  In  its  reasonable  application  it  is  just, 
fair,  and  impartial;  equally  opposed  to  foreign 
control  and  domestic  monopoly,  to  sectional 
discrimination  and  individual  favoritism. 

We  denounce  the  present  Democratic  tariff 
as  sectional,  injurious  to  the  public  credit,  and 
destructive  to  business  enterprise.  We  demand 
such  an  equitable  tariff  on  foreign  imports 
which  come  into  competition  with  American 
products  as  will  not  only  furnish  adequate 
revenue  for  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  gov- 
ernment, but  will  protect  American  labor  from 
degradation  to  the  wage  level  of  other  lands. 
We  are  not  pledged  to  any  particular  schedules. 
The  question  of  rates  is  a  practical  question  to 
be  governed  by  the  conditions  of  time  and  of 
production:  the  ruling  and  uncompromising 
principle  is  the  protection  and  development  of 
American  labor  and  industry.  The  country  de- 
mands a  right  settlement,  and  then  it  wants  rest. 

RECIPROCITY. 

We  believe  the  repeal  of  the  reciprocity  ar- 
rangements negotiated  by  the  last  Republican 
administration  was  a  national  calamity,  and  we 
demand  their  renewal  and  extension  on  such 
terms  as  will  equalize  our  trade  with  other 
nations,  remove  the  restrictions  which  now  ob- 
struct the  sale  of  American  products  in  the 
ports  of  other  countries,  and  secure  enlarged 
markets  for  the  products  of  our  farms,  forests, 
and  factories. 

Protection  and  reciprocity  are  twin  measures 
of  Republican  policy  and  go  hand  in  hand. 
Democratic  rule  has  recklessly  struck  down 
both,  and  both  must  be  re-established.  Protec- 
tion for  what  we  produce;  free  admission  for 
the  necessaries  of  life  which  we  do  not  pro- 
duce; reciprocity  agreements  of  mutual  inter- 
ests which  gain  open  markets  for  us  in  return 
for  our  open  market  to  others.  Protection 
builds  up  domestic  industry  and  trade,  and  se- 
cures our  own  market  for  ourselves;  reciprocity 
builds  up  foreign  trade,  and  finds  an  outlet  for 
our  surplus. 

SUGAR 

We  condemn  the  present  administration  for 
not  keeping  faith  with  the  sugar-producers  of 
this  country.   The  Republican  party  favors  such 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


protection  as  will  lead  to  the  production  on 
American  soil  of  all  the  sugar  which  the  Ameri- 
can people  use,  and  for  which  they  pay  other 
countries  more  than  $100,000,000  annually. 

WOOL    AND    WOOLENS 

To  all  our  products — to  those  of  the  mine  and 
the  fields  as  well  as  to  those  of  the  shop  and  the 
factory;  to  hemp,  to  wool,  the  product  of  the 
great  industry  of  sheep  husbandry,  as  well  as 
to  the  finished  woolens  of  the  mills — we  promise 
the  most  ample  protection. 

MERCHANT  MARINE 

We  favor  restoring  the  American  policy  of 
discriminating  duties  for  the  upbuilding  of  our 
merchant  marine  and  the  protection  of  our  ship- 
ping in  the  foreign  carrying  trade,  so  that 
American  ships — the  product  of  American  labor, 
employed  in  American  shipyards,  sailing  under 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  manned,  officered, 
and  owned  by  Americans — may  regain  the  carry- 
ing of  our  foreign  commerce. 

FINANCE 

The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for 
sound  money.  It  caused  the  enactment  of  the 
law  providing  for  the  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ments in  1879;  since  then  every  dollar  has  been 
as  good  as  gold. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure 
calculated  to  debase  our  currency  or  impair  the 
credit  of  our  country.  We  are,  therefore,  op- 
posed to  the  free  coinage  of  silver  except  by 
international  agreement  with  the  leading  com- 
mercial nations  of  the  world,  which  we  pledge 
ourselves  to  promote,  and  until  such  agreement 
can  be  obtained,  the  existing  gold  standard 
must  be  preserved.  All  our  silver  and  paper 
currency  must  be  maintained  at  parity  with 
gold,  and  we  favor  all  measures  designed  to 
maintain  inviolably  the  obligations  of  the 
United  States  and  all  our  money,  whether  coin 
or  paper,  at  the  present  standard,  the  standard 
of  the  most  enlightened  nations  of  the  earth. 

PENSIONS 

The  veterans  of  the  Union  Army  deserve  and 
should  receive  fair  treatment  and  generous  rec- 
ognition. Whenever  practicable,  they  should 
be  given  the  preference  in  the  matter  of  employ- 
ment, and  they  are  entitled  to  the  enactment  of 
such  laws  as  are  best  calculated  to  secure  the 
fulfilment  of  the  pledges  made  to  them  in  the 
dark  days  of  the  country's  peril.  We  denounce 
the  practice  in  the  Pension  Bureau,  so  reck- 
lessly and  unjustly  carried  on  by  the  present 
administration,  of  reducing  pensions  and  ar- 
bitrarily  dropping   names   from   the   rolls,   as 


deserving    the    severest    condemnation    of    the 
American  people. 

FOREIGN    RELATIONS 

Our  foreign  policy  should  be  at  all  times  firm, 
vigorous,  and  dignified,  and  all  our  interests  in 
the  Western  Hemisphere  carefully  watched  and 
guarded.  The  Hawaiian  Islands  should  be  con- 
trolled by  the  United  States,  and  no  foreign 
power  should  be  permitted  to  interfere  with 
them;  the  Nicaragua  Canal  should  be  built, 
owned,  and  operated  by  the  United  States;  and 
by  the  purchase  of  the  Danish  islands  we  should 
secure  a  proper  and  much  needed  naval  station 
in  the  West  Indies. 

ARMENIAN    MASSACRES. 

The  massacres  in  Armenia  have  aroused  the 
deep  sympathy  and  just  indignation  of  the 
American  people,  and  we  believe  that  the  Uni- 
ted States  should  exercise  all  the  influence  it 
can  properly  exert  to  bring  these  atrocities  to 
an  end.  In  Turkey,  American  residents  have 
been  exposed  to  the  gravest  dangers  and  Ameri- 
can property  destroyed.  There  and  every- 
where American  citizens  and  American  property 
must  be  absolutely  protected  at  all  hazards  and 
at  any  cost. 

MONROE  DOCTRINE 

We  reassert  the  Monroe  doctrine  in  its  full 
extent,  and  we  reaffirm  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  give  the  doctrine  effect  by  responding 
to  the  appeal  of  any  American  state  for  friendly 
intervention  in  case  of  European  encroachment. 
We  have  not  interfered  and  shall  not  interfere 
with  the  existing  possessions  of  any  European 
power  in  this  hemisphere,  but  these  possessions 
must  not  on  any  pretext  be  extended.  We  hope- 
fully look  forward  to  the  eventual  withdrawal 
of  the  European  powers  from  this  hemisphere, 
and  to  the  ultimate  union  of  all  English-speak- 
ing parts  of  the  continent  by  the  free  consent 
of  its  inhabitants. 

CUHA 

From  the  hour  of  achieving  their  own  inde- 
pendence, the  people  of  the  United  States  have 
regarded  with  sympathy  the  struggles  of  other 
American  peoples  to  free  themselves  from  Eu- 
ropean domination.  We  watch  with  deep  and 
abiding  interest  the  heroic  battle  of  the  Cuban 
patriots  against  cruelty  and  oppression,  and  our 
best  hopes  go  out  for  the  full  success  of  their 
determined  contest  for  liberty. 

The  Government  of  Spain  having  lost  control 
of  Cuba  and  being  unable  to  protect  the  prop- 
erty or  lives  of  resident  American  citizens  or 
to  comply  with  its  treaty  obligations,  we  believe 


C2093 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  should 
actively  use  its  influence  and  good  offices  to  re- 
store peace  and  give  independence  to  the  island. 

THE  NAVY 

The  peace  and  security  of  the  republic  and 
the  maintenance  of  its  rightful  influence  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth  demand  a  naval  power 
commensurate  with  its  position  and  responsi- 
bility. We  therefore  favor  the  continued  en- 
largement of  the  navy  and  a  complete  system  of 
harbor  and  seacoast  defenses. 

FOREIGN   IMMIGRATION. 

For  the  protection  of  the  quality  of  our 
American  citizenship  and  of  the  wages  of  our 
workingmen  against  the  fatal  competition  of 
low-priced  labor,  we  demand  that  the  immigra- 
tion laws  be  thoroughly  enforced,  and  so  ex- 
tended as  to  exclude  from  entrance  to  the  United 
States  those  who  can  neither  read  nor  write. 

CIVIL  SERVICE 

The  civil-service  law  was  placed  on  the  stat- 
ute-book by  the  Republican  party,  which  has 
always  sustained  it,  and  we  renew  our  repeated 
declarations  that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and 
honestly  enforced,  and  extended  wherever  prac- 
ticable. 

FREE  BALLOT 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  un- 
restricted ballot,  and  that  such  ballot  shall  be 
counted  and  returned  as  cast. 

LYNCHINGS 

We  proclaim  our  unqualified  condemnation 
of  the  uncivilized  and  barbarous  practice  well 
known  as  lynching,  or  killing  of  human  beings 
suspected  or  charged  with  crime,  without  pro- 
cess of  law. 

NATIONAL  ARBITRATION 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  national  board  of 
arbitration  to  settle  and  adjust  differences 
which  may  arise  between  employers  and  em- 
ployees engaged  in  interstate  commerce. 


HOMESTEADS 

We  believe  in  an  immediate  return  to  the 
free-homestead  policy  of  the  Republican  party, 
and  urge  the  passage  by  Congress  of  a  satis- 
factory free-homestead  measure  such  as  has 
already  passed  the  House  and  is  now  pending 
in  the  Senate. 

TERRITORIES 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining 
territories  at  the  earliest  practicable  date,  hav- 
ing due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of 
the  territories  and  of  the  United  States.  All 
the  federal  officers  appointed  for  the  territories 
should  be  selected  from  bona  fide  residents 
thereof,  and  the  right  of  self-government  should 
be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

ALASKA 

We  believe  the  citizens  of  Alaska  should  have 
representation  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  to  the  end  that  needful  legislation  may 
be  intelligently  enacted. 

TEMPERANCE 

We  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate 
efforts  to  lessen  and  prevent  the  evils  of  in- 
temperance and  promote  morality. 

RIGHTS  OF  WOMEN 

The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  the  rights 
and  interests  of  women.  Protection  of  Ameri- 
can industries  includes  equal  opportunities, 
equal  pay  for  equal  work,  and  protection  to  the 
home.  We  favor  the  admission  of  women  to 
wider  spheres  of  usefulness,  and  welcome  their 
co-operation  in  rescuing  the  country  from 
Democratic  and  Populist  mismanagement  and 
misrule. 

Such  are  the  principles  and  policies  of  the 
Republican  party.  By  these  principles  we  will 
abide  and  these  policies  we  will  put  into  exe- 
cution. We  ask  for  them  the  considerate  judg- 
ment of  the  American  people.  Confident  alike 
in  the  history  of  our  great  party  and  in  the 
justice  of  our  cause,  we  present  our  platform 
and  our  candidates  in  the  full  assurance  that 
the  election  will  bring  victory  to  the  Repub- 
lican party  and  prosperity  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States. 


n^ion 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1900 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Marcus  A.  Hanna,  of  Ohio 
Secretary,  Perry  S.  Heath,  of  Indiana 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  June  19-21,  1900. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Edward  O.  Wolcott,  of  Colorado 
Chairman,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

OF  OHIO  OF  NEW  YORK 

THIS  convention  was  composed  of  924  delegates,  including  two  from  Hawaii. 
William  McKinley  was  unanimously  renominated  for  President  on  the  first  ballot. 
For  Vice-President,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  was  unanimously  nomi- 
nated on  the  first  ballot,  receiving  923  votes,  one  less  than  the  full  number,  he  having 
refrained  from  voting. 

At  this  convention  but  one  candidate  was  presented  for  each  office. 
The  platform  adopted  by  the  Twelfth  Republican  National  Convention,  on  June  20, 
1900,  is  as  follows : 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  through  country's  capital  was  hidden  away  and  its  labor 

their   chosen    representatives   met    in    national  distressed  and    unemployed.     The     Democrats 

convention,  looking  back  upon  an  unsurpassed  had  no  other  plan  with  which  to  improve  the 

record  of  achievement  and  looking  forward  into  ruinous  conditions  which  they  had  themselves 

a  great  field  of  duty  and  opportunity,  and  ap-  produced   than   to   coin   silver   at  the   ratio   of 

pealing  to  the  judgment  of  their  countrymen,  16  to  1. 
make  these  declarations: 

PROMISE    OF    PROSPERITY    REDEEMED 

expectations  fulfilled  The  Republican  party,  denouncing  this  plan 

The    expectation    in    which    the    American  as  sure  to  produce  conditions  even  worse  than 

people,  turning  from  the  Democratic  party,  in-  those  from  which  relief  was  sought,  promised 

trusted  power  four  years  ago  to  a  Republican  to  restore  prosperity  by  means  of  two  legisla- 

Chief  Magistrate   and   a   Republican   Congress,  tive  measures:    a  protective  tariff  and   a   law 

has  been  met  and  satisfied.     When  the  people  making  gold  the  standard  of  value.    The  people 

then   assembled   at  the  polls,   after  a  term   of  by  great   majorities  issued  to  the   Republican 

Democratic  legislation  and  administration,  busi-  party  a  commission  to  enact  these  laws.    The 

ness   was    dead,   industry   paralyzed,    and    the  commission  has  been  executed,  and  the  Repub- 

national    credit    disastrously    impaired.      The  lican  promise  is  redeemed. 

[211] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-T  WENTY 


Prosperity  more  general  and  more  abundant 
than  we  have  ever  known  has  followed  these 
enactments.  There  is  no  longer  controversy  as 
to  the  value  of  any  government  obligations. 
Every  American  dollar  is  a  gold  dollar  or  its  as- 
sured equivalent,  and  American  credit  stands 
higher  than  that  of  any  nation.  Capital  is  fully 
employed,  and  labor  everywhere  is  profitably 
occupied. 

GROWTH  OF  EXPORT  TRADE 

No  single  fact  can  more  strikingly  tell  the 
story  of  what  Republican  government  means  to 
the  country  than  this,  that  while  during  the 
whole  period  of  one  hundred  and  seven  years, 
from  1790  to  1897,  there  was  an  excess  of  ex- 
ports over  imports  of  only  $383,028,497,  there 
has  been  in  the  short  three  years  of  the  present 
Republican  administration  an  excess  of  exports 
over  imports  in  the  enormous  sum  of  $1,483,- 
537,094. 

THE   WAR    WITH    SPAIN 

And  while  the  American  people,  sustained  by 
this  Republican  legislation,  have  been  achieving 
these  splendid  triumphs  in  their  business  and 
commerce,  they  have  conducted  and  in  victory 
concluded  a  war  for  liberty  and  human  rights. 
No  thought  of  national  aggrandizement  tar- 
nished the  high  purpose  with  which  American 
standards  were  unfurled.  It  was  a  war  un- 
sought and  patiently  resisted,  but  when  it  came, 
the  American  government  was  ready.  Its  fleets 
were  cleared  for  action;  its  armies  were  in  the 
field,  and  the  quick  and  signal  triumph  of  its 
forces  on  land  and  sea  bore  equal  tribute  to 
the  courage  of  American  soldiers  and  sailors, 
and  to  the  skill  and  foresight  of  Republican 
statesmanship.  To  ten  millions  of  the  human 
race  there  was  given  "a  new  birth  of  freedom," 
and  to  the  American  people  a  new  and  noble 
responsibility. 

mckinley's  administration  indorsed 

We  indorse  the  administration  of  William 
McKinley.  Its  acts  have  been  established  in 
wisdom  and  in  patriotism,  and  at  home  and 
abroad  it  has  distinctly  elevated  and  extended 
the  influence  of  the  American  nation.  Walking 
untried  paths  and  facing  unforeseen  responsi- 
bilities, President  McKinley  has  been  in  every 
situation  the  true  American  patriot  and  the  up- 
right statesman,  clear  in  vision,  strong  in  judg- 
ment, firm  in  action,  always  inspiring  and  de- 
serving the  confidence  of  his  countrymen. 

democratic  incapacity  a  menace  to  prosperity 

In  asking  the  American  people  to  indorse  this 
Republican  record  and  to  renew  their  commis- 


sion to  the  Republican  party,  we  remind  them 
of  the  fact  that  the  menace  to  their  prosperity 
has  always  resided  in  Democratic  principles, 
and  no  less  in  the  general  incapacity  of  the 
Democratic  party  to  conduct  public  affairs. 
The  prime  essential  of  business  prosperity  is 
public  confidence  in  the  good  sense  of  the  gov- 
ernment and  in  its  ability  to  deal  intelligently 
with  each  new  problem  of  administration  and 
legislation.  That  confidence  the  Democratic 
party  has  never  earned.  It  is  hopelessly  inade- 
quate, and  the  country's  prosperity,  when  Demo- 
cratic success  at  the  polls  is  announced,  halts 
and  ceases  in  mere  anticipation  of  Democratic 
blunders  and  failures. 

monetary  legislation 
We  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  principle  of 
the  gold  standard  and  declare  our  confidence  in 
the  wisdom  of  the  legislation  of  the  Fifty-sixth 
Congress,  by  which  the  parity  of  all  our  money 
and  the  stability  of  our  currency  upon  a  gold 
basis  has  been  secured.  We  recognize  that  in- 
terest rates  are  a  potent  factor  in  production 
and  business  activity,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
further  equalizing  and  of  further  lowering  the 
rates  of  interest,  we  favor  such  monetary  legis- 
lation as  will  enable  the  varying  needs  of  the 
season  and  of  all  sections  to  be  promptly  met, 
in  order  that  trade  may  be  evenly  sustained, 
labor  steadily  employed,  and  commerce  en- 
larged. The  volume  of  money  in  circulation 
was  never  so  great  per  capita  as  it  is  to-day. 

FREE  COINAGE  OF  SILVER  OPPOSED 

We  declare  our  steadfast  opposition  to  the 
free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver.  No 
measure  to  that  end  could  be  considered  which 
was  without  the  support  of  the  leading  com- 
mercial countries  of  the  world.  However  firmly 
Republican  legislation  may  seem  to  have 
secured  the  country  against  the  peril  of  base 
and  discredited  currency,  the  election  of  a 
Democratic  President  could  not  fail  to  impair 
the  country's  credit  and  to  bring  once  more  into 
question  the  intention  of  the  American  people 
to  maintain  upon  the  gold  standard  the  parity 
of  their  money  circulation.  The  Democratic 
party  must  be  convinced  that  the  American 
people  will  never  tolerate  the  Chicago  platform. 

TRUSTS 

We  recognize  the  necessity  and  propriety  of 
the  honest  co-operation  of  capital  to  meet  new 
business  conditions,  and  especially  to  extend 
our  rapidly  increasing  foreign  trade;  but  we 
condemn  all  conspiracies  and  combinations  in- 
tended to  restrict  business,  to  create  monopolies, 


C212  3 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


to  limit  production,  or  to  control  prices,  and 
favor  such  legislation  as  will  effectively  re- 
strain and  prevent  all  such  abuses,  protect  and 
promote  competition,  and  secure  the  rights  of 
producers,  laborers,  and  all  who  are  engaged  in 
industry  and  commerce. 

PROTECTION   POLICY   REAFFIRMED 

We  renew  our  faith  in  the  policy  of  protec- 
tion to  American  labor.  In  that  policy  our  in- 
dustries have  been  established,  diversified,  and 
maintained.  By  protecting  the  home  market, 
competition  has  been  stimulated  and  produc- 
tion cheapened.  Opportunity  to  the  inventive 
genius  of  our  people  has  been  secured  and 
wages  in  every  department  of  labor  maintained 
at  high  rates — higher  now  than  ever  before, 
and  always  distinguishing  our  working-people 
in  their  better  conditions  of  life  from  those  of 
any  competing  country.  Enjoying  the  blessings 
of  the  American  common  school,  secure  in  the 
right  of  self-government,  and  protected  in  the 
occupancy  of  their  own  markets,  their  con- 
stantly increasing  knowledge  and  skill  have  en- 
abled them  to  finally  enter  the  markets  of  the 
world. 

RECIPROCITY  FAVORED 

We  favor  the  associated  policy  of  reciprocity, 
so  directed  as  to  open  our  markets  on  favorable 
terms  for  what  we  do  not  ourselves  produce,  in 
return  for  free  foreign  markets. 

RESTRICTION   OF  IMMIGRATION,  AND   OTHER  LABOR- 
LEGISLATION 

In  the  further  interest  of  American  workmen 
we  favor  a  more  effective  restriction  of  the  im- 
migration of  cheap  labor  from  foreign  lands, 
the  extension  of  opportunities  of  education  for 
working-children,  the  raising  of  the  age  limit 
for  child-labor,  the  protection  of  free  labor  as 
against  contract  convict  labor,  and  an  effective 
system  of  labor  insurance. 

SHIPPING 

Our  present  dependence  upon  foreign  ship- 
ping for  nine-tenths  of  our  foreign-carrying 
trade  is  a  great  loss  to  the  industry  of  this 
country.  It  is  also  a  serious  danger  to  our  trade, 
for  its  sudden  withdrawal  in  the  event  of 
European  war  would  seriously  cripple  our  ex- 
panding foreign  commerce.  The  national  de- 
fense and  naval  efficiency  of  this  country,  more- 
over, supply  a  compelling  reason  for  legislation 
which  will  enable  us  to  recover  our  former 
place  among  the  trade  carrying  fleets  of  the 
world. 


DEBT    TO    SOLDIERS    AND    SAILORS 

The  nation  owes  a  debt  of  profound  gratitude 
to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  who  have  fought  its 
battles,  and  it  is  the  government's  duty  to  pro- 
vide for  the  survivors  and  for  the  widows  and 
orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  the 
country's  wars.  The  pension  laws,  founded  on 
this  just  sentiment,  should  be  liberally  admin- 
istered, and  preference  should  be  given,  wher- 
ever practicable,  with  respect  to  employment  in 
the  public  service,  to  soldiers  and  sailors  and  to 
their  widows  and  orphans. 

THE  CIVIL  SERVICE 

We  commend  the  policy  of  the  Republican 
party  in  maintaining  the  efficiency  of  the  civil 
service.  The  administration  has  acted  wisely 
in  its  effort  to  secure  for  public  service  in  Cuba, 
Porto  Rico,  Hawaii,  and  the  Philippine  Islands, 
only  those  whose  fitness  has  been  determined  by 
training  and  experience.  We  believe  that  em- 
ployment in  the  public  service  in  these  terri- 
tories should  be  confined,  as  far  as  practicable, 
to  their  inhabitants. 

THE  RACE  QUESTION 

It  was  the  plain  purpose  of  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  to  prevent  dis- 
crimination on  account  of  race  or  color  in  regu- 
lating the  elective  franchise.  Devices  of  state 
governments,  whether  by  statutory  or  consti- 
tutional enactment,  to  avoid  the  purpose  of  this 
amendment  are  revolutionary  and  should  be 
condemned. 

PUBLIC   ROADS 

Public  movements  looking  to  a  permanent 
improvement  of  the  roads  and  highways  of  the 
country  meet  with  our  cordial  approval,  and 
we  recommend  this  subject  to  the  earnest  con- 
sideration of  the  people  and  of  the  legislatures 
of  the  several  states. 

RURAL    FREE    DELIVERY 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  rural  free- 
delivery  service  wherever  its  extension  may  be 
justified. 

LAND-LEGISLATION 

In  further  pursuance  of  the  constant  policy 
of  the  Republican  party  to  provide  free  homes 
on  the  public  domain,  we  recommend  adequate 
national  legislation  to  reclaim  the  arid  lands  of 
the  United  States,  reserving  control  of  the  dis- 
tribution of  water  for  irrigation  to  the  respec- 
tive states  and  territories. 

NEW    STATES   PROPOSED 

We  favor  home-rule  for,  and  the  early  admis- 
sion to  statehood  of,  the  territories  of  New 
Mexico,  Arizona,  and  Oklahoma. 


[213:1 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


REDUCTION  OF  WAR  TAXES 

The  Dingley  Act,  amended  to  provide  suffi- 
cient revenue  for  the  conduct  of  the  war,  has  so 
well  performed  its  work  that  it  has  been  pos- 
sible to  reduce  the  war  debt  in  the  sum  of 
$40,000,000.  So  ample  are  the  government's 
revenues  and  so  great  is  the  public  confidence  in 
the  integrity  of  its  obligations,  that  its  newly 
funded  2  per  cent,  bonds  sell  at  a  premium. 
The  country  is  now  justified  in  expecting,  and  it 
will  be  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  to 
bring  about,  a  reduction  of  the  war  taxes. 

ISTHMIAN  CANAL  AND  NEW  MARKETS 

We  favor  the  construction,  ownership,  con- 
trol, and  protection  of  an  isthmian  canal  by  the 
government  of  the  United  States.  New  markets 
are  necessary  for  the  increasing  surplus  of  our 
farm  products.  Every  effort  should  be  made  to 
open  and  obtain  new  markets,  especially  in  the 
Orient,  and  the  administration  is  to  be  warmly 
commended  for  its  successful  efforts  to  commit 
all  trading  and  colonizing  nations  to  the  policy 
of  the  open  door  in  China. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  COMMERCE 

In  the  interest  of  our  expanding  commerce  we 
recommend  that  Congress  create  a  Department 
of  Commerce  and  Industries,  in  the  charge  of  a 
secretary  with  a  seat  in  the  cabinet.  The  United 
States  consular  system  should  be  reorganized 
under  the  supervision  of  this  new  department, 
upon  such  a  basis  of  appointment  and  tenure  as 
will  render  it  still  more  serviceable  to  the  na- 
tion's increasing  trade. 

PROTECTION  OF  CITIZENS 

The  American  Government  must  protect  the 
person  and  property  of  every  citizen  wherever 
they  are  wrongfully  violated  or  placed  in  peril. 

SERVICES  OF  WOMEN 

We  congratulate  the  women  of  America  upon 
their  splendid  record  of  public  service  in  the 
Volunteer  Aid  Association  and  as  nurses  in 
camp  and  hospital  during  the  recent  campaigns 
of  our  armies  in  the  East  and  West  Indies,  and 
we  appreciate  their  faithful  co-operation  in  all 
works  of  education  and  industry. 

FOREIGN  AFFAIRS.     SAMOAN  AND  HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS 

President  McKinley  has  conducted  the  foreign 
affairs  of  the  United  States  with  distinguished 
credit  to  the  American  people.  In  releasing  us 
from  the  vexatious  conditions  of  a  European 
alliance  for  the  government  of  Samoa,  his 
course  is  especially  to  be  commended.  By  se- 
curing to  our  undivided  control  the  most  im- 
portant island  of  the  Samoan  group  and  the  best 


harbor  in  the  Southern  Pacific,  every  American 
interest  has  been  safeguarded. 

We  approve  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands  to  the  United  States. 

THE  HAGUE  CONFERENCE.     THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 
THE  SOUTH  AFRICAN  WAR 

We  commend  the  part  taken  by  our  govern- 
ment in  the  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague. 
We  assert  our  steadfast  adherence  to  the  policy 
announced  in  the  Monroe  doctrine.  The  provi- 
sions of  The  Hague  convention  were  wisely  re- 
garded when  President  McKinley  tendered  his 
friendly  offices  in  the  interest  of  peace  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  South  African  Republic. 
While  the  American  Government  must  continue 
the  policy  prescribed  by  Washington,  affirmed 
by  every  succeeding  President,  and  imposed 
upon  us  by  The  Hague  Treaty,  of  non-interven- 
tion in  European  controversies,  the  American 
people  earnestly  hope  that  a  way  may  soon  be 
found,  honorable  alike  to  both  contending  par- 
ties, to  terminate  the  strife  between  them. 

SOVEREIGNTY  IN  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

In  accepting,  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  the  just 
responsibility  of  our  victories  in  the  Spanish 
war,  the  President  and  the  Senate  won  the  un- 
doubted approval  of  the  American  people.  No 
other  course  was  possible  than  to  destroy 
Spain's  sovereignty  throughout  the  West  Indies 
and  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  That  course 
created  our  responsibility  before  the  world  and 
with  the  unorganized  population  whom  our  in- 
tervention had  freed  from  Spain,  to  provide  for 
the  maintenance  of  law  and  order,  and  for  the 
establishment  of  good  government,  and  for  the 
performance  of  international  obligations. 

Our  authority  could  not  be  less  than  our  re- 
sponsibility, and  wherever  sovereign  rights 
were  extended  it  became  the  high  duty  of  the 
government  to  maintain  its  authority,  to  put 
down  armed  insurrection,  and  to  confer  the 
blessings  of  liberty  and  civilization  upon  all  the 
rescued  peoples. 

The  largest  measure  of  self-government  con- 
sistent with  their  welfare  and  our  duties  shall 
be  secured  to  them  by  law. 

INDEPENDENCE  OF  CUBA 

To  Cuba,  independence  and  self-government 
were  assured  in  the  same  voice  by  which  war 
was  declared,  and  to  the  letter  this  pledge  shall 
be  performed. 

INVOKES  THE  JUDGMENT  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

The  Republican  party,  upon  its  history  and 
upon  this  declaration  of  its  principles  and  poli- 
cies, confidently  invokes  the  considerate  and 
approving  judgment  of  the  American  people. 


C2143 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1904 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  George  B.  Cortelyou,  of  New  York 
Secretary,  Elmer  Dover,  of  Ohio 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  June  21-23,  1904. 

Chairman  pro  tern.,  Elihu  Boot,  of  New  York 
Chairman,  Joseph  G.  Cannon,  of  Illinois 


NOMINATED 


For  President 
THEODOBE  BOOSEVELT 

of  New  York 


For  Vice-President 
CHABLES  W.  FAIBBANKS 

OF  INDIANA    . 


THIS  convention  was  composed  of  994  delegates.    Theodore  Boosevelt,  of  New 
York,  was  unanimously  nominated  for  President  on  a  roll  call  of  states. 
For  Vice-President,  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  was  unanimously  nomi- 
nated by  acclamation.    Only  one  name  was  presented  for  each  office. 
The  platform  adopted  by  the  convention  follows: — 

BEPUBLICAN  PLATFOBM 


Fifty  years  ago  the  Republican  party  came 
into  existence  dedicated,  among  other  purposes, 
to  the  great  task  of  arresting  the  extension  of 
human  slavery.  In  1860  it  elected  its  first  Presi- 
dent. During  twenty-four  of  the  forty-four 
years  which  have  elapsed  since  the  election  of 
Lincoln  the  Republican  party  has  held  complete 
control  of  the  Government.  For  eighteen  more 
of  the  forty-four  years  it  has  held  partial  con- 
trol through  the  possession  of  one  or  two 
branches  of  the  Government,  while  the  Demo- 
cratic party  during  the  same  period  has  had 
complete  control  for  only  two  years. 

This  long  tenure  of  power  by  the  Republican 
party  is  not  due  to  chance.  It  is  a  demonstra- 
tion that  the  Republican  party  has  commanded 
the  confidence  of  the  American  people  for 
nearly  two  generations  to  a  degree  never 
equalled  in  history,  and  has  displayed  a  high 
capacity  for  rule  and  government  which  has 
been  made  even  more  conspicuous  by  the  in- 
capacity and  infirmity  of  purpose  shown  by 
its  opponents. 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS  SINCE  1897 

The  Republican  party  entered  upon  its  pres- 
ent period  of  complete  supremacy  in  1897.  We 
have  every  right  to  congratulate  ourselves  upon 
the  work  since  then  accomplished,  for  it  has 
added  lustre  even  to  the  traditions  of  the  party 
which  carried  the  government  through  the 
storms  of  civil  war. 

We  then  found  the  country,  after  four  years 
of  Democratic  rule,  in  evil  plight,  oppressed 
with  misfortune  and  doubtful  of  the  future. 
Public  credit  had  been  lowered,  the  revenues 
were  declining,  the  debt  was  growing,  the  ad- 
ministration's attitude  toward  Spain  was  feeble 
and  mortifying,  the  standard  of  values  was 
threatened  and  uncertain,  labor  was  unem- 
ployed, business  was  sunk  in  the  depression 
which  had  succeeded  the  panic  of  1893,  hope 
was  faint,  and  confidence  was  gone. 

We  met  these  unhappy  conditions  vigorously, 
effectively,  and  at  once. 

We  replaced  a  Democratic  tariff  law  based  on 
free  trade  principles  and  garnished  with  sec- 


CaiSj 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


tional  protection  by  a  consistent  protective 
tariff,  and  industry,  freed  from  oppression  and 
stimulated  by  the  encouragement  of  wise  laws, 
has  expanded  to  a  degree  never  before  known, 
has  conquered  new  markets,  and  has  created  a 
volume  of  exports  which  has  surpassed  imagina- 
tion. Under  the  Dingley  tariff  labor  has  been 
fully  employed,  wages  have  risen,  and  all  in- 
dustries have  revived  and  prospered. 

We  firmly  established  the  gold  standard, 
which  was  then  menaced  with  destruction. 
Confidence  returned  to  business  and  with  con- 
fidence an  unexampled  prosperity. 

For  deficient  revenues  supplemented  by  im- 
provident issues  of  bonds  we  gave  the  country 
an  income  which  produced  a  large  surplus  and 
which  enabled  us  only  four  years  after  the 
Spanish  war  had  closed  to  remove  over  one  hun- 
dred millions  of  annual  war  taxes,  reduce  the 
public  debt,  and  lower  the  interest  charges  of 
the  Government. 

The  public  credit,  which  had  been  so  lowered 
that  in  time  of  peace  a  Demqcratic  administra- 
tion made  large  loans  at  extravagant  rates  of  in- 
terest in  order  to  pay  current  expenditures,  rose 
under  Republican  administration  to  its  highest 
point  and  enabled  us  to  borrow  at  2  per  cent 
even  in  time  of  war. 

We  refused  to  palter  longer  with  the  miseries 
of  Cuba.  We  fought  a  quick  and  victorious  war 
with  Spain.  We  set  Cuba  free,  governed  the 
island  for  three  years,  and  then  gave  it  to  the 
Cuban  people  with  order  restored,  with  ample 
revenues,  with  education  and  public  health 
established,  free  from  debt  and  connected  with 
the  United  States  by  wise  provisions  for  our 
mutual  interests. 

We  have  organized  the  government  of  Porto 
Rico,  and  its  people  now  enjoy  peace,  freedom, 
order,  and  prosperity. 

In  the  Philippines  we  have  suppressed  insur- 
rection, established  order,  and  given  to  life  and 
property  a  security  never  known  there  before. 
We  have  organized  civil  government,  made  it 
effective  and  strong  in  administration,  and  have 
conferred  upon  the  people  of  those  islands  the 
largest  civil  liberty  they  have  ever  enjoyed. 

Ry  our  possession  of  the  Philippines  we  were 
enabled  to  take  prompt  and  effective  action  in 
the  relief  of  the  legations  at  Pekin  and  a  deci- 
sive part  in  preventing  the  partition  and  pre- 
serving the  integrity  of  China. 

The  possession  of  a  route  for  an  isthmian 
canal,  so  long  the  dream  of  American  states- 
manship, is  now  an  accomplished  fact.  The 
great  work  of  connecting  the  Pacific  and  At- 


Z2161 


lantic  by  a  canal  is  at  last  begun,  and  it  is  due 
to  the  Republican  party. 

We  have  passed  laws  which  will  bring  the 
arid  lands  of  the  United  States  within  the  area 
of  cultivation. 

We  have  reorganized  the  army  and  put  it  in 
the  highest  state  of  efficiency. 

We  have  passed  laws  for  the  improvement 
and  support  of  the  militia. 

We  have  pushed  forward  the  building  of  the 
navy,  the  defense  and  protection  of  our  honor 
and  our  interests. 

Our  administration  of  the  great  departments 
of  the  Government  has  been  honest  and  efficient, 
and  wherever  wrongdoing  has  been  discovered 
the  Republican  administration  has  not  hesitated 
to  probe  the  evil  and  bring  offenders  to  justice 
without  regard  to  party  or  political  ties. 

Laws  enacted  by  the  Republican  party  which 
the  Democratic  party  failed  to  enforce  and 
which  were  intended  for  the  protection  of  the 
public  against  the  unjust  discrimination  or  the 
illegal  encroachment  of  vast  aggregations  of 
capital,  have  been  fearlessly  enforced  by  a  Re- 
publican President,  and  new  laws,  insuring 
reasonable  publicity  as  to  the  operations  of 
great  corporations,  and  providing  additional 
remedies  for  the  prevention  of  discrimination 
in  freight  rates,  have  been  passed  by  a  Repub- 
lican Congress. 

In  this  record  of  achievement  during  the  past 
eight  years  may  be  read  the  pledges  which  the 
Republican  party  has  fulfilled.  We  promise  to 
continue  these  policies,  and  we  declare  our  con- 
stant adherence  to  the  following  principles: — 

THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

Protection  which  guards  and  develops  our  in- 
dustries is  a  cardinal  policy  of  the  Republican 
party.  The  measure  of  protection  should  al- 
ways at  least  equal  the  difference  in  the  cost  of 
production  at  home  and  abroad. 

We  insist  upon  the  maintenance  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  protection,  and  therefore  rates  of  duty 
should  be  readjusted  only  when  conditions  have 
so  changed  that  the  public  interest  demands 
their  alteration,  but  this  work  cannot  safely  be 
committed  to  any  other  hands  than  those  of  the 
Republican  party.  To  intrust  it  to  the  Demo- 
cratic party  is  to  invite  disaster.  Whether,  as  in 
1892,  the  Democratic  party  declares  the  protec- 
tive tariff  unconstitutional,  or  whether  it  de- 
mands tariff  reform  or  tariff  revision,  its  real 
object  is  always  the  destruction  of  the  protec- 
tive system. 

However  specious  the  name,  the  purpose  is 
ever  the  same.    A  Democratic  tariff  has  always 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


been  followed  by  business  adversity;  a  Repub- 
lican tariff  by  business  prosperity. 

To  a  Republican  Congress  and  a  Republican 
President  this  great  question  can  be  safely  in- 
trusted. When  the  only  free  trade  country 
among  the  great  nations  agitates  a  return  to  pro- 
tection, the  chief  protective  country  should  not 
falter  in  maintaining  it. 

We  have  extended  widely  our  foreign  mar- 
kets, and  we  believe  in  the  adoption  of  all  prac- 
ticable methods  for  their  further  extension, 
including  commercial  reciprocity  wherever  re- 
ciprocal arrangements  can  be  effected  consist- 
ent with  the  principles  of  protection  and 
without  injury  to  American  agriculture,  Amer- 
ican labor,  or  any  American  industry. 

THE  GOLD  STANDARD  MUST  BE  UPHELD 

We  believe  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  Republican 
party  to  uphold  the  gold  standard  and  the  in- 
tegrity and  value  of  our  national  currency.  The 
maintenance  of  the  gold  standard,  established 
by  the  Republican  party,  cannot  safely  be  com- 
mitted to  the  Democratic  party,  which  resisted 
its  adoption,  and  has  never  given  any  proof 
since  that  time  of  belief  in  it  or  fidelity  to  it. 

ENCOURAGE  THE  MERCHANT  MARINE 

While  every  other  industry  has  prospered 
under  the  fostering  aid  of  Republican  legisla- 
tion, American  shipping  engaged  in  foreign 
trade  in  competition  with  the  low  cost  of  con- 
struction, low  wages,  and  heavy  subsidies  of 
foreign  governments  has  not  for  many  years  re- 
ceived from  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  adequate  encouragement  of  any  kind. 
We  therefore  favor  legislation  which  will  en- 
courage and  build  up  the  American  merchant 
marine,  and  we  cordially  approve  the  legisla- 
tion of  the  last  Congress  which  created  the  Mer- 
chant Marine  Commission  to  investigate  and 
report  upon  this  subject. 

MAINTAIN  THE  NAVY 

A  navy  powerful  enough  to  defend  the  United 
States  against  any  attack,  to  uphold  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  and  watch  over  our  commerce  is  es- 
sential to  the  safety  and  the  welfare  of  the 
American  people.  To  maintain  such  a  navy  is 
the  fixed  policy  of  the  Republican  party. 

EXCLUDE  CHINESE  LABOR 

We  cordially  approve  the  attitude  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  and  Congress  in  regard  to  the 
exclusion  of  Chinese  labor,  and  promise  a  con- 
tinuance of  the  Republican  policy  in  that  direc- 
tion. 


ENFORCE  THE  CIVIL  SERVICE  LAW 

The  civil  service  law  was  placed  on  the  stat- 
ute books  by  the  Republican  party,  which  has 
always  sustained  it,  and  we  renew  our  former 
declarations  that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  hon- 
estly enforced. 

ADMINISTER  PENSION  LAWS  LIBERALLY 

We  are  always  mindful  of  the  country's  debt 
to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  United  States, 
and  we  believe  in  making  ample  provision  for 
them  and  in  the  liberal  administration  of  the 
pension  laws. 

ARBITRATION 

We  favor  such  Congressional  action  as  shall 
determine  by  arbitration. 

PROTECT  AMERICAN  CITIZENS  ABROAD 

We  commend  the  vigorous  efforts  made  by 
the  administration  to  protect  American  citizens 
in  foreign  lands,  and  pledge  ourselves  to  insist 
upon  the  just  and  equal  protection  of  all  our 
citizens  abroad.  It  is  the  unquestioned  duty  of 
the  Government  to  procure  for  all  our  citizens, 
without  distinction,  the  rights  of  travel  and  so- 
journ in  friendly  countries,  and  we  declare  our- 
selves in  favor  of  all  proper  efforts  tending  to 
that  end. 

OUR  POLICY  REGARDING  CHINA 

Our  great  interests  and  our  growing  com- 
merce in  the  Orient  render  the  condition  of 
China  of  high  importance  to  the  United  States. 
We  cordially  commend  the  policy  pursued  in 
that  direction  by  the  administrations  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley  and  President  Roosevelt. 

ENFORCE  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  PROVISIONS  REGARD- 
ING ELECTIVE   FRANCHISE 

We  favor  such  Congressional  action  as  shall 
determine  whether  by  special  discriminations 
the  elective  franchise  in  any  state  has  been  un- 
constitutionally limited,  and,  if  such  is  the  case, 
we  demand  that  representation  in  Congress  and 
in  the  electoral  colleges  shall  be  proportion- 
ately reduced  as  directed  by  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States. 

COMBINATIONS  OF  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL 

Combinations  of  capital  and  of  labor  are  the 
results  of  the  economic  movement  of  the  age, 
but  neither  must  be  permitted  to  infringe  upon 
the  rights  and  interests  of  the  people.  Such 
combinations  when  lawfully  formed  for  lawful 
purposes  are  alike  entitled  to  the  protection  of 
the  laws,  but  both  are  subject  to  the  laws,  and 
neither  can  be  permitted  to  break  them. 


can: 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


MCKINLEY  AND    ROOSEVELT 

The  great  statesman  and  patriotic  American, 
William  McKinley,  who  was  re-elected  by  the 
Republican  party  to  the  Presidency  four  years 
ago,  was  assassinated  just  at  the  threshold  of  his 
second  term.  The  entire  nation  mourned  his 
untimely  death,  and  did  that  justice  to  his  great 
qualities  of  mind  and  character  which  history 
will  confirm  and  repeat. 

The  American  people  were  fortunate  in  his 
successor,  to  whom  they  turned  with  a  trust  and 
confidence  which  have  been  fully  justified. 
President  Roosevelt  brought  to  the  great  respon- 
sibilities thus  sadly  forced  upon  him  a  clear 
head,  a  brave  heart,  and  earnest  patriotism,  and 
high  ideals  of  public  duty  and  public  service. 
True  to  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party 
and  to  the  policies  which  that  party  had  de- 
clared, he  has  also  shown  himself  ready  for 
every  emergency,  and  has  met  new  and  vital 
questions  with  ability  and  with  success. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COAL  STRIKE 

The  confidence  of  the  people  in  his  justice, 
inspired  by  his  public  career,  enabled  him  to 
render  personally  an  inestimable  service  to  the 
country  by  bringing  about  a  settlement  of  the 
coal  strike  which  threatened  such  disastrous  re- 
sults at  the  opening  of  the  winter  in  1902. 

roosevelt's  foreign  policy 
Our  foreign  policy  under  his  administration 
has  not  only  been  able,  vigorous,  and  dignified, 
but  to  the  highest  degree  successful.  The  com- 
plicated questions  which  arose  in  Venezuela 
were  settled  in  such  a  way  by  President  Roose- 
velt that  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  signally  vin- 
dicated and  the  cause  of  peace  and  arbitration 
greatly  advanced. 

PANAMA 

His  prompt  and  vigorous  action  in  Panama, 
which  we  commend  in  the  highest  terms,  not 
only  secured  to  us  the  canal  route,  but  avoided 
all  foreign  complications  which  might  have 
been  of  a  very  serious  character. 


IN   THE   ORIENT 

He  has  continued  the  policy  of  President  Mc- 
Kinley in  the  Orient,  and  our  position  in  China, 
signalized  by  our  recent  commercial  treaty  with 
that  empire,  has  never  been  so  high. 

THE  ALASKAN  BOUNDARY 

He  secured  the  tribunal  by  which  the  vexed 
and  perilous  question  of  the  Alaskan  boundary 
was  finally  settled. 

Whenever  crimes  against  humanity  have  been 
perpetrated  which  have  shocked  our  people,  his 
protest  has  been  made  and  our  good  offices  have 
been  tendered,  but  always  with  due  regard  to 
international  obligations. 

Under  his  guidance  we  find  ourselves  at  peace 
with  all  the  world,  and  never  were  we  more 
respected  or  our  wishes  more  regarded  by 
foreign  nations. 

DOMESTIC   QUESTIONS 

Pre-eminently  successful  in  regard  to  our  for- 
eign relations,  he  has  been  equally  fortunate  in 
dealing  with  domestic  questions.  The  country 
has  known  that  the  public  credit  and  the  na- 
tional currency  were  absolutely  safe  in  the 
hands  of  his  administration.  In  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  laws  he  has  shown  not  only  courage 
but  the  wisdom  which  understands  that  to  per- 
mit laws  to  be  violated  or  disregarded  opens  the 
door  to  anarchy,  while  the  just  enforcement  of 
the  law  is  the  soundest  conservatism.  He  has 
held  firmly  to  the  fundamental  American  doc- 
trine that  all  men  must  obey  the  law,  that  there 
must  be  no  distinction  between  rich  and  poor, 
between  strong  and  weak,  but  that  justice  and 
equal  protection  under  the  law  must  be  secured 
to  every  citizen  without  regard  to  race,  creed,  or 
condition. 

His  administration  has  been  throughout  vig- 
orous and  honorable,  high-minded  and  patriotic. 
We  commend  it  without  reservation  to  the  con- 
siderate judgment  of  the  American  people. 


nsisn 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


M 


ELECTION  OF  1908 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Frank  H.  Hitchcock,  of  Massachusetts 
Secretary,  William  Hayward,  of  Nebraska 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  June  16-20,  1908. 

Temporary  Chairman,  Julius  C.  Burrows,  of  Michigan 
Permanent  Chairman,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts 

nominated 
For  President  For  Vice-President 

WILLIAM  HOWABD  TAFT  JAMES  S.  SHERMAN 

OF  OHIO  OF  NEW  YORK 

R.  TAFT  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot  with  702  out  of  980  votes.    Others 
voted  for  were  Knox  68,  Hughes  67,  Cannon  58,  Fairbanks  40,  La  Follette  25, 
Foraker  16.    The  nomination  was  immediately  made  unanimous. 
The  following  platform  was  adopted : 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 

tribute  to  the  party  highest  aspirations  of  the  American  people  have 

Once  more  the  Republican  party  in  national  found  voice.    Their  most  exalted  servant  repre- 

convention  assembled  submits  its  cause  to  the  sents  the  best  aims  and  the  worthiest  purposes 

people.     This  great   historic  organization   that  of  a11  his  countrymen.    American  manhood  has 

destroyed    slavery,    preserved    the    Union,    re-  been  lifted  up  to  a  nobler  sense  of  duty  and  obli- 

stored   credit,   expanded  the   national   domain,  gation.     Conscience  and  courage  in  public  sta- 

established  a  sound  financial  system,  developed  tion  and  nigh  standards  of  right  and  wrong  in 

the  industries  and  resources  of  the  country,  and  private  life  have  been  the  cardinal  principles  of 

gave  to  the  nation  her  seat  of  honor  in  the  coun-  political    life.     Capital    and    labor    have    been 

cils  of  the  world  now  meets  the  new  problems  brought  into  closer  relations  of  confidence  and 

of  the  Government  with  the  same  spirit  with  interdependence  and  the  abuse  of  wealth  and 

which  it  solved  the  old.    In  this  the  greatest  era  the  tyranny  of  power,  and  all  evils  and  privi- 

of  American  advancement  the  Republican  party  le8ed  favoritism  have  been  put  to  scorn  by  the 

has  reached  its  highest  service  under  the  leader-  simple  and  manly  virtues  of  justice  and  fair 

ship  of  Theodore  Roosevelt.    His  administration  P'ay. 

is  an  epoch  in  American  history.    In  no  other  accomplishments  of  president  roosevelt 

period  since  the  national  sovereignty  was  won  The   greatest    accomplishments   of  President 

under  Washington  or  preserved  under  Lincoln  Roosevelt  have  been  first  and  foremost  a  brave 

has  there  been  such  mighty  progress  in  those  and   impartial   enforcement  of  the   law.     The 

ideals  of  government  which  make  for  justice,  prosecution  of  illegal  trusts  and  monopolies,  the 

equality,   and   fair   dealing   among   men.     The  exposure  and  punishment  of  evil  doers  in  the 

C2i9n 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


public  service,  the  more  effective  regulation  of 
the  rates  and  services  of  the  great  transporta- 
tion lines,  the  complete  overthrow  of  prefer- 
ences, rebates,  and  discriminations,  the  arbitra- 
tion of  labor  disputes,  the  amelioration  of  the 
conditions  of  wage-earners  everywhere,  the  con- 
servation of  the  natural  resources  of  the  coun- 
try, the  forward  step  in  the  improvement  of  the 
inland  waterways,  and  always  the  earnest  sup- 
port and  defense  of  every  wholesome  safeguard 
which  has  made  more  secure  the  guaranties  of 
life,  liberty,  and  property,  these  are  the  ele- 
ments that  will  make  for  Theodore  Roosevelt  his 
place  in  history,  but  more  than  all  else  the  great 
things  he  has  done  will  be  an  inspiration  to 
those  who  have  yet  greater  things  to  do. 

We  declare  our  unfaltering  adherence  to  the 
policies  thus  inaugurated,  and  pledge  their  con- 
tinuance under  the  Republican  administration 
of  the  Government. 

country's  great  prosperity 
Under  the  guidance  of  the  Republican  prin- 
ciples the  American  people  have  become  the 
richest  nation  in  the  world.  Our  wealth  to-day 
exceeds  that  of  England  and  all  of  her  colonies 
and  that  of  France  and  Germany  combined. 
When  the  Republican  party  was  born  the  wealth 
of  this  country  was  $16,000,000,000.  It  has 
leaped  to  $110,000,000,000  in  a  generation,  while 
Great  Britain  has  gathered  but  $60,000,000,000 
in  five  hundred  years.  The  United  States  now 
owns  one-fourth  of  the  world's  wealth  and 
makes  one-third  of  all  the  modern  manufactured 
products. 

In  the  great  necessities  of  civilization,  such  as 
coal,  the  motive  power  of  all  activity;  iron,  the 
chief  basis  of  all  industry;  cotton,  the  stable 
foundation  of  all  fabrics;  wheat,  corn,  and  all 
the  agricultural  products  that  feed  mankind, 
American  supremacy  is  undisputed.  And  yet 
her  great  national  wealth  has  been  scarcely 
touched.  We  have  a  vast  domain  of  3,000,000 
square  miles  literally  bursting  with  latent  treas- 
ure still  waiting  the  magic  of  capital  and  indus- 
try to  be  converted  to  the  practical  uses  of  man- 
kind; a  country  rich  in  soil  and  climate,  em- 
barrassed in  its  riches  and  treasures,  and  all  the 
products  of  the  field,  the  forest,  and  the  factory. 
With  gratitude  to  God's  bounty,  with  pride  in 
the  splendid  productiveness  of  the  past  and 
with  confidence  in  the  plenty  and  prosperity  of 
the  future,  the  Republican  party  declares  for  the 
principle  that  in  the  development  and  enjoy- 
ment of  wealth  so  great  and  blessings  so  benign 
there  shall  be  equal  opportunity  to  all. 

Nothing  so  clearly  demonstrates  the  sound 
basis  upon  which  our  commercial,  industrial, 


C«80] 


and  agricultural  interests  are  founded,  and  the 
necessity  of  promoting  their  continued  welfare 
through  the  operation  of  the  Republican  poli- 
cies as  the  recent  safe  passage  of  the  American 
people  through  a  financial  disturbance  which,  if 
appearing  in  the  midst  of  Democratic  rule  or  the 
menace  of  it,  might  have  equaled  the  familiar 
Democratic  panics  of  the  past.  We  congratu- 
late the  people  of  the  United  States  because  of 
our  American  supremacy  and  hail  with  confi- 
dence the  signs  now  manifest  of  complete  res- 
toration of  business  prosperity  in  all  lines  of 
trade,  commerce,  and  manufacturing. 

Since  the  election  of  William  McKinley  in 
1896  the  people  of  this  country  have  felt  anew 
the  wisdom  of  trusting  to  the  Republican  party, 
through  decisive  majorities,  the  control  and 
direction  of  national  affairs.  The  many  wise 
and  comprehensive  measures  adopted  at  recent 
sessions  of  Congress  have  demonstrated  the 
patriotic  resolve  of  the  Republican  leadership 
in  the  legislative  department  to  keep  step  in  the 
forward  march  to  our  better  government. 

record  of  last  session  of  congress 
Notwithstanding  the  indefensible  filibuster- 
ing of  the  Democratic  minority  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  during  the  last  session,  many 
wholesome  and  progressive  laws  were  enacted, 
and  we  especially  commend  the  passage  of  the 
emergency  currency  bill,  the  appointment  of  a 
national  monetary  commission,  the  employers' 
government  liability  law,  the  measures  for  the 
greater  efficiency  of  the  Army  and  the  Navy,  the 
widows'  pension  bill,  the  child  labor  law  for  the 
District  of  Columbia,  the  new  statute  for  the 
safety  of  railroad  engineers  and  firemen,  and 
many  other  acts  conserving  the  public  welfare. 

TARIFF    REVISION    PROMISED 

The  Republican  party  declares  unequivocally 
for  a  revision  of  the  tariff  by  a  special  session  of 
the  Congress  immediately  following  the  inaugu- 
ration of  the  next  President,  and  commends  the 
steps  already  taken  to  this  end  in  the  work 
assigned  to  the  appropriate  committees  of  Con- 
gress, which  are  now  investigating  the  opera- 
tion and  effect  of  these  schedules.  In  all  tariff 
legislation  the  true  principle  of  protection  is 
best  maintained  by  the  imposition  of  such 
duties  as  will  equal  the  difference  between  cost 
of  production  at  home  and  abroad,  together 
with  a  reasonable  profit  to  American  industries. 
We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  maximum  and 
minimum  rate  to  be  administered  by  the  Presi- 
dent under  limitations  fixed  by  the  law,  the 
maximum  to  be  available  to  meet  the  discrim- 
ination   by    foreign    countries    against    Ameri- 


*    '    <  '    ''  I 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


can  goods  entering  our  markets,  and  the  mini- 
mum representing  the  normal  measure  of  pro- 
tection at  home,  the  aim  and  the  purpose  of 
Republican  policy  being  not  only  to  preserve 
without  excessive  duties  the  security  against 
foreign  competition  to  which  American  manu- 
facturers, farmers,  and  producers  are  entitled, 
but  also  to  maintain  the  high  standard  of  living 
of  the  wageworkers  of  this  country,  who  are 
the  most  direct  beneficiaries  of  the  protective 
system. 

PHILIPPINE    TARIFF 

Between  the  United  States  and  the  Philip- 
pines we  believe  in  a  free  interchange  of  prod- 
ucts with  such  limitations  as  to  sugar  and 
tobacco  as  will  afford  adequate  protection  to 
domestic  interests. 

CURRENCY 

We  approve  the  emergency  measure  adopted 
by  the  Government  during  the  recent  financial 
disturbance,  and  especially  commend  the  pas- 
sage by  Congress  of  the  law  designed  to  protect 
the  country  from  a  repetition  of  such  a  strin- 
gency. The  Republican  party  is  committed  to 
the  development  of  a  permanent  currency  sys- 
tem, responding  to  our  greater  needs,  and  the 
appointment  of  a  national  monetary  commis- 
sion by  the  present  Congress  which  will  impar- 
tially investigate  all  the  proposed  methods  and 
insure  the  early  realization  of  this  purpose. 

The  present  currency  laws  have  fully  justified 
their  adoption,  but  an  expanding  commerce,  a 
marvelous  growth  in  wealth  and  population, 
multiplying  the  centers  of  distribution,  increas- 
ing the  demand  for  the  movement  of  crops  in 
the  West  and  South,  and  entailing  periodic 
changes  in  the  monetary  condition,  disclose  the 
need  of  a  more  elastic  and  adaptable  system. 
Such  a  system  must  meet  the  requirements  of 
agriculturists,  manufacturers,  merchants,  and 
business  men  in  general;  must  be  automatic  in 
operation,  minimizing  the  fluctuations  in  the 
interest  rates,  and  all  must  be  in  harmony  with 
the  Republican  doctrine  which  insists  that 
every  dollar  shall  be  based  upon  and  as  good  as 
gold. 

POSTAL  SAVINGS 

We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  postal  sav- 
ings bank  system  for  the  convenience  of  the 
people  and  the  encouragement  of  thrift. 

TRUSTS 

The  Republican  party  passed  the  Sherman 
antitrust  law  over  Democratic  opposition,  and 
enforced  it  after  Democratic  dereliction.  It 
has  been  a  wholesome  instrument  for  good  in 


the  hands  of  a  wise  and  fearless  Administra- 
tion; but  experience  has  shown  that  its  effec- 
tiveness can  be  strengthened  and  its  real  objects 
better  obtained  by  such  amendment  as  will  give 
the  Federal  Government  greater  supervision 
and  control  over  and  greater  publicity  in  the 
management  of  that  class  of  corporations  en- 
gaged in  interstate  commerce  having  power  and 
opportunity  to  effect  monopolies. 

RAILROADS 

We  approve  the  enactment  of  the  railroad- 
rate  law  and  the  vigorous  enforcement  by  the 
present  Administration  of  the  statute  against  re- 
bates and  discrimination,  as  a  result  of  which 
the  advantages  formerly  possessed  by  the  large 
shipper  over  the  small  shipper  have  substan- 
tially disappeared.  And  in  this  connection  we 
commend  an  appropriation  by  the  present 
Congress  to  enable  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission  to  thoroughly  investigate  and  give 
publicity  to  the  accounts  of  interstate  railroads. 
We  believe,  however,  that  the  interstate  com- 
merce law  should  be  further  amended  so  as  to 
give  railroads  the  right  to  make  and  publish 
traffic  agreements  subject  to  the  approval 
of  the  Commission,  but  maintaining  always  the 
principle  of  competition  between  naturally  com- 
peting lines  and  avoiding  the  common  control 
of  such  lines  by  any  means  whatsoever. 

We  favor  such  national  legislation  and  super- 
vision as  will  prevent  the  overissue  of  stocks 
and  bonds  in  the  future  by  interstate  carriers. 

employers'  liarility 
The  enactment  in  constitutional  form  at  the 
present  session  of  Congress  of  the  employers' 
liability  law,  the  passage  and  enforcement  of  the 
safety  appliance  statute,  as  well  as  the  addi- 
tional protection  secured  for  engineers  and  fire- 
men, the  reduction  in  the  hours  of  labor  of 
trainmen  and  railroad  telegraphers,  the  success- 
ful exercise  of  the  powers  of  mediation  and  ar- 
bitration between  the  interests  of  railroads  and 
their  employees,  and  the  law  making  a  begin- 
ning in  the  policy  of  compensation  for  injured 
employees  of  the  Government,  were  the  most 
commendable  accomplishments  of  the  present 
Administration.  But  there  is  further  work  in 
this  direction  yet  to  be  done,  and  the  Repub- 
lican party  pledges  its  continued  devotion  to 
every  cause  that  makes  for  the  safety  and  the 
betterment  of  conditions  among  those  whose 
labor  contributes  so  much  to  the  progress  and 
welfare  of  the  country. 


Caai] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


HELP  TO  WORKERS 

The  wise  policy  which  has  induced  the  Re- 
publican party  to  maintain  protection  to  Amer- 
ican labor,  to  establish  the  eight-hour  day  in  the 
construction  of  all  public  work,  to  increase  the 
list  of  employees  who  shall  have  preferred 
claims  for  wages  under  the  bankruptcy  law,  to 
adopt  a  child  labor  statute  for  the  District  of 
Columbia,  to  direct  the  investigation  into  the 
condition  of  the  working  women  and  children, 
and  later  of  the  employees  of  telephone  and 
telegraph  companies  engaged  in  interstate  busi- 
ness, to  appropriate  $150,000  at  the  recent  ses- 
sion of  Congress  in  order  to  secure  a  thorough 
inquiry  into  the  causes  of  loss  of  life  in  the 
mines,  and  to  amend  and  strengthen  the  law 
prohibiting  the  importation  of  contract  labor 
will  be  pursued  in  every  legitimate  direction  in 
Federal  authority  to  lighten  the  burdens  and  in- 
crease the  opportunity  for  happiness  and  the 
advancement  of  all  who  toil. 

The  Republican  party  recognizes  the  special 
needs  of  wage-earners  generally  for  their  well 
being  and  the  well  being  of  all. 

The  Republican  party  will  uphold  at  all  times 
the  authority  and  the  integrity  of  the  courts, 
State  and  Federal,  and  will  ever  insist  that  their 
power  to  enforce  their  process  and  to  protect 
life,  liberty,  and  property  shall  be  preserved  in- 
violate. 

We  believe,  however,  that  the  rules  of  pro- 
cedure in  the  Federal  courts  with  respect  to  the 
issuance  of  the  writ  of  injunctions  should  be 
more  accurately  defined  by  statute,  and  that  no 
injunction  or  temporary  restraining  order 
should  be  issued  without  notice  except  where 
irreparable  injury  would  result  from  delay,  in 
which  case  a  speedy  hearing  should  be  granted 
thereafter. 

THE  FARMER 

Among  those  whose  welfare  is  as  vital  to  the 
welfare  of  the  whole  country  as  is  that  of  the 
wage-workers  is  the  American  farmer.  The 
prosperity  of  the  country  rests  peculiarly  upon 
the  prosperity  of  agriculture.  The  Republican 
party  during  the  last  twelve  years  has  accom- 
plished extraordinary  work  in  bringing  the  re- 
sources of  the  National  Government  to  the  aid 
of  the  farmer,  not  only  in  advancing  agriculture 
itself,  but  in  increasing  the  conveniences  of 
rural  life.  Free  rural  mail  delivery  has  been 
established.  R  now  reaches  millions  of  our  citi- 
zens, and  we  favor  its  extension  until  -every 
community  in  the  land  receives  the  full  benefit 
of  the  postal  service.  We  recognize  the  social 
and  economic  advantages  of  good  country 
roads,   maintained   more   and   more  largely  at 

C 


public  expense  and  less  and  less  at  the  expense 
of  the  abutting  property  owner.  In  this  work 
we  commend  the  growing  practice  of  State  aid 
and  we  approve  the  efforts  of  the  National 
Agricultural  Department  by  experiment  and 
otherwise  to  make  clear  to  the  public  the  best 
methods  of  road  construction. 

NEGRO  PROBLEM 

The  Republican  party  has  been  for  more  than 
fifty  years  the  consistent  friend  of  the  Ameri- 
can negro.  R  gave  him  freedom  and  assistance, 
wrote  in  the  organic  law  the  declaration  which 
proclaimed  his  civil  and  political  rights,  and  it 
believes  to-day  that  his  worthy  progress  in  in- 
telligence, industry,  and  good  citizenship  has 
earned  the  respect  and  encouragement  of  the 
nation.  We  demand  equal  justice  for  all  men 
without  regard  to  race  or  color.  We  declare 
once  more  and  without  reservation  for  the  en- 
forcement in  letter  and  spirit  of  the  thirteenth, 
fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  which  were  designed  for  the  pro- 
tection and  advancement  of  the  negro,  and  we 
condemn  all  devices  which  have  for  their  real 
aim  his  disfranchisement,  and  that  for  reasons 
of  color  alone,  as  unfair,  un-American,  and 
repugnant  to  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 

CONSERVATION  OF  FORESTS 

We  indorse  the  movement  inaugurated  by  the 
Administration  for  the  conservation  of  the  nat- 
ural resources.  We  approve  of  measures  to  pre- 
vent the  waste  of  timber.  We  commend  the 
work  now  going  on  for  the  reclamation  of  arid 
lands,  and  reaffirm  the  Republican  policy  of  the 
free  distribution  of  the  available  areas  of  the 
public  domain  to  the  landless  settler.  No  obli- 
gation of  the  future  is  more  insistent  and  none 
will  result  in  greater  blessings  to  posterity.  In 
the  line  of  this  splendid  undertaking  is  the  fu- 
ture duty  equally  imperative  to  enter  upon  a 
systematic  improvement  upon  a  large  and  com- 
prehensive plan  just  to  all  persons  of  the  coun- 
try of  the  waterways,  harbors,  and  Great  Lakes, 
whose  natural  adaptability  to  the  increasing 
traffic  of  the  land  is  one  of  the  greatest  gifts  of 
benign  Providence. 

ARMY  AND   NAVY 

The  Sixtieth  Congress  passed  many  com- 
mendable acts  increasing  the  efficiency  of  the 
Army  and  Navy,  making  the  militia  of  the  States 
an  integral  part  of  the  national  establishment, 
authorizing  joint  maneuvers  of  Army  and  mili- 
tia, fortifying  new  naval  bases,  and  completing 
the  construction  of  the  coaling  stations,  institut- 
ing a  female  nurse  corps  for  naval  hospitals  and 

n 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ships,  and  added  2  new  battleships,  10  torpedo- 
boat  destroyers,  3  steam  colliers,  and  8  sub- 
marines to  the  strength  of  the  Navy.  Although 
at  peace  with  all  the  world  and  secure  in  the 
consciousness  that  the  American  people  do  not 
desire  and  will  not  provoke  a  war  with  any 
other  country,  we  nevertheless  declare  our  unal- 
terable devotion  to  the  policy  that  will  keep  this 
Republic  ready  at  all  times  to  defend  her  tradi- 
tional doctrines  and  assure  her  a  proper  part  in 
promoting  tranquillity  among  the  nations. 

CITIZENS   ABROAD 

We  commend  the  vigorous  efforts  made  by 
the  Administration  to  protect  American  citizens 
in  foreign  lands  and  pledge  ourselves  to  insist 
upon  a  just  and  equal  protection  of  all  our  citi- 
zens abroad.  It  is  the  unquestioned  duty  of  the 
Government  to  procure  for  all  our  citizens  with- 
out distinction  right  of  travel  and  sojourn  in 
friendly  countries,  and  we  declare  ourselves  in 
favor  of  all  proper  efforts  tending  to  that  end. 

NEIGHBORS  TO  THE  SOUTH 

Under  the  administration  of  the  Republican 
party  the  foreign  commerce  of  the  United  States 
has  experienced  a  remarkable  growth,  until  its 
present  annual  valuation  is  approximately  three 
billion  dollars  and  gives  employment  to  a  vast 
amount  of  labor  and  capital  which  otherwise 
would  be  idle.  It  has  inaugurated  through  the 
recent  visit  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  South 
America  and  Mexico  a  new  era  of  pan-American 
commerce  and  comity,  which  is  bringing  us 
into  closer  touch  with  our  twenty  sister  Ameri- 
can republics  having  a  common  historic  heri- 
tage, a  republican  form  of  government,  and 
offering  us  a  limitless  field  of  legitimate  com- 
mercial expansion. 

THE  HAGUE  TRIBUNAL 

The  conspicuous  contributions  of  American 
statesmanship  to  the  cause  of  international 
peace  so  strongly  advanced  in  The  Hague  con- 
ference are  occasions  for  just  pride  and  gratifi- 
cation. At  the  last  session  of  the  United  States 
Senate  eleven  Hague  conventions  were  ratified, 
establishing  the  rights  of  neutrals;  plans  were 
laid  for  the  restrictions  of  submarine  mines; 
limiting  the  use  of  force  for  the  collection  of 
international  debts;  governing  the  opening  of 
hostilities;  extending  the  application  of  the 
Geneva  principle  in  many  ways;  lessening  the 
evils  of  war,  and  promoting  the  peaceful  settle- 
ment of  international  controversies.  At  the 
same  session  twelve  arbitration  conventions 
with  great  nations  were  affirmed  and  extradi- 
tion principles  were  ratified.    We  indorse  such 


achievement  as  the  highest  duty  of  people  to 
perform,  and  proclaim  the  obligation  of  further 
strengthening  the  bonds  of  friendship  and  good 
will  with  all  the  nations  of  the  world. 

MERCHANT  MARINE 

We  adhere  to  the  Republican  doctrine  of  en- 
couragement to  American  shipping  and  urge 
such  legislation  as  will  advance  the  merchant 
marine  prestige  of  the  country,  so  essential  to 
the  national  defense,  the  enlargement  of  ave- 
nues of  trade,  and  the  industrial  prosperity  of 
our  own  people. 

PENSIONS 

Another  Republican  policy  which  must  be 
ever  maintained  is  that  of  generous  apprecia- 
tion for  those  who  have  fought  the  country's 
battles  and  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of 
those  who  have  fallen.  We  commend  the  in- 
crease in  the  widows'  pension  made  by  the  pres- 
ent Congress  and  declare  for  a  liberal  admin- 
istration of  all  pension  laws,  to  the  end  that  the 
people's  gratitude  may  grow  deeper  as  the  mem- 
ories of  the  heroic  sacrifices  grow  more  sacred 
with  the  passing  years. 

CIVIL  SERVICE 

We  reaffirm  our  former  declarations  regard- 
ing the  civil-service  law. 

PUBLIC  HEALTH 

We  commend  the  efforts  made  to  secure 
greater  efficiency  in  national  public  health 
agencies  and  favor  such  legislation  as  will  effect 
its  purpose. 

MINING 

In  the  interest  of  the  great  mineral  industries 
of  our  country  we  earnestly  support  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  bureau  of  mines  and  mining. 

COLONIAL 

The  American  Government  in  Republican 
hands  has  freed  Cuba,  given  peace  and  protec- 
tion to  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  under 
our  flag,  and  begun  the  construction  of  the  Pan- 
ama Canal.  The  present  condition  in  Cuba 
vindicates  the  wisdom  of  maintaining  between 
that  republic  and  this  imperishable  bonds  of 
mutual  interest,  and  the  hope  is  now  expressed 
that  the  Cuban  people  will  soon  again  be  ready 
to  assume  complete  sovereignty  over  their  land. 
In  Porto  Rico  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  has  met  with  loyal  and  patriotic  support. 
Order  and  prosperity  prevail  and  the  well-being 
of  the  people  in  every  respect  promoted  and 
conserved.  We  believe  that  the  native  inhabi- 
tants of  Porto  Rico  should  be  at  once  made 
collectively  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and 


C283  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


that  all  others  properly  qualified  under  exist- 
ing law  residing  in  said  islands  should  have 
the  privilege  of  becoming  naturalized. 

In  the  Philippines  insurrection  has  been  sup- 
pressed, law  established,  and  life  and  property 
made  secure.  Education  and  practical  expe- 
rience are  there  advancing  the  capacity  of  the 
people  for  government,  and  the  policy  of  Mc- 
Kinley  and  Roosevelt  is  leading  the  inhabitants 
step  by  step  to  an  ever-increasing  home  rule. 

PANAMA  CANAL 

Time  has  justified  the  selection  of  the  Pan- 
ama route  for  the  great  isthmian  canal,  and 
events  have  shown  the  wisdom  of  securing  au- 
thority over  the  zone  through  which  it  is  to  be 
built.  The  work  is  now  progressing  with  a  ra- 
pidity far  beyond  expectation,  and  already  the 
realization  of  the  hopes  of  the  centuries  is  com- 
ing in  view  in  the  near  future. 

STATEHOOD 

We  favor  the  immediate  admission  of  the 
Territories  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  as  sep- 
arate States  in  the  Union. 

LINCOLN  CENTENARY 

February  12,  1909,  will  be  the  one  hundredth 
anniversary  of  the  birth  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
that  immortal  spirit  whose  fame  has  bright- 
ened with  the  receding  years  and  whose  name 
stands  among  the  first  of  those  given  to  the 
world  by  the  great  Republic.  We  recommend 
that  this  centennial  anniversary  be  celebrated 
throughout  the  confines  of  the  nation  by  all  the 
people,  and  especially  by  the  public  schools  as 
an  exercise  to  stir  the  patriotism  of  the  youth  'of 
the  land. 

REPUBLICANISM  AND  DEMOCRACY  CONTRASTED 

We  call  the  attention  of  the  American  people 
to  the  fact  that  none  of  the  great  measures  here 
advocated  by  the  Republican  party  could  be  in- 
augurated and  none  of  the  forward  steps  here 
proposed  could  be  taken  under  a  Democratic 
administration,  nor  under  one  in  which  the 
party  responsibility  is  divided.  The  continu- 
ance of  the  present  policies  absolutely  requires 
the  continuance  in  power  of  that  party  which 
believes  in  them  and  which  possesses  the  ca- 
pacity to  put  them  into  operation. 

Reyond  all  platform  declarations  there  are 
fundamental  differences  between  the  Repub- 
lican party  and  its  chief  opponent  which  makes 


one  worthy  and  the  other  unworthy  of  public 
trust.  In  history  the  difference  between  De- 
mocracy and  Republicanism  is  that  one  stood  for 
debased  currency,  the  other  for  honest  money; 
the  one  for  free  silver,  the  other  for  honest  cur- 
rency; the  one  for  free  trade,  the  other  for  pro- 
tection; the  one  for  the  contraction  of  American 
influence,  the  other  for  expansion.  One  has 
been  forced  to  abandon  every  position  it  has 
taken  on  the  great  issues  before  the  people,  the 
other  has  held  and  vindicated  all. 

In  experience  the  difference  between  Democ- 
racy and  Republicanism  is  that  the  one  means 
adversity,  while  the  other  means  prosperity. 
One  means  low  wages,  the  other  means  high 
wages.  One  means  doubt  and  debt,  the  other 
means  confidence  and  thrift. 

In  principle  the  difference  between  Democ- 
racy and  Republicanism  is  that  one  stands  for 
vacillation  and  timidity  in  government,  the 
other  for  strength  and  purpose.  One  stands  for 
obstruction,  the  other  for  construction.  One 
promises,  the  other  performs.  One  finds  fault, 
the  other  finds  work.  The  present  tendencies 
of  the  two  parties  are  more  marked  by  inherent 
differences.  The  trend  of  Democracy  is  toward 
socialism,  while  the  Republican  party  stands  for 
a  wise  and  regulated  individualism.  Socialism 
would  destroy  wealth.  Republicanism  would 
prevent  its  abuse.  Socialism  would  give  to 
each  an  equal  right  to  take,  Republicanism 
would  give  to  each  an  equal  right  to  earn. 
Socialism  would  offer  an  equality  of  position 
which  would  soon  leave  no  one  anything  to 
possess.  Republicanism  would  give  equality 
to  each;  it  would  assure  to  each  his  share  of  the 
constantly  increasing  sum  of  possession. 

In  line  with  this  tendency  the  Democratic 
party  to-day  believes  in  government  owner- 
ship, while  the  Republican  party  believes  in 
government  legislation.  Ultimately  Democracy 
would  have  the  nation  own  the  people,  while 
Republicanism  would  have  the  people  own  the 
nation. 

Upon  this  platform  of  principles  and  pur- 
poses, reaffirming  our  adherence  to  every  Re- 
publican doctrine  proclaimed  since  the  birth 
of  the  party,  we  go  before  the  country  asking 
the  support  not  only  of  those  who  have  acted 
with  us  heretofore  but  of  all  our  fellow-citizens 
who,  regardless  of  political  differences,  unite  in 
a  desire  to  maintain  the  policies,  perpetuate  the 
blessings,  and  make  secure  the  achievements  of 
a  greater  America. 


C224  3 


*£-. 


y^ 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1912 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Charles  D.  Hilles,  of  New  York 
Secretary,  James  B.  Reynolds,  of  Massachusetts 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  June  18-22,  1912. 

Temporary  Chairman,  Elihi;  Root,  of  New  York 
Permanent  Chairman,  Elihu  Root,  of  New  York 

nominated 
For  President  For  Vice-President 

WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT  JAMES  S.  SHERMAN 

OF  OHIO  OF  NEW  YORK 

PRESIDENT  TAFT  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot.    The  vote  was  Taft  561, 
Roosevelt  107,  Hughes  2,  Cummins  17,  La  Follette  41,  not  voting  344,  absent  6. 
Mr.  Sherman  died  before  election  day  and  Nicholas  Murray  Butler  was  named 
in  his  place. 

The  following  platform  was  adopted: 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFOBM 

The  Republican  Party,  assembled  by  its  rep-  ward  to  its  new  responsibilities  with  hope  and 
resentatives  in  national  convention,  declares  its  confidence.  Its  achievements  in  government 
unchanging  faith  in  government  of  the  people,  constitute  the  most  luminous  pages  in  our  his- 
by  the  people,  for  the  people.  We  renew  our  tory.  Our  greatest  national  advance  has  been 
allegiance  to  the  principles  of  the  Republican  made  during  the  years  of  its  ascendency  in  pub- 
Party  and  our  devotion  to  the  cause  of  Repub-  lie  affairs.  It  has  been  genuinely  and  always 
lican  institutions  established  by  the  fathers.  a  party  of  progress;  it  has  never  been  either 

It  is  appropriate  that  we  should  now  recall  stationary  or  reactionary.    It  has  gone  from  the 

with  a  sense  of  veneration   and  gratitude  the  fulfillment  of  one  great  pledge  to  the   fulfill- 

name  of  our  first  great  leader,  who  was  nom-  ment  of  another  in  response  to  the  public  need 

inated  in  this  city,  and  whose  lofty  principles  and  to  the  popular  will. 

and  superb  devotion  to  his  country  are  an  in-  We  believe  in  our  self-controlled  representa- 

spiration   to   the   party   he   honored — Abraham  tive  democracy,  which  is  a  government  of  laws 

Lincoln.  not  of  men,  and  in  which  order  is  the  prerequi- 

In    the    present    state    of   public    affairs    we  site  of  progress, 

should  be  inspired  by  his  broad  statesmanship  The  principles  of  constitutional  government, 

and  by  his  tolerant  spirit  toward  men.  which  make  provision  for  orderly  and  effective 

expression  of  the  popular  will,  for  the  protec- 

pbide  in  party's  recoud  tion  of  civii  liberty  and  the  rights  of  men,  and 

The   Republican   Party   looks  back   upon   its  for  the   interpretation   of  law  by   an   untram- 

record   with   pride   and   satisfaction,   and    for-  meled  and  independent  judiciary,  have  proved 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


themselves  capable  of  sustaining  the  structure 
of  a  government  which,  after  more  than  a  cen- 
tury of  development,  embraces  100,000,000  peo- 
ple, scattered  over  a  wide  and  diverse  territory, 
but  bound  by  common  purpose,  common  ideals, 
and  common  affection  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

HOW  NATION  HAS  GROWN 

Under  the  Constitution  and  the  principles  as- 
serted and  vitalized  by  it,  the  United  States  has 
grown  to  be  one  of  the  great  civilized  and  civil- 
izing powers  of  the  earth.  It  offers  a  home  and 
an  opportunity  to  the  ambitious  and  the  indus- 
trious from  other  lands.  Resting  upon  the 
broad  basis  of  a  people's  confidence  and  a  peo- 
ple's support  and  managed  by  the  people  them- 
selves, the  Government  of  the  United  States  will 
meet  the  problems  of  the  future  as  satisfactorily 
as  it  has  solved  those  of  the  past. 

The  Republican  Party  is  now,  as  always,  a 
party  of  advanced  and  constructive  statesman- 
ship. It  is  prepared  to  go  forward  with  the  so- 
lution of  those  new  questions  which  social,  eco- 
nomic, and  political  development  have  brought 
into  the  forefront  of  the  Nation's  interest.  It 
will  strive,  not  only  in  the  Nation,  but  in  the  sev- 
eral States,  to  enact  the  necessary  legislation  to 
safeguard  the  public  health,  to  limit  effectively 
the  labor  of  women  and  children,  to  protect 
wage-earners  engaged  in  dangerous  occupations, 
to  enact  comprehensive  and  generous  work- 
man's compensation  laws  in  place  of  the  pres- 
ent wasteful  and  unjust  system  of  employers' 
liability,  and  in  all  possible  ways  to  satisfy  the 
just  demand  of  the  people  for  the  study  and 
solution  of  the  complex  and  constantly  chang- 
ing problems  of  social  welfare. 

PROTECTION  OF  LIBERTY 

In  dealing  with  these  questions  it  is  important 
that  the  rights  of  every  individual  to  the  freest 
possible  development  of  his  own  powers  and 
resources  and  to  the  control  of  his  own  justly 
acquired  property,  as  far  as  those  are  compati- 
ble with  the  rights  of  others,  shall  not  be  inter- 
fered with  or  destroyed.  The  social  and  politi- 
cal structure  of  the  United  States  rests  upon  the 
civil  liberty  of  the  individual,  and  for  the  pro- 
tection of  that  liberty  the  people  have  wisely,  in 
the  national  and  State  constitutions,  put  definite 
limitations  upon  themselves  and  upon  their 
governmental  officers  and  agencies.  To  enforce 
these  limitations,  to  secure  the  orderly  and  co- 
herent exercise  of  governmental  powers,  and  to 
protect  the  rights  of  even  the  humblest  and 
least  favored  individual  are  the  function  of  in- 
dependent courts  of  justice. 


The  Republican  Party  reaffirms  its  intention 
to  uphold  at  all  times  the  authority  and  integ- 
rity of  the  courts,  both  State  and  Federal,  and  it 
will  ever  insist  that  their  powers  to  enforce 
their  processes  and  to  protect  life,  liberty,  and 
property  shall  be  preserved  inviolate.  An  or- 
derly method  is  provided  under  our  system  of 
government  by  which  the  people  may,  when 
they  choose,  alter  or  amend  the  constitutional 
provisions  which  underlie  that  government. 
Until  these  constitutional  provisions  are  so  al- 
tered or  amended,  in  orderly  fashion,  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  courts  to  see  to  it  that  when  chal- 
lenged they  are  enforced. 

WOULD  HURRY  LAWSUITS 

That  the  courts,  both  Federal  and  State,  may 
bear  the  heavy  burden  laid  upon  them  to  the 
complete  satisfaction  of  public  opinion  we  fa- 
vor legislation  to  prevent  long  delays  and  the 
tedious  and  costly  appeals  which  have  so  often 
amounted  to  a  denial  of  justice  in  civil  cases 
and  to  a  failure  to  protect  the  public  at  large 
in  criminal  cases. 

Since  the  responsibility  of  the  judiciary  is  so 
great,  the  standards  of  judicial  action  must  be 
always  and  everywhere  above  suspicion  and 
reproach.  While  we  regard  the  recall  of  judges 
as  unnecessary  and  unwise,  we  favor  such  ac- 
tion as  may  be  necessary  to  simplify  the  proc- 
ess by  which  any  judge  who  is  found  to  be  dere- 
lict in  his  duty  may  be  removed  from  office. 

Together  with  peaceful  and  orderly  develop- 
ment at  home,  the  Republican  Party  earnestly 
favors  all  measures  for  the  establishment  and 
protection  of  the  peace  of  the  world  and  for  the 
development  of  closer  relations  between  the  va- 
rious nations  of  the  earth.  It  believes  most 
earnestly  in  the  peaceful  settlement  of  interna- 
tional disputes  and  in  the  reference  of  all  con- 
troversies between  nations  to  an  international 
court  of  justice. 

MONOPOLY    AND    PRIVILEGE 

The  Republican  Party  is  opposed  to  special 
privilege  and  to  monopoly.  It  placed  upon  the 
statute  book  the  interstate  commerce  act  of  1887 
and  the  important  amendments  thereto,  and 
the  antitrust  act  of  1890,  and  it  has  consistently 
and  successfully  enforced  the  provisions  of 
these  laws.  It  will  take  no  backward  step  to 
permit  the  re-establishment  in  any  degree  of 
conditions  which  were  intolerable. 

Experience  makes  it  plain  that  the  business 
of  the  country  can  be  carried  on  without  fear 
and  without  disturbance  and  at  the  same  time 
without  resort  to  practices  which  are  abhorrent 
to  the  common  sense  of  justice.    The  Republi- 


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REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


can  Party  favors  the  enactment  of  legislation 
supplementary  to  the  existing  antitrust  act 
which  will  define  as  criminal  offenses  those 
specific  acts  that  uniformly  mark  attempts  to 
restrain  and  to  monopolize  trade,  to  the  end 
that  those  who  honestly  intend  to  obey  the  law 
may  have  a  guide  for  their  action  and  that 
those  who  aim  to  violate  the  law  may  the  more 
surely  be  punished.  The  same  certainty  should 
be  given  to  the  law  prohibiting  combinations 
and  monopolies  that  characterizes  other  pro- 
visions of  commercial  law,  in  order  that  no  part 
of  the  field  of  business  opportunity  may  be  re- 
stricted by  monopoly  or  combination,  that  busi- 
ness success  honorably  achieved  may  not  be 
converted  into  crime,  and  that  the  right  of 
every  man  to  acquire  commodities,  and  particu- 
larly the  necessaries  of  life,  in  an  open  market, 
uninfluenced  by  the  manipulation  of  trust  or 
combination,  may  be  preserved. 

FEDERAL  TRADE  COMMISSION 

In  the  enforcement  and  administration  of 
Federal  laws  governing  interstate  commerce 
and  enterprises  impressed  with  a  public  use  en- 
gaged therein  there  is  much  that  may  be  com- 
mitted to  a  Federal  trade  commission,  thus  plac- 
ing in  the  hands  of  an  administrative  board 
many  of  the  functions  now  necessarily  exer- 
cised by  the  courts.  This  will  promote  prompt- 
ness in  the  administration  of  the  laws  and  avoid 
delays  and  technicalities  incident  to  court  pro- 
cedure. 

THE   TARIFF   POLICY 

We  reaffirm  our  belief  in  a  protective  tariff. 
The  Republican  tariff  policy  has  been  of  the 
greatest  benefit  to  the  country,  developing  our 
resources,  diversifying  our  industries,  and  pro- 
tecting our  workingmen  against  competition 
with  cheaper  labor  abroad,  thus  establishing 
for  our  wage-earners  the  American  standard  of 
living.  The  protective  tariff  is  so  woven  into 
the  fabric  of  our  industrial  and  agricultural  life 
that  to  substitute  for  it  a  tariff  for  revenue 
only  would  destroy  many  industries  and  throw 
millions  of  our  people  out  of  employment.  The 
products  of  the  farm  and  of  the  mine  should  re- 
ceive the  same  measure  of  protection  as  other 
products  of  American  labor. 

We  hold  that  the  import  duties  should  be 
high  enough,  while  yielding  a  sufficient  revenue, 
to  protect  adequately  American  industries  and 
wages.  Some  of  the  existing  import  duties  are 
too  high,  and  should  be  reduced.  Readjustment 
should  be  made  from  time  to  time  to  conform 
to  changing  conditions  and  to  reduce  excessive 
rates,  but  without  injury  to  any  American  in- 
dustry.    To  accomplish  this,  correct  informa- 


tion is  indispensable.  This  information  can 
best  be  obtained  by  an  expert  commission,  as 
the  large  volume  of  useful  facts  contained  in 
the  recent  reports  of  the  Tariff  Board  has  dem- 
onstrated. 

TARIFF  BOARD   INDORSED 

The  pronounced  feature  of  modern  industrial 
life  is  its  enormous  diversification.  To  apply 
tariff  rates  justly  to  these  changing  conditions 
requires  closer  study  and  more  scientific  meth- 
ods than  ever  before.  The  Republican  Party 
has  shown  by  its  creation  of  a  Tariff  Board  its 
recognition  of  this  situation  and  its  determina- 
tion to  be  equal  to  it.  We  condemn  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  for  its  failure  either  to  provide 
funds  for  the  continuance  of  this  board  or  to 
make  some  other  provision  for  securing  the  in- 
formation requisite  for  intelligent  tariff  legis- 
lation. We  protest  against  the  Democratic 
method  of  legislating  on  these  vitally  important 
subjects  without  careful  investigation. 

We  condemn  the  Democratic  tariff  bills 
passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
Sixty-second  Congress  as  sectional,  as  injurious 
to  the  public  credit,  and  as  destructive  of  busi- 
ness enterprise. 

COST  OF  LIVING 

The  steadily  increasing  cost  of  living  has  be- 
come a  matter  not  only  of  national  but  of  world- 
wide concern.  The  fact  that  it  is  not  due  to  the 
protective  tariff  system  is  evidenced  by  the  ex- 
istence of  similar  conditions  in  countries  which 
have  a  tariff  policy  different  from  our  own,  as 
well  as  by  the  fact  that  the  cost  of  living  has  in- 
creased while  rates  of  duty  have  remained  sta- 
tionary or  been  reduced. 

The  Republican  Party  will  support  a  prompt 
scientific  inquiry  into  the  causes  which  are  op- 
erative, both  in  the  United  States  and  elsewhere, 
to  increase  the  cost  of  living.  When  the  exact 
facts  are  known,  it  will  take  the  necessary  steps 
to  remove  such  abuses  as  may  be  found  to  exist, 
in  order  that  the  cost  of  food,  clothing,  and 
shelter  of  the  people  may  in  no  way  be  unduly 
or  artificially  increased. 

BANKING  AND  CURRENCY 

The  Republican  Party  has  always  stood  for  a 
sound  currency  and  safe  banking  methods.  It 
is  responsible  for  the  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ment and  for  the  establishment  of  the  gold 
standard.  It  is  committed  to  the  progressive 
development  of  our  banking  and  currency  sys- 
tem. Our  banking  arrangements  to-day  need 
further  revision  to  meet  the  requirements  of 
current  conditions.  We  need  measures  which 
will  prevent  the  recurrence  of  money  panics 


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REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


and  financial  disturbances  and  which  will  pro- 
mote the  prosperity  of  business  and  the  welfare 
of  labor  by  producing  constant  employment. 
We  need  better  currency  facilities  for  the  move- 
ment of  crops  in  the  West  and  South.  We  need 
banking  arrangements  under  American  auspices 
for  the  encouragement  and  better  conduct  of 
our  foreign  trade.  In  attaining  these  ends  the 
independence  of  individual  banks,  whether  or- 
ganized under  national  or  State  charters,  must 
be  carefully  protected,  and  our  banking  and 
currency  system  must  be  safeguarded  from  any 
possibility  of  domination  by  sectional,  finan- 
cial, or  political  interests. 

It  is  of  great  importance  to  the  social  and  eco- 
nomic welfare  of  this  country  that  its  farmers 
have  facilities  for  borrowing  easily  and  cheaply 
the  money  they  need  to  increase  the  produc- 
tivity of  their  land.  It  is  as  important  that 
financial  machinery  be  provided  to  supply  the 
demand  of  farmers  for  credit  as  it  is  that  the 
banking  and  currency  systems  be  reformed  in 
the  interest  of  general  business.  Therefore  we 
recommend  and  urge  an  authoritative  investiga- 
tion of  agricultural  credit  societies  and  corpor- 
ations in  other  countries  and  the  passage  of 
State  and  Federal  laws  for  the  establishment 
and  capable  supervision  of  organizations  hav- 
ing for  another  purpose  the  loaning  of  funds  to 
farmers. 

THE  CIVIL  SERVICE 

We  reaffirm  our  adherence  to  the  principle  of 
appointment  to  public  office  based  on  proved 
fitness,  and  tenure  during  good  behavior  and 
efficiency.  The  Republican  Party  stands  com- 
mitted to  the  maintenance,  extension,  and  en- 
forcement of  the  civil-service  law,  and  it  favors 
the  passage  of  legislation  empowering  the  Presi- 
dent to  extend  competitive  service  so  far  as 
practicable.  We  favor  legislation  to  make  pos- 
sible the  equitable  retirement  of  disabled  and 
superannuated  members  of  the  civil  service,  in 
order  that  a  higher  standard  of  efficiency  may 
be  maintained. 

We  favor  the  amendment  of  the  Federal  em- 
ployers' liability  law  so  as  to  extend  its  provi- 
sions to  all  Government  employees,  as  well  as 
to  provide  a  more  liberal  scale  of  compensation 
for  injury  and  death. 

CAMPAIGN  CONTRIBUTIONS 

We  favor  such  additional  legislation  as  may 
be  necessary  more  effectually  to  prohibit  cor- 
porations from  contributing  funds,  directly  or 
indirectly,  to  campaigns  for  the  nomination  or 
election  of  the  President,  the  Vice-President, 
Senators,  and  Representatives  in  Congress. 

We  heartily  approve  the  recent  act  of  Con- 


gress requiring  the  fullest  publicity  in  regard  to 
all  campaign  contributions,  whether  made  in 
connection  with  primaries,  conventions,  or  elec- 
tions. 

CONSERVATION  POLICY 

We  rejoice  in  the  success  of  the  distinctive 
Republican  policy  of  the  conservation  of  our 
national  resources  for  their  use  by  the  people 
without  waste  and  without  monopoly.  We 
pledge  ourselves  to  a  continuance  of  such  a 
policy. 

We  favor  such  fair  and  reasonable  rules  and 
regulations  as  will  not  discourage  or  interfere 
with  actual  bona  fide  homeseekers,  prospectors, 
and  miners  in  the  acquisition  of  public  lands 
under  existing  laws. 

PARCEL  POST  ASKED 

In  the  interest  of  the  general  public,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  agricultural  or  rural  commu- 
nities, we  favor  legislation  looking  to  the  estab- 
lishment, under  proper  regulations,  of  a  parcel 
post,  the  postal  rates  to  be  graduated  under  a 
zone  system — in  proportion  to  the  length  of 
carriage. 

PROTECTION    OF   CITIZENSHIP 

We  approve  the  action  taken  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Congress  to  secure  with  Russia,  as 
with  other  countries,  a  treaty  that  will  recog- 
nize the  absolute  right  of  expatriation,  and  that 
will  prevent  all  discrimination  of  whatever 
kind  between  American  citizens,  whether  na- 
tive born  or  alien,  and  regardless  of  race,  re- 
ligion, or  previous  political  allegiance.  The 
right  of  asylum  is  a  precious  possession  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  and  it  is  to  be 
neither  surrendered  nor  restricted. 

NEW  BATTLESHIPS  URGED 

We  believe  in  the  maintenance  of  an  adequate 
navy  for  the  national  defense,  and  we  condemn 
the  action  of  the  Democratic  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  refusing  to  authorize  the  construc- 
tion of  battleships. 

We  believe  that  one  of  the  country's  most 
urgent  needs  is  a  merchant  marine.  There 
should  be  American  ships  and  plenty  of  them, 
to  make  use  of  the  great  American  interoceanic 
canal  now  nearing  completion. 

FOR  FLOOD   PROTECTION 

The  Mississippi  River  is  the  Nation's  drainage 
ditch.  Its  flood  waters,  gathered  from  31  States 
and  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  constitute  an 
overpowering  force  which  breaks  the  levees  and 
pours  its  torrents  over  many  millions  acres  of 
the  richest  land  in  the  Union,  stopping  mails, 
impeding  commerce,  and  causing  great  loss  of 


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REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


life  and  property.  These  floods  are  national  in 
scope,  and  the  disasters  they  produce  seriously 
affect  the  general  welfare.  The  States,  unaided, 
cannot  cope  with  this  giant  problem.  Hence, 
we  believe  the  Federal  Government  should  as- 
sume a  fair  proportion  of  the  burden  of  its  con- 
trol, so  as  to  prevent  the  disasters  from 
recurring  floods. 

RECLAMATION  OF  LANDS 

We  favor  the  continuance  of  the  policy  of  the 
Government  with  regard  to  the  reclamation  of 
arid  lands;  and  for  the  encouragement  of  the 
speedy  settlement  and  improvement  of  such 
lands  we  favor  an  amendment  to  the  law  that 
will  reasonably  extend  the  time  within  which 
the  cost  of  any  reclamation  project  may  be  re- 
paid by  the  landowners  under  it. 

We  favor  a  liberal  and  systematic  policy  for 
the  improvement  of  our  rivers  and  harbors. 
Such  improvements  should  be  made  upon  ex- 
pert information  and  after  a  careful  compari- 
son of  cost  and  prospective  benefits. 

LIBERAL  ALASKAN   POLICY 

We  favor  a  liberal  policy  toward  Alaska  to 
promote  the  development  of  the  great  resources 
of  that  District,  with  such  safeguards  as  will 
prevent  waste  and  monopoly. 

We  favor  the  opening  of  the  coal  lands  to  de- 
velopment through  a  law  leasing  the  lands  on 
such  terms  as  will  invite  development  and  pro- 
vide fuel  for  the  Navy  and  the  commerce  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  while  retaining  title  in  the 
United  States  to  prevent  monopoly. 

PHILIPPINE  ATTITUDE 

The  Philippine  policy  of  the  Republican 
Party  has  been  and  is  inspired  by  the  belief  that 
our  duty  toward  the  Filipino  people  is  a  na- 
tional obligation  which  should  remain  entirely 
free  from  partisan  politics. 

We  ratify  in  all  its  particulars  the  platform  of 
1908  respecting  citizenship  for  the  people  of 
Porto  Rico. 

We  pledge  the  Republican  Party  to  the  enact- 
ment of  appropriate  laws  to  give  relief  from  the 
constantly  growing  evil  of  induced  or  undesir- 
able immigration,  which  is  inimical  to  the  prog- 
ress and  welfare  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States. 

SAFETY  AT  SEA 

We  favor  the  speedy  enactment  of  laws  to 
provide  that  seamen  shall  not  be  compelled  to 
endure  involuntary  servitude,  and  that  life  and 
property  at  sea  shall  be  safeguarded  by  the 
ample  equipment  of  vessels  with  life-saving  ap- 


pliances and  with  full  complements  of  skilled, 
able-bodied  seamen  to  operate  them. 

REPUBLICAN  ACCOMPLISHMENT 

The  approaching  completion  of  the  Panama 
Canal,  the  establishment  of  a  Bureau  of  Mines, 
the  institution  of  postal  savings  banks,  the  in- 
creased provision  made  in  1912  for  the  aged  and 
infirm  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Republic  and 
for  their  widows,  and  the  vigorous  administra- 
tion of  the  laws  relating  to  pure  food  and  drugs, 
all  mark  the  successful  progress  of  Republican 
administration  and  are  additional  evidence  of 
its  effectiveness. 

We  commend  the  earnest  effort  of  the  Repub- 
lican administration  to  secure  greater  economy 
and  increased  efficiency  in  the  conduct  of  Gov- 
ernment business.  Extravagant  appropriations 
and  the  creation  of  unnecessary  offices  are  an 
injustice  to  the  taxpayer  and  a  bad  example  to 
the  citizen. 

We  call  upon  the  people  to  quicken  their  in- 
terest in  public  affairs,  to  condemn  and  punish 
lynchings  and  other  forms  of  lawlessness,  and 
to  strengthen  in  all  possible  ways  a  respect  for 
law  and  the  observance  of  it.  Indifferent  citi- 
zenship is  an  evil  from  which  the  law  affords 
no  adequate  protection,  and  for  which  legisla- 
tion can  provide  no  remedy. 

We  congratulate  the  people  of  Arizona  and 
New  Mexico  upon  the  admission  of  those  States, 
thus  merging  in  the  Union  in  final  and  enduring 
form  the  last  remaining  portion  of  our  conti- 
nental territory. 

REPUBLICAN  ADMINISTRATION 

We  challenge  successful  criticism  of  the  16 
years  of  Republican  administration  under  Presi- 
dents McKinley,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft.  We 
heartily  reaffirm  the  indorsement  of  President 
McKinley  contained  in  the  platform  of  1900  and 
of  1904,  and  that  of  President  Roosevelt  con- 
tained in  the  platforms  of  1904  and  1908. 

We  invite  the  intelligent  judgment  of  the 
American  people  upon  the  administration  of 
William  H.  Taft.  The  country  has  prospered 
and  been  at  peace  under  his  Presidency.  Dur- 
ing the  years  in  which  he  had  the  co-operation  of 
a  Republican  Congress  an  unexampled  amount 
of  constructive  legislation  was  framed  and 
passed  in  the  interest  of  the  people  and  in 
obedience  to  their  wish.  That  legislation  is  a 
record  on  which  any  administration  might  ap- 
peal with  confidence  to  the  favorable  judgment 
of  history. 

We  appeal  to  the  American  electorate  upon 
the  record  of  the  Republican  Party,  and  upon 
this  declaration  of  its  principles  and  purposes. 


£229  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

We  are  confident  that  under  the  leadership  of  tion  and  its  laws  our  Nation  will  continue  to 

the  candidates  here  to  be  nominated  our  appeal  advance;  that  peace  and  prosperity  will  abide 

will  not  be  in  vain;  that  the  Republican  Party  with  the  people,  and  that  new  glory  will  be 

will  meet  every  just  expectation  of  the  people  added  to  the  great  Republic, 
whose  servant  it  is;  that  under  its  administra- 


C  2301] 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


ELECTION  OF  1916 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  William  R.  Willcox,  of  New  York 
Secretary,  James  B.  Reynolds,  of  Massachusetts 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 

Chicago,  111.,  June  7-10,  1916. 

Temporary  Chairman,  Warren  G.  Harding,  of  Ohio 
Permanent  Chairman,  Warren  G.  Harding,  of  Ohio 

NOMINATED 

For  President  For  Vice-President 

CHARLES  E.  HUGHES  CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS 

OF  NEW  YORK  OF  INDIANA 

CHARLES  E.  HUGHES  was  nominated  on  the  third  ballot.    Votes  were  cast  on 
all  three  ballots  for  Elihu  Root,  John  W.  Weeks,  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  Albert 
B.  Cummins,  and  Theodore  Roosevelt. 
The  following  platform  was  adopted : 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 

In  1861  the  Republican  Party  stood  for  the  foreign  relations 

Union.    As  it  stood  for  the  Union  of  States,  it  We   desire  peace,  the  peace  of  justice  and 

now  stands  for  a  united  people,  true  to  Ameri-  right,  and  believe  in  maintaining  a  strict  and 

can  idea  s,  loyal  to  American  traditions,  know-  honest   neutrality   between   the   belligerents   in 

ing  no  allegiance  except  to  the  Constitution    to  the          t  war  in  E ur            We  must         form 

the  Government  and  to  the  flag  of    he  United  a„  our  duties  flnd  insist               „  our  rf^      as 

states.   We  believe  in  American  policies  at  home  .    ,        .,,      ,   ,  ,      •*.       L  *  «r 

and  abroad  neutrals  without  fear  and  without  favor.     We 

believe  that  peace  and  neutrality,  as  well  as  the 

protection  of  American  rights  dignity  and  influence  of  the  United  States,  can 

We  declare  that  we  believe  in  and  will  en-  not    be    Preserved    by    shifty    expedients,    by 

force  the  protection  of  every  American  citizen  Phrasemaking,  by  performances  in  language,  or 

in  all  the  rights  secured  to  him  by  the  Constitu-  bv  attitudes  ever  changing  in  an  effort  to  secure 

tion,  by  treaties  and  the  law  of  nations,  at  home  groups  of  voters.     The  present  administration 

and   abroad,  by   land   and   sea.     These  rights,  has  destroyed  our  influence  abroad  and  humili- 

which,  in  violation  of  the  specific  promise  of  ated  us  in  our  own  eyes.    The  Republican  Party 

their  party  made  at  Baltimore  in  1912,  the  Dem-  believes  that  a  firm,  consistent,  and  courageous 

ocratic  President  and  the  Democratic  Congress  foreign  policy,   always  maintained  by  Repub- 

have   failed   to   defend,   we   will   unflinchingly  lican  Presidents  in  accordance  with  American 

maintain.  traditions,  is  the  best,  as  it  is  the  only  true  way, 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


to  preserve  our  peace  and  restore  us  to  our 
rightful  place  among  the  nations.  We  believe 
in  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  dis- 
putes, and  favor  the  establishment  of  a  world 
court  for  that  purpose. 

MEXICO 

We  deeply  sympathize  with  the  15,000,000 
people  of  Mexico  who  for  three  years  have  seen 
their  country  devastated,  their  homes  destroyed, 
their  fellow  citizens  murdered  and  their  women 
outraged,  by  armed  bands  of  desperadoes  led  by 
self-seeking,  conscienceless  agitators  who,  when 
temporarily  successful  in  any  locality,  have 
neither  sought  nor  been  able  to  restore  order  or 
establish  and  maintain  peace. 

We  express  our  horror  and  indignation  at  the 
outrages  which  have  been  and  are  being  perpe- 
trated by  these  bandits  upon  American  men  and 
women  who  were  or  are  in  Mexico  by  invitation 
of  the  laws  and  of  the  Government  of  that  coun- 
try and  whose  rights  to  security  of  person  and 
property  are  guaranteed  by  solemn  treaty  obli- 
gations. We  denounce  the  indefensible  methods 
of  interference  employed  by  this  administra- 
tion in  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico  and  refer 
with  shame  to  its  failure  to  discharge  the  duty 
of  this  country  as  next  friend  to  Mexico,  its 
duty  to  other  powers  who  have  relied  upon  us 
as  such  friend,  and  its  duty  to  our  citizens  in 
Mexico,  in  permitting  the  continuance  of  such 
conditions,  first  by  failure  to  act  promptly  and 
firmly,  and  second,  by  lending  its  influence  to 
the  continuation  of  such  conditions  through 
recognition  of  one  of  the  factions  responsible 
for  these  outrages. 

We  pledge  our  aid  in  restoring  order  and 
maintaining  peace  in  Mexico.  We  promise  to 
our  citizens  on  and  near  our  border,  and  to 
those  in  Mexico,  wherever  they  may  be  found, 
adequate  and  absolute  protection  in  their  lives, 
liberty  and  property. 

MONROE  DOCTRINE 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine, and  declare  its  maintenance  to  be  a  policy 
of  this  country  essential  to  its  present  and  future 
peace  and  safety  and  to  the  achievement  of  its 
manifest  destiny. 

LATIN  AMERICA 

We  favor  the  continuance  of  Republican  poli- 
cies which  will  result  in  drawing  more  and 
more  closely  the  commercial,  financial  and  so- 
cial relations  between  this  country  and  the  coun- 
tries of  Latin  America. 

PHILIPPINES 

We  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  Philippine 
policy  inaugurated  by  McKinley,  approved  by 


Congress  and  consistently  carried  out  by  Roose- 
velt and  Taft.  Even  in  this  short  time  it  has 
enormously  improved  the  material  and  social 
conditions  of  the  islands,  given  the  Philippine 
people  a  constantly  increasing  participation  in 
their  government  and,  if  persisted  in,  will  bring 
still  greater  benefits  in  the  future. 

We  accepted  the  responsibility  of  the  islands 
as  a  duty  to  civilization  and  the  Filipino  people. 
To  leave  with  our  task  half  done,  would  break 
our  pledges,  injure  our  prestige  among  nations, 
and  imperil  what  has  already  been  accom- 
plished. 

We  condemn  the  Democratic  administration 
for  its  attempt  to  abandon  the  Philippines, 
which  was  prevented  only  by  the  vigorous  op- 
position of  Republican  Members  of  Congress, 
aided  by  a  few  patriotic  Democrats. 

RIGHT   OF   EXPATRIATION 

We  reiterate  the  unqualified  approval  of  the 
action  taken  in  December,  1911,  by  the  President 
and  Congress  to  secure  with  Russia,  as  with 
other  countries,  a  treaty  that  will  recognize  the 
absolute  right  of  expatriation  and  prevent  all 
discrimination  of  whatever  kind  between 
American  citizens  whether  native  born  or  alien, 
and  regardless  of  race,  religion  or  previous 
political  allegiance.  We  renew  the  pledge  to 
observe  this  principle  and  to  maintain  the  right 
of  asylum,  which  is  neither  to  be  surrendered 
nor  restricted,  and  we  unite  in  the  cherished 
hope  that  the  war  which  is  now  desolating  the 
world  may  speedily  end,  with  a  complete  and 
lasting  restoration  of  brotherhood  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth  and  the  assurance  of  full 
equal  rights,  civil  and  religious,  to  all  men  in 
every  land. 

PROTECTION   OF  THE  COUNTRY 

In  order  to  maintain  our  peace  and  make  cer- 
tain the  security  of  our  people  within  our  own 
borders  the  country  must  have  not  only  ade- 
quate but  thorough  and  complete  national  de- 
fenses ready  for  any  emergency.  We  must  have 
a  sufficient  and  effective  Regular  Army,  and  a 
provision  for  ample  reserves,  already  drilled 
and  disciplined,  who  can  be  called  at  once  to 
the  colors  when  the  hour  of  danger  comes. 

We  must  have  a  Navy  so  strong  and  so  well 
proportioned  and  equipped,  so  thoroughly  ready 
and  prepared,  that  no  enemy  can  gain  com- 
mand of  the  sea  and  effect  a  landing  in  force 
on  either  our  western  or  our  eastern  coast.  To 
secure  these  results  we  must  have  a  coherent 
and  continuous  policy  of  national  defense, 
which  even  in  these  perilous  days  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  has  utterly  failed  to  develop,  but 
which  we  promise  to  give  to  the  country. 


n232  3 


SRAVURE.ANDER5EN.    LAMB.N.V. 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORMS  FROM  1856  TO  1916 


TARIFF 

The  Republican  Party  stands  now,  as  always, 
in  the  fullest  sense  for  the  policy  of  tariff  pro- 
tection to  American  industries  and  American 
labor  and  does  not  regard  an  antidumping  pro- 
vision as  an  adequate  substitute. 

Such  protection  should  be  reasonable  in 
amount  but  sufficient  to  protect  adequately 
American  industries  and  American  labor  and 
so  adjusted  as  to  prevent  undue  exactions  by 
monopolies  or  trusts.  It  should,  moreover,  give 
special  attention  to  securing  the  industrial  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States  as  in  the  case  of 
dyestuffs. 

Through  wise  tariff  and  industrial  legislation 
our  industries  can  be  so  organized  that  they  will 
become  not  only  a  commercial  bulwark  but  a 
powerful  aid  to  national  defense. 

The  Underwood  tariff  act  is  a  complete  fail- 
ure in  every  respect.  Under  its  administration 
imports  have  enormously  increased  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  intercourse  with  foreign  countries 
has  been  largely  cut  off  by  reason  of  the  war, 
while  the  revenues  of  which  we  stand  in  such 
dire  need  have  been  greatly  reduced. 

Under  the  normal  conditions  which  prevailed 
prior  to  the  war  it  was  clearly  demonstrated 
that  this  act  deprived  the  American  producer 
and  the  American  wage  earner  of  that  protec- 
tion which  enahled  them  to  meet  their  foreign 
competitors,  and  but  for  the  adventitious  con- 
ditions created  by  the  war,  would  long  since 
have  paralyzed  all  forms  of  American  industry 
and  deprived  American  labor  of  its  just  reward. 

It  has  not  in  the  least  degree  reduced  the  cost 
of  living,  which  has  constantly  advanced  from 
the  date  of  its  enactment.  The  welfare  of  our 
people  demands  its  repeal  and  the  substitution 
of  a  measure  which  in  peace  as  well  as  in  war 
will  produce  ample  revenue  and  give  reasonable 
protection  to  all  forms  of  American  production 
in  mine,  forest,  field  and  factory. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  tariff  commission 
with  complete  power  to  gather  and  compile  in- 
formation for  the  use  of  Congress  in  all  mat- 
ters relating  to  the  tariff. 

BUSINESS 

The  Republican  Party  has  long  believed  in 
the  rigid  supervision  and  strict  regulation  of 
the  transportation  and  great  corporations  of  the 
country.  It  has  put  its  creed  into  its  deeds,  and 
all  really  effective  laws  regulating  the  railroads 
and  the  great  industrial  corporations  are  the 
work  of  Republican  Congresses  and  Presidents. 
For  this  policy  of  regulation  and  supervision 
the  Democrats,  in  a  stumbling  and  piecemeal 
way,   are   undertaking  to  involve   the   Govern- 


ment in  business  which  should  be  left  within 
the  sphere  of  private  enterprise  and  in  direct 
competition  with  its  own  citizens,  a  policy 
which  is  sure  to  result  in  waste,  great  expense 
to  the  taxpayer  and  in  an  inferior  product. 

The  Republican  Party  firmly  believes  that  all 
who  violate  the  laws  in  regulation  of  business, 
should  be  individually  punished.  Rut  prose- 
cution is  very  different  from  persecution,  and 
business  success,  no  matter  how  honestly  at- 
tained, is  apparently  regarded  by  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  as  in  itself  a  crime.  Such  doctrines 
and  beliefs  choke  enterprise  and  stifle  pros- 
perity. The  Republican  Party  believes  in  en- 
couraging American  business,  as  it  believes  in 
and  will  seek  to  advance  all  American  interests. 

RURAL   CREDITS 

We  favor  an  effective  system  of  rural  credits 
as  opposed  to  the  ineffective  law  proposed  by 
the  present  Democratic  administration. 

RURAL   FREE  DELIVERY 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  rural  free  de- 
livery system  and  condemn  the  Democratic  ad- 
ministration for  curtailing  and  crippling  it. 

MERCHANT   MARINE 

In  view  of  the  policies  adopted  by  all  the 
maritime  nations  to  encourage  their  shipping 
interests,  and  in  order  to  enable  us  to  compete 
with  them  for  the  ocean-carrying  trade,  we 
favor  the  payment  to  ships  engaged  in  the  for- 
eign trade  of  liberal  compensation  for  services 
actually  rendered  in  carrying  the  mails,  and 
such  further  legislation  as  will  build  up  an  ade- 
quate American  merchant  marine  and  give  us 
ships  which  may  be  requisitioned  by  the  Gov- 
ernment in  time  of  national  emergency. 

We  are  utterly  opposed  to  the  Government 
ownership  of  vessels  as  proposed  by  the  Demo- 
cratic Party,  because  Government-owned  ships, 
while  effectively  preventing  the  develop- 
ment of  the  American  merchant  marine  by  pri- 
vate capital,  will  be  entirely  unable  to  provide 
for  the  vast  volume  of  American  freights  and 
will  leave  us  more  helpless  than  ever  in  the 
hard  grip  of  foreign  syndicates. 

RAILROADS 

Interstate  and  intrastate  transportation  have 
become  so  interwoven  that  the  attempt  to  apply 
two  and  often  several  sets  of  laws  to  its  regula- 
tion has  produced  conflicts  of  authority,  em- 
barrassment in  operation  and  inconvenience 
and  expense  to  the  public. 

The  entire  transportation  system  of  the  coun- 
try has  become  essentially  national.  We,  there- 
fore,  favor   such   action   by   legislation    or,   if 


£23311 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


necessary,  through  an  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  as  will  result  in 
placing  it  under  complete  Federal  control. 

ECONOMY   AND  A  NATIONAL  BUDGET 

The  increasing  cost  of  the  National  Govern- 
ment and  the  need  for  the  greatest  economy  of 
its  resources  in  order  to  meet  the  growing  de- 
mands of  the  people  for  Government  service 
call  for  the  severest  condemnation  of  the  waste- 
ful appropriations  of  this  Democratic  adminis- 
tration, of  its  shameless  raids  on  the  Treasury, 
and  of  its  opposition  to  and  rejection  of  Presi- 
dent Taft's  oft-repeated  proposals  and  earnest 
efforts  to  secure  economy  and  efficiency  through 
the  establishment  of  a  simple  businesslike  bud- 
get system  to  which  we  pledge  our  support  and 
which  we  hold  to  be  necessary  to  effect  any 
real  reform  in  the  administration  of  national 
finances. 

CONSERVATION 

We  believe  in  a  careful  husbandry  of  all  the 
natural  resources  of  the  Nation — a  husbandry 
which  means  development  without  waste;  use 
without  abuse. 

CIVIL-SERVICE  REFORM 

The  Civil-Service  Law  has  always  been  sus- 
tained by  the  Republican  Party,  and  we  renew 
our  repeated  declarations  that  it  shall  be  thor- 
oughly and  honestly  enforced  and  extended 
wherever  practicable.  The  Democratic  Party 
has  created  since  March  4,  1913,  30,000  offices 
outside  of  the  Civil-Service  Law  at  an  annual 
cost  of  $44,000,000  to  the  taxpayers  of  the 
country. 

We  condemn  the  gross  abuse  and  the  misuse 
of  the  law  by  the  present  Democratic  adminis- 
tration and  pledge  ourselves  to  a  reorganization 
of  this  service  along  lines  of  efficiency  and 
economy. 

TERRITORIAL  OFFICIALS 

Reaffirming  the  attitude  long  maintained  by 
the  Republican  Party,  we  hold  that  officials  ap- 
pointed to  administer  the  government  of  any 


Territory  should  be  bona  fide  residents  of  the 
Territory  in  which  their  duties  are  to  be  per- 
formed. 

LABOR   LAWS 

We  pledge  the  Republican  Party  to  the  faith- 
ful enforcement  of  all  Federal  laws  passed  for 
the  protection  of  labor.  We  favor  vocational 
education;  the  enactment  and  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  a  Federal  child-labor  law;  the  enact- 
ment of  a  generous  and  comprehensive  work- 
man's compensation  law,  within  the  commerce 
power  of  Congress,  and  an  accident  compensa- 
tion law  covering  all  Government  employees. 
We  favor  the  collection  and  collation,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Department  of  Labor,  of  com- 
plete data  relating  to  industrial  hazards  for  the 
information  of  Congress,  to  the  end  that  such 
legislation  may  be  adopted  as  may  be  calculated 
to  secure  the  safety,  conservation  and  protec- 
tion of  labor  from  the  dangers  incident  to  in- 
dustry and  transportation. 

SUFFRAGE 

The  Republican  Party,  reaffirming  its  faith 
in  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for 
the  people,  as  a  measure  of  justice  to  one-half 
the  adult  people  of  the  country,  favors  the  ex- 
tension of  the  suffrage  to  women,  but  recog- 
nizes the  right  of  each  State  to  settle  this  ques- 
tion for  itself. 

Such  are  our  principles,  such  are  our  purposes 
and  policies.  We  close  as  we  began.  The  times 
are  dangerous  and  the  future  is  fraught  with 
perils.  The  great  issues  of  the  day  have  been 
confused  by  words  and  phrases.  The  American 
spirit,  which  made  the  country  and  saved  the 
Union,  has  been  forgotten  by  those  charged  with 
the  responsibility  of  power.  We  appeal  to  all 
Americans,  whether  naturalized  or  native  born, 
to  prove  to  the  world  that  we  are  Americans  in 
thought  and  in  deed,  with  one  loyalty,  one  hope, 
one  aspiration.  We  call  on  all  Americans  to  be 
true  to  the  spirit  of  America,  to  the  great  tradi- 
tions of  their  common  country,  and  above  all 
things,  to  keep  the  faith. 


C234] 


M& 


Part  VI 

STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


SUMMARY  OF  ELECTORAL  VOTE, 

1856-1916 

1789.  Previous  to  1804,  each  elector  voted  for  two  candidates  for  President.  The  one 
who  received  Hie  largest  number  of  votes  was  declared  President,  and  the  one  who 
received  the  next  largest  number  of  votes  was  declared  Vice-President.  The  electoral 
votes  for  the  first  President  of  the  United  States  were:  George  Washington,  69;  John 
Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  34;  John  Jay,  of  New  York,  9;  R.  H.  Harrison,  of  Maryland, 
6;  John  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  6;  John  Hancock,  of  Massachusetts,  4;  George 
Clinton,  of  New  York,  3;  Samuel  Huntingdon,  of  Connecticut,  2;  John  Milton,  of 
Georgia,  2;  James  Armstrong,  of  Georgia,  Benjamin  Lincoln,  of  Massachusetts,  and 
Edward  Telfair,  of  Georgia,  1  vote  each.  Vacancies  (votes  not  cast),  4.  George 
Washington  was  chosen  President  and  John  Adams  Vice-President. 

1792.  George  Washington,  Federalist,  received  132  votes;  John  Adams,  Federalist,  77; 
George  Clinton,  of  New  York,  Republican,  50;  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  Repub- 
lican, 4;  Aaron  Burr,  of  New  York,  Republican,  1  vote.  Vacancies,  3.  George  Wash- 
ington was  chosen  President  and  John  Adams  Vice-President. 

1796.  John  Adams,  Federalist,  71;  Thomas  Jefferson,  Republican,  68;  Thomas  Pinck- 
ney,  of  South  Carolina,  Federalist,  59;  Aaron  Burr,  of  New  York,  Republican,  30; 
Samuel  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  Republican,  15;  Oliver  Ellsworth,  of  Connecticut, 
Independent,  11;  George  Clinton,  of  New  York,  Republican,  7;  John  Jay,  of  New 
York,  Federalist,  5;  James  Iredell,  of  North  Carolina,  Federalist,  3;  George  Wash- 
ington, of  Virginia,  John  Henry,  of  Maryland,  and  S.  Johnson,  of  North  Carolina,  all 
Federalists,  2  votes  each.  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  Fed- 
eralist, 1  vote.  John  Adams  was  chosen  President  and  Thomas  Jefferson  Vice- 
President. 

1800.  Thomas  Jefferson,  Republican,  73;  Aaron  Burr,  Republican,  73;  John  Adams, 
Federalist,  65;  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  Federalist,  64;  John  Jay,  Federalist,  1  vote. 
There  being  a  tie  vote  for  Jefferson  and  Burr,  the  choice  devolved  upon  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Jefferson  received  the  votes  of  ten  States,  which,  being  the 
largest  vote  cast  for  a  candidate,  elected  him  President.  Burr  received  the  votes  of 
four  States,  which,  being  the  next  largest  vote,  elected  him  Vice-President.  There 
were  2  blank  votes. 

1804.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  having  been  amended,  the  electors  at  this 
election  voted  for  a  President  and  a  Vice-President,  instead  of  for  two  candidates 
for  President.  The  result  was  as  follows :  For  President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Repub- 
lican, 162;  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  Federalist,  14.  For  Vice-President,  George  Clinton, 
Republican,  162;  Rufus  King,  of  New  York,  Federalist,  14.  Jefferson  was  chosen 
President  and  Clinton  Vice-President. 

1808.  For  President,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia,  Republican,  122;  Charles  C.  Pinck- 
ney, of  South  Carolina,  Federalist,  47;  George  Clinton,  of  New  York,  Republican,  6. 
For  Vice-President,  George  Clinton,  Republican,  113;  Rufus  King,  of  New  York,  Fed- 

C  2371] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

eralist,  47;  John  Langdon,  of  New  Hampshire,  9;  James  Madison,  3;  James  Monroe,  3. 
Vacancy,  1.    Madison  was  chosen  President  and  Clinton  Vice-President. 

1812.  For  President,  James  Madison,  Republican,  128;  De  Witt  Clinton,  of  New  York, 
Federalist,  89.  For  Vice-President,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Republican,  of  Massachusetts, 
131;  Jared  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsylvania,  Federalist,  86.  Vacancy,  1.  Madison  was 
chosen  President  and  Gerry  Vice-President. 

1816.  For  President,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia,  Republican,  183;  Rufus  King,  of  New 
York,  Federalist,  34.  For  Vice-President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York,  Re- 
publican, 183;  John  Eager  Howard,  of  Maryland,  Federalist,  22;  James  Ross,  of 
Pennsylvania,  5;  John  Marshall,  of  Virginia,  4;  Robert  G.  Harper,  of  Maryland,  3. 
Vacancies,  4.    Monroe  was  chosen  President  and  Tompkins  Vice-President. 

1820.  For  President,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia,  Republican,  231 ;  John  Q.  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  Republican,  1.  For  Vice-President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  Republican, 
218;  Richard  Stockton,  of  New  Jersey,  8;  Daniel  Rodney,  of  Delaware,  4;  Robert  G. 
Harper,  of  Maryland,  and  Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  1  vote  each.  Vacancies,  3. 
James  Monroe  was  chosen  President  and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  Vice-President. 

1824.  For  President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  Republican,  99;  John  Quincy 
Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  Republican,  84;  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  Republican,  37; 
William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  Republican,  41.  For  Vice-President,  John  C. 
Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  Republican,  182;  Nathan  Sanford,  of  New  York,  Repub- 
lican, 30;  Nathaniel  Macon,  of  North  Carolina,  Republican,  24;  Andrew  Jackson,  of 
Tennessee,  Republican,  13;  Martin  Van  Ruren,  of  New  York,  Republican,  9;  Henry 
Clay,  of  Kentucky,  Republican,  2;  Calhoun  was  chosen  Vice-President. 

There  was  no  choice  in  the  Electoral  College  in  182b,  for  President,  and  the  election 
was  thrown  into  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  chose  John  Quincy  Adams  for 
President,  he  receiving  87  votes,  as  against  71  for  Jackson,  and  54  for  Crawford. 

1828.  For  President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  Democrat,  178;  John  Quincy 
Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  National  Republican,  83.  For  Vice-President,  John  C. 
Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  Democrat,  171;  Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  National 
Republican,  83;  William  Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  Democrat,  7. 

1832.  For  President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  Democrat,  219;  Henry  Clay,  of 
Kentucky,  National  Republican,  49;  John  Floyd,  of  Georgia,  Independent,  11;  Wil- 
liam Wirt,  of  Maryland,  Anti-Mason,  7.  For  Vice-President,  Martin  Van  Ruren,  of 
New  York,  Democrat,  189;  John  Sergeant,  of  Pennsylvania,  National  Republican,  49; 
Henry  Lee,  of  Massachusetts,  Independent,  11;  Amos  Ellmaker,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Anti-Mason,  7;  William  Wilkins,  of  Pennsylvania,  Democrat,  30. 

1836.  For  President,  Martin  Van  Ruren,  of  New  York,  Democrat,  170;  Wm.  Henry 
Harrison,  of  Ohio,  Whig,  73;  Hugh  L.  White,  of  Tennessee,  Whig,  26;  Daniel  Web- 
ster, of  Massachusetts,  Whig,  14;  Willie  P.  Mangum,  of  North  Carolina,  Whig,  11. 
For  Vice-President,  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  Democrat,  147;  F.  Granger,  of 
New  York,  Whig,  77;  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  Whig,  47;  Wm.  Smith,  of  Alabama, 
Democrat,  23. 

1840.  For  President,  William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  Whig,  234;  Martin  Van  Ruren, 
of  New  York,  Democrat,  60.  For  Vice-President,  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  Whig,  234; 
Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  Democrat,  48;  Littleton  W.  Tazewell,  of  Virginia, 
Democrat,  11;  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  Democrat,  1. 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


1844.  For  President,  J.  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  Democrat,  170;  H.  Clay,  of  Kentucky, 
Whig,  105.  For  Vice-President,  G.  M.  Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania,  Democrat,  170.  T. 
Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey,  Whig,  105. 

1848.  For  President,  Zach.  Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  Whig,  163;  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan, 
Democrat,  127.  For  Vice-President,  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  Whig,  163;  Wm. 
O.  Butler,  of  Kentucky,  Democrat,  127. 

1852.  For  President,  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  Democrat,  254;  Winlield 
Scott,  of  New  Jersey,  Whig,  42.  For  Vice-President,  W.  R.  King,  Alabama,  Democrat, 
254;  W.  A.  Graham,  North  Carolina,  Whig,  42. 


C239J 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


ELECTORAL  AND  POPULAR  VOTES 


Year 
Elec- 
tion. 

Candidates 

for 
President. 

States. 

Polit- 
ical 
Party. 

Popu- 
lar 
Vote. 

Plurality. 

Elec- 
toral 
Vote. 

Candidates 

for 

Vice-President. 

States. 

Polit- 
ical 
Party. 

Elec- 
toral 
Vote. 

1856. 

James  Buchanan*  . 
John  C.  Fremont. . 
Millard  Fillmore. . . 

Pa... 
Cal... 

N.Y. 

Dem..  . 
Rep... 
Amer... 

1,838,169 

1,341,264 

874,538 

496,905 

174 

114 

8 

J.  C.  Breckinridge* 
William  L.  Dayton 
A.  J.  Donelson. . .  . 

Ky. 
N.J. 

Tenn. 

Dem..  . 
Rep... 
Amer... 

174 
114 

■    8 

1860. 

Abraham  Lincoln*. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas 
J.  C.  Breckinridge. 
John  Bell 

111... 
111. ... 
Ky... 
Tenn. 

Rep... 
Dem..  . 
Dem..  . 
Union . . 

1,866,352 

1,375,157 

845,763 

589,581 

491,195 

180 
12 

72 
39 

Hannibal  Hamlin*. 
H.  V.  Johnson.  .  .  . 

Edward  Everett. .  . 

Me.. 
Ga... 
Ore.  . 
Mass. 

Rep... 
Dem..  . 
Dem..  . 
Union. . 

180 
12 

72 

39 

1864. 

Abraham  Lincoln*. 
Geo.  B.  McCleUan 

111... 
N.J. 

Rep... 
Dem..  . 

2,216,067 
1,808,725 

407,342 

212 
21 

Andrew  Johnson  * . . 
Geo.  H.  Pendleton 

Tenn. 
O... 

Rep... 
Dem..  . 

212 
21 

1868. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant*  . 
Horatio  Seymour. . 

111. 

N.Y. 

Rep... 
Dem..  . 

3,015,071 
2,709,615 

305,456 

214 
80 

Schuyler  Colfax*.  . 
F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.... 

Ind.. 
Me.. 

Rep.... 
Dem..  . 

214 

80 

1872. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant*  . 
Horace  Greeley .... 
Charles  O'Conor. . . 

Thos.  A.  Hendricks 
B.  Gratz  Brown . .  . 
Charles  J.  Jenkins  . 
David  Davis 

111... 
N.  Y. 
N.Y. 
Pa... 
Ind.. 
Mo.. 
Ga... 
111... 

Rep.... 
D.&L.. 
Dem . . . 
Temp .  . 

3,597,070 

2,834,079 

29,408 

5,608 

762,991 

286 

Henry  Wilson* . . . . 
B.  Gratz  Brown . . . 

John  Russell 

George  W.  Julian. . 
A.  H.  Colquitt.  . . . 
John  M.  Palmer. .  . 
T.  E.  Bramlette. . . 
W.  S.  Groesbeck. . . 
Willis  B.  Machen. . 
N.  P.Banks 

Mass. 
Mo.. 
Mass. 
Mich. 
Ind.. 
Ga... 
111... 
Ky... 
O... 
Ky... 
Mass. 

Rep... 
D.&L.. 

286 

47 

42 

18 

2 

1 

Lib.... 
Dem . . . 
Dem . . . 
Dem . . . 
Dem . . . 
Dem . .  . 
Lib... 

5 

Dem . . . 

5 

Dem . . . 

3 

Ind 

3 

1 
1 
1 

1876. 

Samuel  J.  Tilden  . . 
Buth'fd  B.Hayes* 

Peter  Cooper 

Green  Clay  Smith.. 
James  B.  Walker . . 

N.Y. 
0... 
N.Y. 
Ky... 
111... 

Dem . . . 
Rep. . . . 
Gre'nb  . 
Proh . . . 
Amer. . . 

4,284,885 

4,033,950 

81,740 

9,522 

2,636 

250,935 

184 
185 

T.  A.  Hendricks. . . 
Wm.  A.  Wheeler*.. 
Samuel  F.  Cary .  .  . 
Gideon  T.  Stewart. 
D.  Kirkpatrick. . . . 

Ind.. 
N.Y. 

O.... 
0.... 

N.Y. 

Dem . . . 
Rep  . .  . 
Gre'nb 
Proh . .  . 

184 
185 

1880. 

James  A.  Garfield* 
W.  S.  Hancock. . . . 
James  B.  Weaver. . 

0.... 
Pa... 
Iowa. 
Me.. 
Vt... 

Rep. . . . 
Dem .  . . 
Gre'nb  . 
Proh . .  . 
Amer. . . 

4,449,053 

4,442,035 

307,306 

10,305 

707 

7,018 

214 
155 

Chester  A.  Arthur  * 
William  H.English. 
B.  J.  Chambers. . . . 
H.  A.  Thompson  . . 
S.  C.  Pomeroy .  .  . . 

N.Y. 
Ind.. 
Tex.. 
O... 
Kan. 

Rep.... 
Dem . .  . 
Gre'nb  . 
Proh . .  . 

214 
155 

John  W.Phelps... 

1884. 

Grover  Cleveland*. 
James  G.  Blaine. . . 
John  P.  St.  John. . . 
Benjamin  F.  Butler 
P.  D.  Wigginton  . . 

N.Y. 
Me... 
Kan.. 
Mass. 
Cal... 

Dem . . . 
Rep. . . . 
Proh . . . 
Gre'nb  . 
Amer.. . 

4,911,017 

4,848,334 

151,809 

133,825 

62,683 

219 
182 

T.  A.  Hendricks*. . 
John  A.  Logan.  . . . 
William  Daniel. . . . 
A.M.  West 

Ind.. 
111... 
Md.. 
Miss  . 

Dem . .  . 
Rep.... 
Proh . . . 

219 
182 

Gre'nb 

1888. 

Grover  Cleveland . . 
Benj.  Harrison*.  . . 
Clinton  B.Fisk... 
Alson  J.  Streetor  . . 
R.  H.  Cowdry 
James  L.  Curtis . . . 

N.Y. 
Ind.. 
N.J.. 
111... 
111... 
N.Y. 

Dem . . . 
Rep.... 
Proh... 
U.L... 
U'dL.. 
Amer. . . 

5,538,233 

5,440,216 

249,907 

148,105 

2,808 

1,591 

98,017 

168 
233 

Allen  G.  Thurman. 
Levi  P.  Morton*. . . 
John  A.  Brooks. . . . 
C.  E.  Cunningham . 
W.  H.  T.  Wakefield 
James  B.  Greer. . . . 

O... 

N.Y. 
Mo... 
Ark.. 
Kan.. 
Tenn. 

Dem . .  . 
Rep. . . . 
Proh . . . 

168 
233 



U.L... 
U'd  L . . 

C240I] 


HENRY      P.     SCOTT 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


Year 
Elec- 
tion. 

Candidates 

for 
President. 

States. 

Polit- 
ical 
Party. 

Popu- 
lar 
Vote. 

Plurality. 

Elec- 
toral 
Vote. 

Candidates 

for 

Vice-President. 

States. 

Polit- 
ical 
Party. 

Elec- 
toral 
Vote. 

1892. 

Grover  Cleveland  * . 
Benjamin  Harrison 
James  B.  Weaver. . 

John   Bidwell 

Simon  Wing 

N.  Y. 
Ind.  . 
Iowa. 
Cal.. 
Mass. 

Dem . .  . 
Rep... 
Peop.  .  . 
Proh... 
Soc.  L.. 

5,556,918 

5,176,108 

1,041,028 

264,133 

21,164 

380,810 

277 

145 

22 

Adlai  E.  Stevenson* 
Whitelaw  Reid .... 
James  G.  Field. . . . 
James  B.  Cranfill. . 
Chas.  H.  Matchett. 

111... 
N.  Y. 
Va... 
Tex. . 
N.  Y 

Dem . .  . 
Rep... 
Peop . . . 
Proh .  . . 

277 
145 

22 

1896. 

Wm.  McKinley*... 
William  J.  Bryan.  . 
William  J.  Bryan.  . 
Joshua  Levering. . . 
John  M .  Palmer . . . 
Chas.  H.  Matchett 
Charles  E.  Bentley 

0.... 
Neb.. 
Neb.. 
Md.. 
Ill .  .  . 
N.  Y. 
Neb.. 

Rep  .  .  . 
Dem .  .  \ 
Peop.  .  f 
Proh .  .  . 
N.Dem 
Soc.  L. . 
Nat.... 

7,104,779 

6,502,925 

132,007 

133,148 

36,274 

13,969 

601,854 

/ 

\ 

271 
176 

Garret  A.  Hobart*. 

Arthur  Sewall 

Thomas  E.  Watson 

Hale  Johnson 

Simon  B.  Buckner. 
Matthew  Maguire  . 
James  H.  Southgate 

N.  J.. 

Me... 
Ga... 
111... 
Ky... 
N.J. 
N.  C. 

Rep. . . . 
Dem . . . 
Peop . .  . 
Proh. . 

271 

149 

27 

N.Dem 

Soc.  L. 

Nat.... 

1900. 

Wm.  McKinley*. . . 
William  J.  Bryan. . 
John  G.  Woolley  .  . 
Wharton  Barker . .  . 
Eugene  V.  Debs. .  . 
Jos.  F.  Malloney. . 
J.  F.  B.  Leonard .  . 
Seth  H.Ellis 

0... 
Neb.. 
Ill .  .  . 
Pa... 
Ind.. 
Mass. 
Iowa. 
O... 

Rep. . . . 
Dem. P. 
Proh . .  . 
MP... 
Soc.  D.. 
Soc.  L  . 
UC... 
UR... 

7,207,923 

6,358,133 

208,914 

50,373 

87,814 

39,739 

1,059 

5,698 

849,790 

292 
155 

Theo.  Roosevelt*. . 
Adlai  E.  Stevenson . 
Henry  B.  Metcalf. . 
Ignatius  Donnelly  . 

Job  Harriman 

Valentine  Remmel . 
John  G.  Woolley.. . 
Sam.  T.Nicholson. 

N.  Y. 
111... 
O. ... 
Minn 
Cal.. 
Pa... 
111... 
Pa... 

Rep. . . . 
Dem. P. 
Proh.. 

292 
155 

MP.. 

Soc.  D.. 

Soc. L. . 

U  C. 

UR.... 

1904. 

Theo.  Boosevelt*.  . 
Alton  B.  Parker. .  . 
Eugene  V.  Debs.  .  . 
Silas  C.  Swallow. .  . 
Thomas  E.  Watson. 
Chas.  H.  Corrigan. 

N.  Y. 
N.  Y. 
Ind.. 
Pa... 
Ga... 
N.  Y. 

Rep... 
Dem .  .  . 
Soc ... . 
Proh .  . . 
Peop. . . 
Soc. L.. 

7,623,486 

5,077,911 

402,283 

258,536 

117,183 

31,249 

2,545,515 

336 
140 

Chas.W.Fairbanks* 
Henry  G.  Davis . . . 
Benjamin  Hanford . 
George  W.  Carroll . 
Thomas  H.  Tibbies. 
William  W.  Cox... 

Ind.. 
W.Va. 

N.  Y. 
Tex.. 
Neb.. 
111... 

Rep. . . . 
Dem . . . 
Soc 

336 
140 

Proh . . . 

1908. 

William  H.  Taft*.. 
William  J.  Bryan. . 
Eugene  V.  Debs. . . 
Eugene  W.  Chafin. 
Thos.  E.  Watson .  . 
August  Gillhaus .  . . 
Thos.  L.  Hisgen.  . . 

O... 
Neb.. 
Ind.  . 
Ariz.. 
Ga... 
N.  Y. 
Mass. 

Rep. . . . 
Dem . . . 

Soc .... 
Proh .  .  . 
Peop .  . . 
Soc.  L.. 
Ind.... 

7,678,908 

6,409,104 

420,793 

253,840 

29,100 

13,825 

82,872 

1,269,804 

321 
162 

James  S.  Sherman* 

John  W.  Kern 

Benjamin  Hanford . 
Aaron  S.  Watkins  . 
Samuel  Williams . . . 
Donald  L.  Munro .  . 
Jno.  Temple  Graves 

N.  Y. 
Ind.. 
N.  Y. 
0.... 
Ind.. 
Va... 
Ga... 

Rep. . . . 
Dem . . . 

321 
162 

Proh . . . 

Soc.  L.. 

Ind 

1912. 

Woodrow  Wilson*.. 
William  H.  Taft... 
Theo.  Boosevelt. . . 
Eugene  V.  Debs. . . 
Eugene  W.  Chafin . 
Arthur  E.  Beimer  . 

N.  J.. 

O.... 
N.  Y. 
Ind.. 
Ariz.. 
Mass. 

Dem . . . 
Rep... 
Prog... 
Soc. . . . 
Proh... 
Soc.  L.. 

6,293,019 

3,484,956 

4,119,507 

901,873 

207,928 

29,259 

2,173,512 

435 

8 

88 

Thos.  R.  Marshall* 
Nicholas  M.  Butler. 
Hiram  W.  Johnson 

Aaron  S.  Watkins  . 
August  Gillhaus . . . 

Ind.. 

N.  Y. 
Cal... 
Wis.. 
0... 

N.  Y. 

Dem . .  . 
Rep.... 
Prog... 
Soc 

435 
8 

88 

Proh.. . 

Soc.  L.. 

1916. 

Woodrow  Wilson*.. 
Charles  E.  Hughes. 
Allan  J.  Benson .  .  . 
J.  Frank  Hanly...  . 
Arthur  E.  Beimer  . 

N.  J.. 

N.  Y. 
N.  Y. 
Ind.. 

Mass. 

Dem . .  . 
Rep. . . . 
Soc. . . . 
Proh . . . 
Soc.  L.. 

9,129,269 

8,547,328 

590,579 

221,329 

14,180 

581,941 

277 
254 

Thos.  R.  Marshall* 
Chas.  W.  Fairbanks 
Geo.R.  Kirk  pa  l  rick 

Caleb  Harrison .... 

Ind.. 
Ind.. 
N.  J.. 

Mass. 

in... 

Dem. . . 
Rep.... 

Soc. . . . 

277 
254 

Proh . . . 

Soc.  L.. 

*  The  candidates  starred  were  elected . 


£241  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


TOTAL  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTORS 

(From  reports  of  State  officials  on  file  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C.) 


State. 


1888. 


1892. 


1896. 


1900. 


1904. 


1908. 


1912. 


1916. 


Alabama   

Arizona 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts .  . 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire . 

New  Jersey 

New  Mexico 

New  York 

North  Carolina . . 
North  Dakota . . 

Ohio 

Oklahoma 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania .  .  . 
Rhode  Island .  . . 
South  Carolina . . 
South  Dakota . . . 

Tennessee 

Texas.. 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West  Virginia . . . 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 


Total. 


Plurality: 
Republican . 
Democratic. 


174,100 


232,757 


194,574 


158,942 


108,845 


103,809 


158,248 

248,306 
91,799 

153,984 
29,787 
66,728 

142,869 


747,683 
536,949 
404,130 
330,216 
344,159 
115,899 
128,133 
210,921 
344,498 
475,356 
263,285 
116,845 
521,353 


202,622 
12,278 
90,819 

303,801 


146,769 
269,543 

93,891 
164,262 

37,222 

35,556 
221,616 

19,609 
873,646 
553,613 
443,159 
324,905 
340,844 
115,565 
116,009 
213,275 
390,672 
465,792 
267,238 

52,727 
540,650 

44,315 
200,206 

10,878 

89,329 
336,269 


148,508 
297,496 
189,819 
174,402 

31,538 

46,456 
163,262 

29,621 
1,089,008 
637,124 
521,617 
335,787 
445,956 
101,046 
118,504 
250,877 
417,367 
544,958 
338,540 

70,472 
558,329 

53,217 
224,174 

10,314 

83,567 
371,047 


127,444 
302,399 
220,665 
180,140 

42,001 

39,226 
122,736 

57,701 
1,130,873 
663,840 
530,189 
353,766 
467,600 

67,904 
105,721 
264,288 
414,697 
544,375 
316,311 

59,103 
683,656 

63,693 
241,430 

10,196 

92,348 
401,206 


116,421 

331,545 

243,687 

191,117 

43,875 

39,307 

130,992 

72,578 

1,075,669 

681,934 

485,902 

328,557 

435,765 

53,908 

96,037 

224,224 

445,146 

525,099 

292,959 

58,377 

643,861 

64,444 

225,732 

12,115 

90,097 

432,548 


152,126 
386,597 
263,877 
189,999 

48,024 

49,360 
132,794 

97,288 
1,154,751 
721,126 
494,770 
375,946 
490,687 

75,146 
106,336 
238,531 
456,926 
541,749 
331,304 

66,904 
715,874 

68,822 
266,799 

24,526 

89,592 
467,198 


1,317,160 
285,956 


840,361 


1,318,988 

281,025 

36,105 

850,166 


1,424,140 

330,990 

47,379 

1,014,295 


1,548,006 

292,672 

57,795 

1,035,789 


1,617,770 

208,110 

70,290 

1,004,668 


61,853 

998,115 

40,750 

79,565 


303,744 
357,371 


78,491 

1,002,112 

53,193 

70,492 

70,513 

264,974 

422,175 


63,440 
304,110 


159,441 
354,774 


55,785 
292,306 

87,962 
171,071 
371,222 

16,706 


97,414 

1,194,358 

54,781 

68,938 

82,950 

323,796 

526,693 

78,119 

63,831 

294,959 

93,583 

201,768 

447,063 

20,606 


84,216 

,173,214 

56,548 

50,862 

96,124 

274,153 

423,706 

93,130 

55,785 

264,470 

107,524 

220,815 

442,613 

24,646 


90,154 
1,236,738 

68,656 

55,140 
101,395 
242,788 
234,008 
101,626 

51,887 
130,544 
145,251 
240,026 
443,014 

30,713 


1,638,350 

252,310 

94,582 

1,121,588 

255,228 

110,889 

1,267,443 

72,317 

66,398 

114,775 

257,515 

292,472 

108,611 

52,654 

137,066 

183,879 

258,151 

454,435 

37,609 


117,879 

23,722 
124,029 
673,527 
266,880 
190,398 

48,693 

51,891 
121,420 
105,755 
1,146,173 
654,474 
492,356 
365,497 
453,698 

79,377 
129,640 
231,981 
488,056 
550,976 
334,219 

64,528 
698,562 

79,826 
249,208 

20,115 

87,960 
424,622 

51,245 

1,587,983 

244,455 

86,580 

1,037,094 

253,801 

137,040 

1,217,502 

77,894 

50,350 
116,325 
247,821 
301,788 
112,385 

62,841 
136,976 
322,799 
268,560 
399,972 

42,296 


131,177 

58,021 

168,310 

999,551 

293,966 

213,874 

51,810 

80,803 

158,690 

134,615 

2,192,707 

718,848 

516,495 

629,813 

519,947 

92,982 

136,407 

262,039 

531,817 

648,507 

387,364 

86,159 

786,762 

177,675 

286,177 

33,316 

89,123 

495,536 

66,967 

1,706,354 

289,912 

108,677 

1,165,086 

292,416 

261,340 

1,297,097 

87,816 

63,531 

128,942 

272,194 

372,461 

142,915 

64,465 

153,990 

381,030 

289,842 

449,377 

51,840 


11,381,408 


12,043,603 


13,813,243 


13,964,518 


13,523,519 


14,887,133 


15,031,169 


18,528,743 


363,612 


567,692 


861,459 


2,544,343 


1,269,900 


2,160,194 


591,385 


Figures  do  not  include  blank  or  void  ballots  or  votes  cast  for  names  not  appearing  on  any  of  the  electoral  tickets 
specified  in  the  preceding  table. 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


ELECTORAL  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT,  BY  PARTIES 

AND  STATES 

(Source:  Journal  of  the  United  States  Senate.) 


State. 

1888. 

1892. 

1896. 

1900. 

1904. 

1908. 

1912. 

1916. 

1920. 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

P. 

R. 

D.P 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

P. 

T'l. 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

— 

10 

11 

11 

11 

11 

11 

12 

3 

9 

2 

6 

7 

3 

6 

14 

4 

29 

15 

13 

10 

13 

10 

6 

8 

18 

ii 

15 

12 

38 
5 

7 

12 

3 

9 

13 

6 

7 

3 

6 

14 

4 

29 

15 

13 

10 

13 

10 

6 

8 

18 

15 

12 

10 

18 

4 

8 

3 

4 

14 

3 

45 

12 

5 

24 

10 

5 

38 

5 

9 

5 

12 

20 

4 

4 

12 

7 

8 

13 

3 

7 
3 

29 
15 
13 

6 

18 
15 
12 

14 
45 

5 

38 

5 

5 

4 

7 
13 

12 
3 
9 

13 
6 

6 
14 

4 

ib 

13 

10 

8 

io 

18 

4 
8 
3 
4 

3 

i2 

5 

24 

10 

9 

12 

20 

4 

i2 

7 
1 

3 

7 

1 

8 
8 

8 
1 

4 

4 

13 

3 

io 

1 
8 

9 
17 
3 
8 
3 

9 

6 
3 

24 
15 
13 
10 

6 

8 

15 

14 

9 

8 

4 
10 

8 

4 

4 

13 

3 

13 
8 

9 

17 

3 

3 

10 
5 
7 
3 

3 
27 
15 
13 
10 

6 

1 

16 

14 

11 

18 
3 
8 
3 

4 
12 

9 

10 

9 

California .... 

8 
3 

4 

8 

6 
3 

Colorado 

5 

Connecticut .  . 

6 
3 
4 

12 

6 

3 

4 

13 

5 
13 

13 
9 

7 
10 

7 
3 

3 
27 
15 
13 
10 

6 

2 

16 

14 

11 

18 
3 

Delaware 

5 
13 

3 

24 
15 
13 

12 

22 

15 

13 

9 

24 
15 

13 

10 

13 
8 

8 

9 
16 

6 

is 

9 

9 

3 
8 

13 
8 

13 
9 

6 

Maine 

6 

8 

15 

14 

9 

8 

6 

Massachusetts 

14 
13 

7 

Michigan 

5 

9 
17 

10 

10 

18 

4 

8 

3 

4 

14 

3 

45 

12 

5 

24 

10 

5 

Nebraska 

5 
3 
4 

8 
3 

Nevada 

3 

4 
10 

N.  Hampshire 

9 

4 

4 
12 

10 

New  York .... 

36 

36 

11 

1 

1 

36 

ii 

36 

3 
23 

11 

39 

4 
23 

12 

39 

4 
23 

11 

i 

22 

12 

1 

3 
23 

Ohio 

23 

7 

Pennsylvania . 
Rhode  Island . 

3 
30 

4 

9 

3 

32 
4 

4 

1 

4 
32 

4 

9 

4 

12 

15 

3 

12 
4 

3 

4 

32 

4 

4 

3 

4 

4 

6 

12 

3 

9 

12 
15 

12 

4 

34 

4 

4 

3 
4 

5 

7 

13 

3 

9 

\2 
18 

\2 

4 
34 

4 

4 

3 

4 

5 

7 

13 

3 

5 
9 

9 

9 

South  Dakota . 

12 
13 

12 
15 

12 
18 

12 

4 
4 

12 
20 

i2 

Texas 

Utah 

4 

12 

4 
4 

4 

Virginia 

12 

Washington . . . 

West  Virginia 

11 

6 

6 
12 

6 
12 

8 

13 

3 

3 

Total 

233 

168 

145 

277 

22 

271 

176 

292 

155 

336 

140 

321 

162 

8 

435 

88 

531 

254 

277 

Plurality .  . 

65 

132 

....      95 

137 

196 

159 

...J  347|.... 

23 

Arizona  became  a  State  February  14,  1912.    New  Mexico  was  admitted  January  6,  1912. 

The  electoral  vote  for  Vice-President  in  1896  was:  Republican,  271;  Democratic,  149;  Populist,  27. 

C243I] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 

APPORTIONMENT  OF  CONGRESSIONAL  REPRESENTATION. 

The  ratio  under  the  Constitution  was  one  Representative  in  Congress  for  each  30,000  of  population.  Thereafter, 
the  ratios,  as  determined  by  the  decennial  censuses,  were  as  follows:  1790  and  1800,  one  to  each  33,000;  1810,  one 
in  each  35,000;  1820,  one  in  each  40,000;  1830,  one  in  each  47,700;  1840,  one  in  each  70,680;  1850,  one  in  each  93,423; 
1860,  one  in  each  127,381;  1870,  one  in  each  131,425;  1880,  one  in  each  151,911;  1890,  one  in  each  173,901;  1900,  one 
in  each  194,182;  1910,  one  in  each  211,877. 

In  1910,  and  lasting  until  the  new  apportionment  under  the  1920  Census,  each  State's  quota  of  Representatives 
was  and  is  as  follows:  Alabama,  10;  Arizona,  1;  Arkansas,  7;  California,  11;  Colorado,  4;  Connecticut,  5;  Delaware, 
1;  Florida,  4;  Georgia,  12;  Idaho,  2;  Illinois,  27;  Indiana,  13;  Iowa,  11;  Kansas,  8;  Kentucky,  11;  Louisiana,  8;  Maine, 
4;  Maryland,  6;  Massachusetts,  16;  Michigan,  13;  Minnesota,  10;  Mississippi,  8;  Missouri,  16;  Montana,  2;  Ne- 
braska, 6;  Nevada,  1;  New  Hampshire,  2;  New  Jersey,  12;  New  Mexico,  1;  New  York,  43;  North  Carolina,  10; 
North  Dakota,  3;  Ohio,  22;  Oklahoma,  8;  Oregon,  3;  Pennsylvania,  36;  Rhode  Island,  3;  South  Carolina,  7;  South 
Dakota,  3;  Tennessee,  10;  Texas,  18;  Utah,  2;  Vermont,  2;  Virginia,  10;  Washington,  5;  West  Virginia,  6;  Wisconsin, 
11;  Wyoming,  1;  total,  435. 

Of  the  thirteen  Original  States  the  present  quotas  are  the  same  as  under  the  Constitution  in  Connecticut,  Dela- 
ware, Maryland,  and  Virginia.  The  original  quotas  in  the  other  Original  States  were  as  follows:  Georgia,  3;  Massa- 
chusetts, 8;  New  Hampshire,  3;. New  Jersey,  4;  New  York,  6;  North  Carolina,  5;  Pennsylvania,  8;  Rhode  Island,  1; 
and  South  Carolina,  5. 


C244] 


HEN  RY      M.    SAGE 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT,  BY  STATES,  SINCE  1856 


1856. 


State. 


Alabama 

Arkansas 

California .  .  . . 
Connecticut .  . 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 
Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Mississippi .  .  . 


Bu- 
chanan, 
Dem. 


46,739 

21,910 

53,365 

34,495 

8,004 

6,358 

56,578 

105,528 

118,670 

36,568 

74,642 

22,164 

67,379 

39,115 

39,240 

52,139 

35,446 


Fremont, 
Hep. 


20,691 

42,715 

310 


96,278 

94,375 

45,073 

314 


39,080 

281 

108,190 

71,762 


Fillmore, 
Amer. 


28,552 

10,787 

36,165 

2.615 

6,275 

4,833 

42,228 

37,551 

22,386 

9,669 

67,416 

20,709 

3,325 

47,460 

19,726 

1,660 

24,195 


Slate. 


Missouri 

New  Hampshire. 

New  Jersey 

New  York 

North  Carolina . . 

Ohio 

Pennsylvania .  .  . 
Rhode  Island .  . . 
South  Carolina . . 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Wisconsin 


Total . 


Bu- 
chanan, 
Dem. 


58,164 

31,891 

46,943 

195,878 

48,246 

170,874 

230,686 

6,680 


73,638 
31,169 
10,569 
89,826 
52,843 


1,927,995 


Fremont, 
Rep. 


37,473 

28,338 

276,007 


187,497 

147,286 

11,467 


291 

291 

66,090 


1,391,555 


Fillmore, 
Amer. 


48,524 

410 

24,115 

124,604 

36,886 

28,126 

82,189 

1,675 


66,178 
15,639 
60,310 
60,278 
579 


934,816 


1860. 


State. 

Lincoln, 
Rep. 

Douglas, 
Dem. 

Breck- 

enridge, 

Dem. 

BeU, 
Union. 

State. 

Lincoln, 
Rep. 

Douglas, 
Dem. 

Breck- 

enridge, 

Dem. 

Bell, 
Union. 

Ala 

13,651 

5,228 
38,516 
15,522 

1,066 

367 

11,590 

160,205 

115,509 

55,639 

25,651 

7,625 
26,693 

5,966 
34,372 
65,057 
11,920 

3,283 

48,831 
28,732 
34,334 
14,641 

7,339 

8,543 
51,889 

2,332 
12,295 

1,034 
53,143 
22,681 

6,368 
42,482 

5,939 

805 

748 

40,797 

27,825 

20,094 

6,817 

3,291 

3,822 

5,437 

42,886 

4,913 

5,306 

1,763 

66,058 

20,204 

2,046 

41,760 

22,331 

405 

62 

25,040 

Mo 

17,028 

37,519 

58,234 

362,646 

58,801 

25,883 

62,801 

312,510 

2,701 

187,232 

4,131 

16,765 

7,707 

31,317 
2,125 

58,372 

Ark 

N.H 

441 

Cal 

39,173 

43,692 

3,888 

N.J 

N.  Y 

Del 

N.  C... 

48,339 

11,303 

5,075 

178,871 

44,990 

Fla 

Ohio 

221,610 

5,345 

268,030 

12,244 

12,193 

Ga 

Ore 

213 

Ill 

172,171 

139,033 

70,118 

1,364 

Pa 

12,776 

Ind 

R.  I 

s.  c 

Kv 

Tenn 

11,350 

64,709 
47,548 

218 
74,323 

888 

69,274 

La 

Tex 

15,438 

Me 

62,811 

2,294 

106,533 

88,480 

22,069 

Vt 

33,808 

1,929 

86,110 

6,849 
16,290 
65,021 

1,969 

Md 

Va 

74,681 

Wis 

161 

Total 

1,866,352 

1,375,157 

845,763 

589,581 

C245  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


1864. 


State. 


Alabama .... 
Arkansas .... 
California.  .  . 
Connecticut. 
Delaware. . . . 

Florida 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa ........ 

Kansas ...... 

Kentucky .  .  . 
Louisiana .... 


Lincoln, 
Rep. 


62,134 

44,691 

8,155 


189,519 

150,422 

88,500 

16,814 

27,786 


Mc- 

Clellan, 

Dem. 


43,841 

42,285 

8,767 


158,724 
130,233 

49,525 
3,691 

64,301 


State. 


Maine ........ 

Maryland 

Massachusetts . 
Michigan ...... 

Minnesota 

Mississippi .... 

Missouri 

Nevada 

N.  Hampshire. 
New  Jersey .... 

New  York 

N.  Carolina. . . . 
Ohio 


Lincoln 
Rep. 


61,503 
40,153 
126,742 
85,352 
25,060 


72,750 

9,826 

36,596 

60,723 

368,735 


265,654 


Mc- 
Clellan, 

Dem. 


44,211 
32,737 
48,745 
67,370 
17,375 


31,678 

6,594 

33,034 

68,024 

361,986 


205,599 


State. 


Oregon 

Pennsylvania . 
Rhode  Island . 
S.  Carolina .  .  . 
Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

West  Virginia . 
Wisconsin 


Total . 


Lincoln, 
Rep. 


9,888 

296,391 

13,692 


42,419 


23,152 
83,458 


2,216,067 


Mc- 

Clellan, 

Dem. 


8,457 

276,316 

8,470 


13,321 


10,438 
65,884 


1,808,725 


In  South  Carolina  in  1848,  1852,  1856,  and  1860  the  Presidential  Electors  were  chosen  by  the  Legislature. 

In  1864  the  States  of  Tennessee  and  Louisiana  also  held  elections  and  were  carried  for  Lincoln;  "but,"  says  A.  K. 
McCIure  in  his  book  "Our  Presidents,"  "their  votes  were  not  necessary  to  the  election  of  the  Republican  ticket,  and 
although  Lincoln  earnestly  desired  that  these  States  should  be  recognized  and  the  votes  counted,  Congress,  by  joint 
resolution,  that  Lincoln  signed  with  great  reluctance,  declared  that  they  should  not  be  recognized,  and  they  were 
omitted."     Nor  was  there  any  count  in  Florida,  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  or  Texas. 


• 

1868. 

State. 

Grant, 
Rep. 

Seymour, 
Dem.' 

State. 

Grant, 
Rep. 

Seymour, 
Dem. 

State. 

Grant, 
Rep. 

Seymour, 
Dem. 

76,366 
22,112 
54,583 
50,995 
7,614 

72,088 
19,078 
54,077 
47,952 
10,957 

70,493 

30,438 

136,477 

113,229 

43,545 

42,460 
62,537 
59,408 
82,364 
28,075 

Ohio 

280,167 
10,961 

342,280 
12,993 
62,301 
56,628 

238  621 

Arkansas 

California 

Connecticut.  .  . 
Delaware.  ■: . . : . 
Florida'. 

Massachusetts. . . 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania .... 
Rhode  Island .... 
S.  Carolina 

Texas 

11,125 

313,382 

6,548 

45,237 

26,129 

Georgia 

57;134 

250,293 

176,548 

120,399 

30,028 

39,566 

33,263 

102*722 

199,143 

166,980 

74,040 

13,620 

115,890 

88,225 

Nebraska 

86,860 

9,729 

6,480 

37,718 

80,131 

419  883 

65,628 
5,439 
5,218 

30,575 

83,001 
429,883 

84,601 

Vermont 

Virginia 

44,167 

12,045 

N.  Hampshire.. . . 
New  Jersey 

West  Virginia .... 
Wisconsin 

Total 

28,638 
108,857 

19,982 
84,710 

Kansas. 

Kentucky ...... 

Louisiana 

N.  Carolina 

96,769 

3,015,071 

2,709,615 

i 

5 

-  1872. 

State. 

Grant; 
Rep. 

Greeley, 
Dem.&L. 

State. 

Grant, 
Rep. 

Greeley, 
Dem.&L. 

State. 

Grant, 
Rep. 

Greeley, 
Dem.&L. 

90,272 

41,373 

54,020 

50,638 

11,115 

17,763 

62,550 

241,237 

186,147 

131,566 

67,048 

88,766 

71,663 

79,444 
37,927 
40,718 
45,880 
10,208 
15,427 
76,356 
184,772 
163,632 
71,179 
32,970 
99,995 
57,029 

Maine.  ......... 

61,422 
66,760 

133,472 

136,199 
55,117 
82,175 

119,116 

18,329 

8,413 

37,168 

91,656 

440,736 
94,769 

*.  29,087 

67,687 

59,260 

77,020 

34,423 

47,288 

151,434 

7,812 

6,236 

31,425 

76,456 

387,281 

70,094 

Ohio 

281,852 
11,818 

349,589 
13,665 
72,290 
84,930 
47,406 
41,481 
93,468 
32,323 

104,992 

244,321 

7,742 

212,041 

5,329 

22,703 

94,218 

66,500 

Arkansas 

Massachusetts .  .  . 
Michigan 

Mississippi 

Nebraska 

Oregon 

California 

Connecticut .... 

Florida 

Pennsylvania .... 
Rhode  Island .... 

Texas 

Illinois 

10,927 
91,654 
29,533 
86,477 

Iowa 

N.  Hampshire 

New  York 

N.  Carolina 

West  Virginia .... 
Total 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

3,597,070 

2,834,079 

C246I! 


JOHN      A.BECKER 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


1876. 


State. 

Hayes, 
Rep. 

Tilden, 
Dem. 

State. 

Hayes, 
Rep. 

Tilden, 
Dem. 

State. 

Hayes, 
Rep. 

Tilden, 
Dem. 

Alabama 

68,230 
38,669 
78,614 

102,002 
58,071 
75,845 

Maine 

66,300 

71,981 

150,063 

166,534 

72,962 

52,605 

145,029 

31,916 

10,383 

41,540 

103,517 

489,207 

108,417 

49,823 

91,780 
108,777 
141,095 

48,799 
112,173 
203,077 

17,554 
9,308 

38,510 
115,962 
521,949 
125,427 

Ohio.. 

330,698 
15,214 

384,142 
15,787 
91,870 
89,596 
44,800 
44,092 
95,558 
41,392 

130,068 

323,182 
14,157 

366,158 
10,712 
90,906 

133,166 

104,755 
20,254 

139,670 
55,584 

123,927 

Arkansas 

Massachusetts .  .  . 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania .... 
Rhode  Island .... 

S.  Carolina 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Connecticut .... 

Delaware 

Florida 

59,034 

10,752 

23,849 

50,446 

278,232 

208,011 

171,326 

78,354 

97,156 

75,135 

61,934 

13,381 

22,923 

130,088 

258,601 

213,526 

112,121 

37,902 

159,690 

70,636 

Georgia 

Vermont 

Virginia . . 

Indiana 

N .  Hampshire .  .  . 

New  Jersey 

New  York 

N.  Carolina 

West  Virginia .... 
Wisconsin 

Total 

4,033,950 

4,284,885 

1880. 


State. 


Alabama 

Arkansas 

California .... 

Colorado 

Connecticut .  .  . 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts . 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi .  .  .  . 


Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Weaver, 

Rep. 

Dem. 

Greenb'k 

56,221 

91,185 

4,642 

42,436 

60,775 

4,079 

80,348 

80,426 

3,392 

27,450 

24,647 

1,435 

67,071 

64,415 

868 

14,138 

15,181 

121 

23,654 

27,964 

54,086 

102,470 

969 

318,037 

277,321 

26,358 

232,164 

225,522 

12,986 

183,904 

105,845 

32,327 

121,549 

59,801 

19,851 

106,306 

149,068 

11,499 

38,637 

65,067 

439 

74,039 

65,171 

4,408 

78,515 

93,706 

818 

165,205 

111,960 

4,548 

185,190 

131,301 

34,895 

93,903 

53,315 

3,267 

34,854 

75,750 

5,797 

State. 


Missouri 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire. 

New  Jersey 

New  York 

North  Carolina . . 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania .  .  . 
Rhode  Island .  . . 
South  Carolina . . 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

West  Virginia . . . 
Wisconsin 


Total 4,449,053  4,442,030 


Garfield, 
Rep. 


153,567 

54,979 

7,878 

44,856 

120,555 

555,544 

115,874 

375,048 

20,619 

444,713 

18,195 

58,071 

98,760 

57,893 

45,567 

84,020 

46,243 

144,897 


Hancock, 
Dem. 


208,609 

28,523 
8,619 

40,797 
122,565 
534,511 
124,208 
340,821 

19,955 
407,502 

10,779 
112,312 
130,381 
156,428 

18,316 
128,586 

57,391 
114,634 


Weaver, 
Greenb'k 


35,135 
3,950 


528 

2,617 

12,373 

1,126 

6,456 

245 

20,648 

236 

566 

5,465 

27,405 

1,215 


9,079 
7,980 


307,306 


In  1868  the  Florida  electors  were  chosen  by  the  Legislature.  Under  a  joint  resolution  of  Congress,  Mississippi, 
Texas,  and  Virginia  were  excluded  from  voting  because  they  had  no  representation  in  Congress  under  the  Reconstruc- 
tion laws.  The  other  Southern  States  had  representation  in  Congress,  except  Georgia.  There  was  a  dispute  in 
both  Senate  and  House  over  Georgia,  but  Mr.  Wade,  President  of  the  Senate,  decided  that  Georgia's  vote  be  counted. 

In  1876  the  Colorado  electors  were  chosen  by  the  Legislature. 


C2473 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-T  WENTY 


1884. 


State. 


Ala.. 
Ark.. 
Cal.. 
Col.. 
Conn 
Del.. 
Fla.. 
Ga... 
111... 
Ind.. 
Iowa. 
Kan. 
Ky... 
La... 
Me.. 
Md.. 
Mass. 
Mich. 
Minn 
Miss. 


Clevel'd, 
Dem. 


93,951 

72,927 

89,288 

27,723 

67,199 

16,976 

31,766 

94,667 

312,351 

244,990 

177,316 

90,132 

152,961 

62,540 

52,140 

96,932 

122,481 

149,835 

70,144 

76,510 


Blaine, 
Rep. 


59,591 

50,895 

102,416 

36,290 

65,923 

13,053 

28,031 

48,603 

337,469 

238,463 

197,088 

154,406 

118,122 

46,347 

72,209 

85,699 

146,724 

192,669 

111,923 

43,509 


St.  John, 

Butler, 

Proh. 

G'nback. 

612 

873 

1,847 

2,920 

2,017 

761 

1,958 

2,305 

1,688 

64 

10 

72 

195 

145 

12,074 

10,776 

3,028 

8,293 

1,472 

4,495 

16,341 

3,139 

1,691 

2,160 

3,953 

2,794 

531 

10,026 

24,433 

18,403 

42,243 

4,684 

3,583 

State. 


Mo 

Neb.... 
Nev .... 
N.H.... 
N.J.... 
N.Y.... 
N.C.... 
Ohio... 

Ore 

Penn 

R.  I 

S.C 

Tenn. . . . 

Tex 

Vt 

Va 

W.  Va... 
Wis 

Total 


Clevel'd, 
Dem. 


235,988 

54,391 
5,578 

39,198 
127,778 
563,154 
142,592 
368,280 

24,604 
392,785 

12,391 

69,890 
133,324 
225,309 

17,331 
145,497 

67,331 
146,453 


Blaine, 
Rep. 


St.  John. 
Proh. 


202,929 

76,912 

7,193 

43,254 

123,366 

562,005 

125,068 

400,082 

26,860 

473,804 

19,030 

21,733 

124,093 

93,141 

39,514 

139,356 

63,913 

161,135 


4,911,017  4,848,334    151,809    133,825 


Butler, 
G'nback. 


2,153 
2,899 


1,571 

6,153 

25,006 

454 

11,069 

492 

15,283 

928 


1,176 
3,534 
1,752 
138 
939 
7,649 


26 

552 

3,456 

17,004 


5,179 

726 

16,992 

432 


956 
3,321 

785 


810 
4,598 


1888. 


State. 


Ala.. 

Ark.. 

Cal.. 

Col.. 

Conn. 

Del.. 

Fla... 

Ga... 

111... 

Ind.. 

Iowa. 

Kan.. 

Ky... 

La... 

Me.. 

Md.. 

Mass. 

Mich. 

Minn 

Miss. 


Harrison, 
Rep. 


57,597 

58,752 

124,816 

50,774 

74,584 

12,973 

26,659 

40,446 

370,475 

263,361 

211,603 

182,904 

155,134 

30,701 

73,734 

99,986 

183,892 

236,387 

142,492 

30,096 


Clevel'd, 
Dem. 


117,320 

85,962 

117,729 

37,567 

74,920 

16,414 

39,561 

100,449 

348,371 

261,013 

179,877 

102,745 

183,800 

85,026 

50,482 

106,168 

151,855 

213,469 

104,385 

85,471 


Fish, 
Proh. 


593 

614 

5,761 

2,191 

4,234 

400 

403 

1,808 

21,703 

9,881 

3,550 

6,779 

5,225 

127 

2,690 

4,767 

8,701 

20,495 

15,311 

218 


Streeter, 
U.  Lab. 


10,613 


1,266 
240 


7,534 

2,694 

9,105 

37,788 


39 
1,345 


4,555 
1,097 

222 


State. 


Mo 

Neb 

Nev 

N.H.... 
N.  J.... 
N.  Y.... 
N.C.... 
Ohio.... 

Ore 

Penn.. .  . 

R.I 

S.C... 
Tenn.... 

Tex 

Vt 

Va 

W.  Va... 
Wis 

Total 


Harrison, 
Rep. 


236,253 

108,425 

7,038 

45,724 
144,344 
650,338 
134,784 
416,054 

33,291 
526,091 

21,969 

13,740 
138,988 

88,280 

45,192 
150,438 

78,171 
176,553 


Clevel'd, 
Dem. 


261,954 

80,552 
5,149 

43,382 
151,493 
635,965 
147,902 
396,455 

26,522 
446,633 

17,530 

65,825 
158,779 
234,883 

16,788 
151,977 

78,677 
155,232 


5,440,216  5,538,233    249,907    148,105 


Fish, 
Proh. 


4,540 

9,429 
41 

1,566 

7,904 
30,231 

2,789 
24,356 

1,677 
20,947 

1,251 


5,969 
4,749 
1,459 
1,678 
1,085 
14,277 


Streeter, 
U.  Lab. 


18,589 
4,226 


42 


626 

47 

3,496 

363 
3,873 


48 
29,459 


1,508 
8,552 


C2483 


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LEOWRD  CDG5WELL 


C.L.BAILEY 


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EMINENT  NEW  YORK  5TATE  REPUBLICANS 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


1892. 


State. 


Ala... 
Ark... 
Cal... 
Col... 
Conn.. 
Del... 
Fla... 
Ga.... 
Idaho . 
111.... 
Ind... 
Iowa . . 
Kan... 
Ky... 
La.... 
Me... 
Md... 
Mass.. 
Mich.. 
Minn. 
Miss. . 
Mo... 
Mont. 


Clevel'd, 
Deni. 


138,138 

87,752 

118,151 


82,395 

18,581 

30,143 

129,386 

2 

426,281 

262,740 

196,366 


175,461 

87,922 

48,024 

113,866 

176,813 

202,296 

100,579 

40,237 

268,628 

17,534 


Harrison 
Rep. 


9,197 
46,974 
118,027 
38,620 
77,032 
18,077 


48,305 

8,599 

399,288 

255,615 

219,795 

157,241 

135,441 

13,331 

62,878 

92,736 

202,814 

222,708 

122,736 

1,406 

226,762 

18,838 


Weaver 
Peop. 


85,181 
11,831 
25,311 
53,584 
809 


4,843 
42,939 
10,520 
22,207 
22,198 
20,595 
163,111 
23,500 
13,332 

2,045 
796 

3,210 
19,931 
30,398 
10,259 
41,183 

7,259 


Bidwell, 
Proh. 


239 

113 

8,096 

1,687 

4,026 

564 

570 

988 

288 

25,871 

13,044 

6,402 

4,553 

6,442 


3,062 

5,877 

7,539 

20,857 

14,182 

610 

4,298 

517 


State. 


Neb 

Nev 

N.H.... 
N.  J.... 
N.Y.... 
N.C.... 
N.  Dak. 
Ohio... 

Ore 

Penn.. .  . 

R.I 

S.  C... 
S.  Dak.. 
Tenn.. . . 

Tex 

Vt 

Va 

Wash... 
W.Va.. 

Wis 

Wyo. .  . 


Clevel'd, 
Dem. 


24,983 
714 

42,081 
171,042 
654,868 
132,591 


404,115 
14,243 

452,264 

24,336 

54,698 

9,081 

136,490 

239,148 
16,325 

163,977 
29,844 
84,467 

177,325 
8,454 


Total 5,556,918  5,176,108  1,041,028 


Harrison, 
Rep. 


87,227 

2,811 

45,658 

156,068 

609,350 

100,346 
17,159 

405,187 
35,002 

516,011 
26,975 
13,384 
34,880 
99,849 
81,444 
37,992 

113,526 
36,470 
80,293 

171,101 
7,722 


Weaver, 
Peop. 


83,134 

7,264 

293 

969 

16,429 

44,732 

17,650 

14,850 

26,875 

8,714 

228 

2,410 

26,512 

23,730 

99,638 

43 

12,274 

19,105 

4,166 

10,019 

530 


Bidwell, 
Proh. 


4,902 
89 

1,297 

8,131 
38,190 

2,636 

899 

26,012 

2,281 
25,123 

1,654 


4,799 
2,165 
1,415 
2,681 
2,553 
2,145 
13,136 


264,133 


It  was  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1884  that  the  Rev.  Dr.  Burchard,  heading  a  delegation  of  ministers  who 
called  on  Mr.  Blaine,  at  New  York  City,  to  congratulate  him,  made  the  much-lamented  reference  to  "rum,  Roman- 
ism, and  rebellion,"  which  was  held  largely  responsible  for  Blaine's  defeat.  The  defeat  of  Cleveland  in  1888  was  at- 
tributed by  Democratic  politicians  to  his  message  to  Congress,  delivered  a  year  before,  making  the  tariff  and  revenue 
question  the  sole  issue  before  the  country.  In  1892  Simon  Wing,  the  Socialist-Labor  candidate,  polled  21,164  votes, 
which  is  included  in  the  total.  Both  Republicans  and  Democrats  fused  with  the  Weaver,  or  People's  Party,  in  dif- 
ferent States.  This  is  why  no  votes  were  cast  for  Cleveland  in  Colorado,  Kansas,  North  Dakota,  and  Wyoming; 
none  for  Harrison  in  Florida,  and  only  a  nominal  vote  in  Alabama  and  Mississippi. 


C249] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


1896. 


State. 


Ala.. 

Ark.. 

Cal.. 

Col.. 

Conn. 

Del.. 

Fla.. 

Ga... 

Idaho 

111... 

Ind.. 

Iowa. 

Kan. 

Ky.. 

La... 

Me.. 

Md.. 

Mass. 

Mich. 

Minn. 

Miss . 

Mo.. 

Mont 

Neb.. 


McKin'y 
Rep. 


54,737 

37,512 

146,588 

26,279 

110,285 

20,452 

11,257 

60,091 

6,314 

607,130 

323,748 

289,293 

159,345 

218,171 

22,037 

80,465 

136,978 

278,976 

293,072 

193,503 

5,123 

304,940 

10,494 

102,564 


Bryan, 
D.,Peop. 


131,226 

110,103 

166,496 

161,269 

56,740 

16,615 

31,958 

94,632 

23,135 

464,523 

306,206 

223,741 

171,695 

217,890 

77,175 

34,588 

104,746 

105,711 

236,994 

139,735 

53,800 

363,667 

42,537 

115,624 


Layering 
Proh. 


2,147 

839 

2,573 

1,724 

1,806 

602 

644 

5,716 

172 

9,796 

2,973 

3,192 

1,698 


1,570 
5,922 
2,998 
4,938 
4,338 

390 
2,169 

186 
1,196 


Palmer, 
Nat.-D. 


6,462 


2,006 

1 

4,336 

966 

1,772 
2,708 


6,307 
2,146 
4,516 
1,209 
4,781 
1,834 
1,870 
2,507 

11,749 
6,905 

32,316 
1,017 
2,355 


2,797 


State. 


Nev 

N.H.... 
N.J.... 
N.  Y.... 
N.C.... 
N.  Dak. 
Ohio.... 

Ore 

Penn . . . . 

R.i.:.. 

s.  c... 

S.  Dak.. 
Tenn... 
Texas . . . 
Utah.... 

Vt 

Va 

Wash . . . 
W.  Va.. 

Wis 

Wyo.... 

Total 


McKin'y, 
Rep. 


1,939 

57,444 
221,367 
819,838 
155,222 

26,355 
525,991 

48,779 
728,300 

37,437 
9,313 

41,042 
149,403 
162,506 

13,461 

50,991 
135,388 

39,153 
105,379 
268,135 

10,072 


7,104,779 


Bryan, 
D.,Peop. 


7,802 

21,271 

133,675 

551,369 

174,488 

20,686 

474,882 

46,739 

433,228 

14,459 

58,801 

41,225 

168,878 

368,289 

67,053 

10,607 

154,985 

51,646 

94,488 

165,523 

10,861 


6,502,925 


Livering, 
Proh 


776 

5,614 

16,052 

635 

358 

5,068 

919 

19,274 

1,160 


604 
3,140 
5,030 


728 
2,344 

968 
1,223 
7,507 

159 


132,007 


Palmer, 
Nat.-D. 


3,520 

6,373 

18,950 

578 


1,858 

977 

11,000 

1,166 
824 


2,106 
4,853 


1,329 

2,127 

1,668 

678 

4,584 


133,148 


1900. 


State. 

Mc- 

Kinley, 

Rep. 

Bryan, 
Dem. 

Wool- 
ley, 
Proh. 

Baker, 
A.  F. 
Peop. 

Debs, 

Soc. 

Dem. 

State. 

Mc- 

Kinley, 

Rep. 

Bryan, 
Dem. 

Wool- 
ley, 
Proh. 

Baker, 
A.  F. 
Peop. 

Debs, 
Soc. 
Dem. 

Ala 

53,669 

44,800 

164,755 

93,067 

102,572 

22,535 

7,604 

34,028 

27,198 

597,985 

336,063 

307,808 

185,955 

226,205 

13,928 

65,475 

136,212 

238,866 

316,269 

190,461 

5,753 

314,092 

25,373 

121,835 

96,368 

81,142 

124,985 

122,733 

74,014 

18,863 

28,261 

77,353 

29,646 

503,061 

309,581 

209,265 

162,601 

234,879 

53,671 

36,822 

122,271 

156,977 

211,685 

112,901 

51,706 

351,922 

37,146 

113,163 

1,407 

584 

5,024 

3,790 

1,617 

546 

2,234 

1,396 

857 

17,626 

13,717 

9,502 

3,605 

2,262 

3,796 
972 
387 
389 

1,070 
4,548 

213 
1,141 
1,438 

613 

1,662 

928 

27 

7,572 

684 

1,029 

57 

603 

9,687 
2,374 
2,742 
1,605 
770 

Nev 

N.H 

N.J 

N.  Y 

N.  C 

N.  Dak.. 

Ohio 

Ore 

Penn 
R.I 
S.  C 
S.  Dak... 

Tex 
Utah 

Vt 

Va 

Wash .... 
W.Va.... 
Wis 
Wyo 

Total .  . . 

3,849 

54,799 

219,391 

822,013 

132,997 

35,898 

543,918 

46,526 

712,665 

33,784 

33,580 

54,530 

123,180 

120,483 

47,089 

51,127 

115,687 

57,456 

119,829 

265,760 

14,482 

6,347 

35,489 

165,908 

678,462 

157,733 

20,531 

474,882 

33,385 

424,232 

19,812 

47,236 

39,544 

145,356 

267,543 

44,949 

10,179 

146,079 

44,833 

98,807 

159,163 

10,164 

Ark 

Cal 
Col 

Conn...  . 
Del 
Fla 
Ga 

Idaho . . . 
Ill 

1,270 

7,144 

22,077 

990 

731 

10,203 

2,536 

27,908 

1,529 

669 

737 
110 

251 
275 
638 

790 

4,221 

12,869 

518 
4,847 
1,494 
4,831 

Ind 

Iowa .... 
Kan.... 

Ky 

La 

1,542 

3,882 

2,644 

205 

368 

2,153 

2,363 

1,692 

10,027 

339 

1,322 

20,961 

219 

169 

413 

1,846 

717 

Me 
Md 

Mass 

Mich.. . . 
Minn .  . . 
Miss .... 

2,585 
4,502 
6,202 
11,859 
8,555 

5,965 

298 

3,685 

837 

1,642 
4,244 

1,103 

878 

908 

9,716 

2,826 

3,065 

6,128 
708 
823 

371 
145 

2,006 
268 

7,048 

Mo 

Mont . . . 
Neb 

7,207,923 

6,358,133 

208,914 

50,373 

96,116 

C2503 


DANIEL     M.  PRIOR 


JAMES     L.WELLS 


iLLIAM     C.  BAXTER 


EMINENT    NEW    YORK    STATE    REPUBLICANS 


.••:•:: 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


1904. 


State. 

Roose- 
velt, 
Rep. 

Parker, 
Dem. 

Debs, 

Soc. 

Swal- 
low, 
Proh. 

Wat- 
son, 
Peop. 

State. 

Roose- 
velt, 
Rep. 

Parker, 
Dem. 

Debs, 

Soc. 

Swal- 
low, 
Proh. 

Wat- 
son, 
Peop. 

Ala 

Ark 

Cal 

Col 

Conn... . 

Del 

Fla 

Ga. 

Idaho . .  . 

Ill 

Ind 

Iowa .... 

Kan ... . 

Ky 

La. 

22,472 

46,860 
205,226 
134,687 
111,089 

23,712 
8,314 

24,003 

47,783 
632,645 
368,289 
307,907 
212,955 
205,277 
5,205 

64,438 
109,497 
257,822 
364,957 
216,651 
3,189 
321,449 

34,932 
138,558 

79,857 

64,434 

89,294 

100,105 

72,909 

19,347 

27,046 

83,472 

18,480 

327,606 

274,345 

149,141 

86,174 

217,170 

47,708 

27,648 

109,446 

165,746 

135,392 

55,187 

53,376 

296,312 

21,773 

51,876 

853 

1,816 

29,533 

4,304 

4,543 

146 

2,337 

197 

4,954 

69,225 

12,013 

14,847 

15,849 

3,602 

995 

2,106 

2,247 

13,604 

9,042 

11,692 

393 

13,009 

5,676 

7,412 

612 
993 

7,380 

3,438 

1,506 

607 

5 

684 

1,013 

34,770 

23,496 

11,601 

7,306 

6,609 

5,051 
2,318 

824 

495 

51 

1,605 

21,511 

353 

6,725 

2,444 

2,207 

6,253 

2,511 

Nev 

N.H 
N.J 
N.  Y 
N.  C 
N.Dak.. 
Ohio 
Ore 

R.I 

S.  C 

S.  Dak... 

Tenn 

Tex 

Utah 

Vt 

Va 

Wash    ... 
W.Va... 
Wis 
Wyo 

Total . .  . 

6,861 

54,163 

245,151 

859,533 

82,442 

52,595 

600,095 

60,455 

840,949 

41,605 

2,254 

72,083 

105,369 

51,242 

62,446 

40,456 

46,450 

101,540 

132,628 

280,164 

20,489 

3,982 

34,074 

164,562 

683,981 

124,121 

14,273 

344,674 

17,521 

335,430 

24,839 

54,635 

21,969 

131,282 

167,200 

33,413 

9,777 

80,638 

28,098 

100,881 

124,107 

8,930 

925 

1,090 

9,588 

36,883 

124 

2,017 

36,260 

7,619 

21,863 

956 

22 

3,138 

1,354 

2,791 

5,767 

844 

218 

10,023 

1,574 

28,220 

1,077 

750 

6,839 

20,787 

361 

1,140 

19,339 

3,806 

33,717 

768 

2,965 
1,906 
3,905 

344 

82 

3,800 

7,459 

819 

165 
1,392 

746 

1 
1,240 
2,506 
8,062 

Me 
Md 

Mass.. . . 

Mich 

Minn.  .  . 
Miss .... 
Mo 

Mont . .  . 
Neb 

1,510 
3,034 
4,279 
13,441 
6,253 

7,191 

335 

6,323 

338 

1,294 
1,159 
2,103 
1,425 
4,226 
1,520 
20,518 

792 
1,382 
3,229 
4,604 
9,770 

207 

359 
669 
339 
530 

7,623,486 

5,077,971 

402,321 

258,536 

117,183 

Rryan  got  the  nomination  in  1896  by  his  "crown  of  thorns"  speech  at  the  convention.  Democrats  and  Silver 
Republicans  fused  in  many  States  at  the  election;  Democrats  and  Populists  also  fused.  In  1904,  in  Illinois,  the 
Continental  Party  cast  830  votes. 


1908. 


State. 

Taft, 
Rep. 

Bryan, 
Dem. 

Debs, 
Soc. 

Chafin, 
Proh. 

Hisgen, 
Ind. 

State. 

Taft, 
Rep. 

Bryan, 
Dem. 

Debs, 

Soc. 

Chafin, 
Proh. 

Hisgen, 
Ind. 

Ala 
Ark 
Cal 
Col 

26,283 

56,679 

214,398 

123,700 

112,815 

25,014 

10,654 

41,692 

52,621 

629,932 

348,993 

275,209 

197,216 

235,711 

8,958 

66,987 

116,513 

265,966 

335,580 

195,843 

4,363 

347,203 

32,333 

126,997 

74,374 

87,015 

127,492 

126,644 

68,255 

22,071 

31,104 

72,350 

36,162 

450,810 

338,262 

200,771 

161,209 

244,092 

63,568 

35,403 

115,908 

155,543 

175,771 

109,401 

58,286 

346,574 

29,326 

131,099 

1,399 

5,842 

28,659 

'  7,974 

5,113 

239 

3,747 

584 

6,400 

34,711 

13,476 

8,287 

12,420 

4,185 

2,538 

1,758 

2,323 

10,781 

11,586 

14,527 

978 

15,431 

5,855 

3,524 

665 

1,194 

11,770 

5,559 

2,380 

670 

1,356 

1,059 

1,968 

29,364 

18,045 

9,837 

5,033 

5,887 

1,487 

3,302 

4,781 

16,971 

11,107 

495 

289 
4,278 

728 

30 
553 

77 

119 

7,724 

514 

404 

68 
200 

79 
700 
485 
19,239 
760 
426 

Nev 

N.H... 

N.  J.... 

N.Y.... 

N.C.... 

N.Dak. 

Ohio... 

Okla 

Ore 

Penn . . , . 

R.I 

S.  C 

S.  Dak.. 

Tenn.... 

Tex 

Utah.... 

Vt 

Va 

Wash... 

W.Va.. 

Wis 

Wyo... 

Total .  . 

10,775 

53,149 

265,298 

870,070 

114,887 

57,680 

572,312 

110,558 

62,530 

745,779 

43,942 

3,963 

67,466 

118,324 

65,666 

61,165 

39,558 

52,573 

106,062 

137,869 

247,747 

20,846 

11,212 

33,655 

182,522 

667,468 

136,928 

32,885 

502,721 

122,406 

38,049 

448,778 

24,706 

62,288 

40,266 

135,638 

217,302 

42,601 

11,500 

82,946 

58,691 

111,418 

166,632 

14,918 

2,103 

1,299 

10,249 

38,451 

345 

2,421 

33,795 

21,779 

7,339 

33,913 

1,365 

101 

2,846 

1,870 

7,870 

4,890 

255 
14,117 

3,679 
28,164 

1,715 

905 

4,930 

22,667 

436 

584 

2,916 

35,817 

Del 
Fla 
Ga 

Idaho . .  . 
Ill 
Ind 

Iowa .... 
Kan .... 

Ky 

La 
Me 
Md 

Mass 

Mich 

Minn 

1,496 
11,402 

2,682 

36,694 

1,016 

4,039 

300 

1,634 

802 

1,111 

4,700 

5,139 

11,564 

66 

43 

439 

244 

289 

1,057 

1,105 

42 

88 
332 
115 

92 
804 

51 
249 

46 

Mo 

Mont . . . 

Neb 

4,284 

827 

5,179 

402 
443 

64 

7,678,908 

6,409,104 

420,973 

253,840 

82,872 

[251  3 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


1912. 


State. 

Taft, 
Rep. 

Wilson, 
Dem. 

Roose- 
velt, 
Prog. 

Chafin, 
Proh. 

Debs, 
Soc. 

State. 

Taft, 
Rep. 

Wilson, 
Dem. 

Roose- 
velt, 
Prog. 

Chafin, 
Proh. 

Debs, 

Soc. 

Ala 

Ark 
Cal 
Col 

Conn...  . 
Del 

Fla 

Ga 

Idaho . . . 
Ill 
Ind 

9,732 

3,021 

24,467 

3,914 

58,386 

68,324 

15,997 

4,279 

5,191 

32,810 

253,593 

151,267 

119,805 

74,845 

115,512 

3,834 

26,545 

54,956 

155,948 

152,244 

64,334 

1,595 

207,821 

18,512 

54,029 

3,196 

82,438 

10,324 

68,838 

283,436 

114,232 

74,561 

22,631 

36,417 

93,076 

33,921 

405,048 

281,890 

185,325 

143,663 

219,584 

60,971 

51,113 

112,674 

173,408 

150,751 

106,426 

57,227 

330,746 

27,941 

109,008 

7,986 

22,680 

6,949 

21,673 

283,610 

72,306 

34,129 

8,886 

4,535 

21,980 

25,527 

386,478 

162,007 

161,819 

120,210 

102,766 

9,323 

48,495 

57,789 

142,228 

214,584 

125,856 

3,645 

124,371 

22,456 

72,614 

5,620 

265 

898 

23,366 

5,063 

2,068 

623 

1,854 

147 

1,537 

15,710 

19,249 

8,440 

3,233 

946 
2,244 
2,754 
8,934 
7,886 

5,380 

32 

3,383 

3,029 

3,163 

8,153 

79,201 

16,418 

10,056 

556 

4,806 

1,026 

11,960 

81,278 

36,931 

16,967 

26,779 

11,647 

5,249 

2,541 

3,996 

12,616 

23,211 

27,505 

2,061 

28,466 

10,885 

10,174 

3,313 

N.  H... 
N.J... 

N.M.. 
N.  Y... 
N.C... 
N.  D... 
Ohio... 
Okla... 
Ore  , 
Perm.. . 
R.  I... 
S.  C... 
S.  D... 

32,927 
88,834 
17,900 

455,428 
29,139 
23,090 

278,168 
90,786 
34,673 

273,305 

27,703 

536 

34,724 

170,282 

22,139 

655,475 

144,507 

29,555 

424,834 

119,156 

47,064 

395,619 

30,412 

48,357 

48,942 

130,335 

219,489 

36,579 

15,354 

90,332 

86,840 

113,046 

164,228 

15,310 

17,794 

145,409 

8,347 

390,021 

69,667 

25,726 

229,807 

37,600 

447,426 

16,878 

1,293 

58,811 

53,725 

28,530 

24,174 

22,132 

21,777 

113,698 

78,977 

62,460 

9,232 

535 

2,875 

19,427 
1,025 
1,243 

11,511 
2,185 
4,360 

19,533 
616 

3,910 

825 

1,698 

1,095 
709 
9,810 
4,534 
8,586 
434 

1,980 
15,900 

2,859 

63,381 

117 

6,966 
90,144 
41,674 
13,343 
80,915 

2,049 
164 

4  662 

Kan .... 

Ky 

La 
Me 
Md 

Mass 

Mich 

Minn . .  . 
Miss .... 
Mo 

Tenn... 

Utah... 

Vt 

Va 

Wash . . 

W.  Va. 

Wis 

Wyo... 

Total . 

Plurality 

59,444 
26,745 
42,100 
23,332 
23,288 
70,445 
56,667 
130,695 
14,560 

3,492 

24,896 

9,023 

928 

820 

40,134 

15,336 

33,481 

2,760 

Mont . . . 
Neb 

3,483,922 

6,286,214 

4,126,020 

208,923 

897,011 

Nev 

2,160,194 

1916. 


State. 


Ala... 
Ariz... 
Ark... 
Cal... 
Col... 
Conn.. 
Del... 
Fla... 
Ga... 
Idaho . 
111.... 
Ind... 
Iowa.. 
Kan.. 
Ky... 
La.... 
Me... 
Md... 
Mass.. 
Mich.. 
Minn. 
Miss.. 
Mo... 
Mont. 
Neb... 
Nev... 


Hughes, 
Rep. 


22,809 

20,524 

47,148 

462,394 

102,308 

106,514 

26,011 

14,611 

11,225 

55,368 

1,152,549 

341,005 

280,449 

277,658 

241,854 

6,466 

69,506 

117,347 

268,784 

339,097 

179,544 

4,253 

369,339 

66,750 

117,257 

12,127 


Wilson, 
Dem. 


99,409 

33,170 

112,148 

466,200 

178,816 

99,786 

24,753 

55,984 

125,845 

70,054 

950,229 

334,063 

221,699 

314,588 

269,990 

79,875 

64,127 

138,359 

247,885 

285,151 

179,152 

80,422 

398,025 

101,063 

158,827 

17,776 


Prog. 


20,653 


3,898 


6,349 


290 


29!) 


Hanly, 
Proh. 


1,034 
1,153 
2,015 
27,698 
2,793 
1,789 
566 
4,85 


1,127 
26,047 
16,368 

3,371 
12,882 

3,036 


597 
2,903 
2,993 
8,139 
7,793 


3,884 


2,952 
348 


Ben- 
son, 
Soc. 


1,925 

3,174 

6,999 

43,259 

10,049 

5,179 

480 

5,353 

967 

8,066 

61,394 

21,855 

10,976 

24,685 

4,734 

292 

2,177 

2,674 

11,058 

16,120 

20,117 

1,484 

14,612 

9,564 

7,141 

3,065 


State. 


N.H.. 
N.  J.. 

N.M. 
N.  Y.. 
N.C 
N.D.. 
Ohio.. 
Okla.. 
Ore... 
Penn.. 
R.  I.. 
S.C.. 
S.D.. 
Tenn.. 
Tex... 
Utah.. 
Vt.... 
Va.... 
Wash. 
W.  Va 
Wis... 
Wyo.. 

Total . 

Plurality 


Hughes, 
Rep. 


43,723 
269,352 

31,163 
869,115 
120,988 

53,471 
514,753 

97,233 
126,813 
703,734 

44,858 
1,550 

64,217 
116,223 

64,999 

54,137 

40,250 

49,356 
167,244 
143,124 
221,323 

21,698 


8,538,221 


Wilson, 
Dem. 


43,779 

211,645 

33,693 

759,426 

168,383 

55,206 

604,161 

148,113 

120,087 

521,784 

40,394 

61,846 

59,191 

153,282 

286,514 

84,025 

22,708 

102,824 

183,388 

140,403 

193,042 

28,316 


9,129,606 


591,385 


Prog. 


10,172 


234 


41,894 


Hanly, 
Proh. 


303 

3,187 

112 

19,031 

51 


8,080 

1,646 

4,729 

28,525 

470 


1,774 
147 

1,985 
149 
709 
783 

6,868 
175 

7,166 
373 


220,506 


Ben- 
son, 
Soc. 


1,318 
10,462 

1,999 

45,944 

490 


38,092 
45,190 

9,711 
42,637 

1,914 
135 

3,760 

2,542 
18,963 

4,460 
798 

1,060 
22,800 

6,140 
27,846 

1,453 


585,113 


FRANK   A.CD5S 


THADOEU5  S.5WEET 


J.9HELOnN   FRDST 


%  ' 

'"i 

•*  J  II 

W          1 

1/ 

I      t 

I 

7 

WM.V.  R.EBVINB 


W.B.LEHDV 


FRANCIS.  M.  HUGO 


VWIWWN  S.H*5TinoS 


W.AJ3LENN 


CHARLES  Et.NIVEM 


EMINENT  NEW  YORK  5TATE  REPUBLICANS 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


1920. 

State. 

Harding, 
Rep. 

Cox, 

Drill. 

Christen- 

sen, 
Farmer- 
Labor 

Watkins, 
Proh. 

Debs, 

Soc. 

State. 

Harding, 
Rep. 

Cox, 

Dein. 

Christen- 

sen. 
Farmer- 
Labor 

Watkins, 
Proh. 

Debs, 
Soc. 

Ala 

N.H... 

N.  J.... 

Ark 

N.  M... 

Cal 

N.Y... 

Col 

N.C... 

N.  D... 

Del 

Ohio... 

Fla 

Okla .  . . 

Ga 

Ore 

Perm . .  . 

Ill 

R.I.... 

Ind 

S.C.... 

S.  D... 

Kan .... 

Tenn . . . 

Ky 

Tex 

La 

Utah... 

Me 

Vt 

Md 

Va 

Wash... 

W.Va.. 

Wis 

Wyo.  . 

Mo  . 

Total.. 

Neb   . 

Plurality 

Nev.... 

C253] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


TABLE  SHOWING  PRESIDENTS,  POLITICAL  COMPLEXION  OF  CONGRESSES  AND  TARIFFS 

SINCE  BIRTH  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


YEAR 

President 

Senate 

Congress 

House  or 
Representatives 

Tabitf 

1853 
1854 
1855 
1856 

Pierce 

Democratic 
Democratic 

33d 

34th 

Democratic 
Anti-Nebraska 

Act  of  1846 

1857 
1858 
1859 
1860 

Bcchanan 

Democratic 
Democratic 

35th 
36th 

Democratic 
Republican  1 

March  3,  1857 
Act  of 
1857 

1861 
1862 
1863 
1864 

Lincoln 

Republican 
Republican 

37th 
38th 

Republican 
Republican 

March  2  and  August  5,  1861 

1865 
1866 
1867 
1868 

Lincoln 
Johnson 

Republican 
Republican 

39th 
40th 

Republican 
Republican 

1869 
1870 
1871 
1872 

Grant 

Republican 
Republican 

41st 
42d 

Republican 
Republican 

Morrill 

1873 
1874 
1875 
1876 

Grant 

Republican 
Republican 

43d 

44  th 

Republican 
Democratic 

Tariff 

1877 
1878 
1879 
1880 

Hates 

Republican 
Democratic 

45  th 
46th 

Democratic 
Democratic 

and 
Supplementary 

1881 
1882 
1883 
1884 

Garfield 

Arthur 

Republican 
Republican 

47th 
48  th 

Republican 
Democratic 

Laws 

1885 
1886 
1887 
1888 

Cleveland 

Republican 
Republican 

49th 
50th 

Democratic 
Democratic 

1889 
1890 
1891 
1892 

Habrison 

Republican 
Republican 

51st 
52d 

Republican 
Democratic 

October  6,  1890 
Mckinley  Tariff 

1893 
1894 
1895 
1896 

Cleveland 

Democratic 
No  party  majority 

53d 

54th 

Democratic 
Republican 

August  28,  1894, 
Wilson-Gorman  Tariff 

1897 
1898 
1899 
1900 

McKinlet 

Republican 
Republican 

55th 
56th 

Republican 
Republican 

July  24,  1897 
Dingley 
Tariff 

1901 
1902 
1903 
1904 

McKinlet 
Roosevelt 

Republican 
Republican 

57th 
58th 

Republican 
Republican 

1905 
1906 
1907 
1908, 

Roosevelt 

Republican 
Republican 

59th 
60th 

Republican 
Republican 

1909 
1910 
1911 
1912 

Taft 

Republican 
Republican 

61st 
62d 

Republican 
Democratic 

August  5,  1909 
Payne-Aldrich  Tariff 

1913 
1914 
1915 
1916 

WlLBON 

Democratic 
Democratic 

63d 
64  th 

Democratic 
Democratic 

Simmons-Underwood 
Act  of  1913 

1917 
1918 
1919 
1920 

Wilson 

Democratic 
Republican 

65th 
66  th 

Democratic 
Republican 

1921 
1922 
1923 
1924 

67th 
68th 

1  No  party  majority,  but  a  Republican  was  elected  Speaker. 


[254  3 


STATISTICS  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 


Chairman Will  H.  Hays  Indiana 

Ass't  to  Chair.  .  Ralph  V.   Sollitt   New  York  City 

Vice-Chairman  .  John  T.  Adams   Dubuque,  la. 

Secretary    James   B.    Reynolds   ....  Massachusetts 

Treasurer Fred  W.  Upham   Illinois 

Alabama Oliver     D.     Street Guntersville 

Arizona Allan  B.  Jaynes  Tucson 

Arkansas    H.  L.  Remmel   Little  Rock 

California  Wm.  H.  Crocker  Crocker  Nation- 
al Bank,  San 
Francisco 

Colorado John  F.  Vivian State     House, 

Denver 

Connecticut   ....  J.  Henry  Roraback Canaan 

Delaware   T.  Coleman  du  Pont....  120      Broadway, 

New  York  City, 
N.   Y. 

Florida   George  W.   Bean   Tampa 

Georgia   Henry   Lincoln  Johnson. Atlanta 

Idaho John  W.  Hart  Rigby 

Illinois    Lawrence  Y.  Sherman . . .  Springfield 

Indiana Joseph   B.   Kealing Indiana  Trust 

Bldg.,  Indiana- 
polis 

Iowa    John  T.  Adams   Dubuque 

Kansas    David  W.  Mulvane. 


Kentucky   A.    T.    Hert 


.  Mulvane      Bldg., 

Topeka 
.  Care    of    Ameri- 
can Creosoting 
Co.,  Louisville 

Louisiana     Emile  Kuntz 8000   St.   Charles 

Ave.,  New  Or- 
leans 

Maine    Guy  P.  Gannett Augusta 

Maryland   Wm.  P.  Jackson   Salisbury 

Massachusetts  . .  John  W.  Weeks West  Newton 

Michigan Fred  M.  Warner Farmington, 

Oakland 
County 

Caswell 816  Gordon  Life 

Bldg.,  St.  Paul 
Mulvihill   Vicksburg 


Minnesota 
Mississippi 


I.  A. 
M.  J. 


Missouri Jacob   L.   Babler  International 

Life  Insurance 

..     ,  _   _   _.   —  Co-»   st-    Louis 

Montana D.  H.  P.  Shelley Helena 

Nebraska   R.    P.   Howell Omaha 


Nevada  George  WlngHeld Reno 

N.  Hampshire  . .  Fred  W.  Estabrook Nashua 

New  Jersey  ....  Hamilton  F.   Kean 5  Nassau  Street, 

New  York  City 

New  Mexico  . . . .  H.    O.   Bursum Socorro 

New  York   Charles   D.  Hilles 25     Liberty     St., 

New  York  City 

N.  Carolina  ....John  M.  Morehead Charlotte 

N.  Dakota Gunder  Olsen Grafton 

Ohio R.  K.  Hynicka Care  of  Colum- 
bia Amuse- 
ment  Co.,  701 
7th  Ave.,  New 
York  City 

Oklahoma    Jake_  E.  Hamon Ardmore 

Oregon    . . . 


Pennsylvania 


Rhode  Island 


S.  Carolina 
S.  Dakota 


R.  E.  Williams Board    of   Trade 

Bldg.,  Portland 

. .  Boies    Penrose 601    Commercial 

Trust  Bldg., 
Philadelphia 

. .  Frederick  S.  Peck n  Exchange  St., 

Providence, 
R.  I. 

. .  Joseph  W.  Tolbert Greenwood 

. .  I.  W.  C.  Cook Sioux   Falls 

Tennessee John  W.  Overhall Nashville 

Texas H.    F.    MacGregor 704  Main  Street, 

_    ,  Houston 

Utah E.    Bamburger 163  Main  Street, 

Salt  Lake  City 

Vermont Earle  S.  Kinsley Rutland 

Virginia    C.   B.   Slemp Big  Stone  Gap 

Washington Guy  E.  Kelly 219  Bankers 

Trust  Bldg., 
Tacoma 

West  Virginia  . .  V.   L.   Highland Clarksburg 

Wisconsin   Alfred  T.  Rogers Madison 

Wyoming  Patrick  Sullivan Casper 

Dist.  of  Col E.  F.  Colladay Union      Trust 

Bldg.,      Wash- 
ington 

Alaska J.    C.    McBride Juneau 

Philippines    ....  Henry  B.   McCoy Manila 

Porto  Rico R.  H.  Todd San  Juan 

Hawaii   Robert  W.  Shingle Honolulu 

Headquarters    . .  Ne w  York  and  Chicago 


REPUBLICAN  STATE  COMMITTEES 


. ,  ^  States  Chairmen  Post-Offices 

Alabama Pope  M.  Long Cordova 

Arizona Albert  M.  Sanies   Douglas 

Arkansas    A.  C.  Remmel Little  Rock 

California    Raymond  Benjamin  San  Francisco 

Colorado Rush  L.  Holland Col.  Springs 

Connecticut   ....  J.  Henry  Roraback Canaan 

Delaware    Daniel  J.  Layton,  Jr.   ...  Georgetown 

Florida   Daniel  T.  Gerow  Jacksonville 

Georgia   Roscoe  Pickett   Jasper 

Idaho John  Thomas   Gooding 

Illinois    Frank  L.  Smith Dwight 

Indiana Edm.  M.  Wasmuth  Huntington 

Iowa    Chas.  A.  Rawson Des  Moines 

Kansas    H.  H.  Motter Olathe 

Kentucky   E.  T.  Franks Owensboro 

"  Camp'n  Com.  Chesley  H.  Searcey Louisville 

Louisiana D.  A.  Lines  New  Orleans 

Maine    Frank  J.  Ham Augusta 

Maryland   Galen  L.  Tait   Baltimore 

Massachusetts  . .  Frank  B.  Hall Worcester 

Michigan Burt  D.  Cady Port  Huron 

Minnesota Gustav  Lindquist St.  Paul 

Mississippi    M.   H.    Daily Coldwater 

Missouri W.  L.  Cole Union 

Montana   John  A.  Tressler Malta 

Nebraska   Myron  L.  Learned 

(Vice-Chairman)      ....  Omaha 


States  Chairmen  Post-Offices 

Nevada    H.  G.  Humphreys Reno 

N.  Hampshire. . .  Dwight  Hall   Dover 

New  Jersey   . . . .  E.  C.  Stokes   Trenton 

New  Mexico  ....  George  R.  Craig Albuquerque 

New  York   George  A.  Glynn  New  York  City 

N.  Carolina  ....  Frank  A.  Linney Boone 

N.  Dakota Wm.  Lemke   Fargo 

Ohio N.  H.  Fairbanks    Springfield 

"     Ch.     Advis. 

Comm George  H.  Clark    Canton 

Oklahoma James  A.  Harris Wagoner 

Oregon Thomas  Tongue,  Jr Hillsboro 

Pennsylvania    . .  William  E.  Crow  Uniontown 

Rhode  Island    . .  Jos.  P.  Burlingame Providence 

S.  Carol  ina Jos.  W.  Tolbert  Greenwood 

S.  Dakota W.  H.  King Mitchell 

Tennessee Hal  H.  Clements Knoxville 

Texas Phil  E.  Baer Paris 

Utah    Henry  Welsh   Salt  Lake  City 

Vermont J.  E.  Piddock Bellows  Falls 

Virginia    Joseph  L.  Crupper   Alexandria 

Washington S.  A.  Walker Seattle 

West  Virginia  . .  W.  E.  Baker Elkins 

Wisconsin    Geo.  A.  West Milwaukee 

Wyoming T.   Blake   Kennedy    Cheyenne 

Dist.  of  Col W.  T.  Galllher Wash'ton,  D.  C. 


C255] 


REPUBLICANISM  OF  NINETEEN-TWENTY 


Organization  of  the  State  Government.  Missouri. 

TV«\toTCiiHAff         Nthc  Power  of 

iNITtAWeyWQTCpaReFERCNOUM 


Senate  34[    [House  142  J 


CwMtmgj  A  ComcTtowj 


Cu«ATCB«  wUNivmiTT 


Dental  E*ams. 


Election  Com  SCrms 


Embalmino 


Courto.  Soloiiij'Home 


Barrbrs'Ekams. 


Fcdcral  h6mc 


Nurses   Momii 


Gam?  A  Fish 


Geolooy&Mimcs 


Foo»    In«pkctohs 


,  Health 


Fkuit  ExumMiwT  Sta. 


HORTICULTURE 


State  Prison  Board 
Control*  Reform 

SCHOOLVBOONCVILE  ChillICOTh 


Immigration 


School*  Fo«  9uwc>ADtA> 

State   Sanitarium 
Mgp&  Apsitra, 


Nivapa    Hospital 


PENITENTIARY 


PnABWACY 


Pocicc   ys;ff,.c,)TT 


Pbmwtkv 

'  Prison  Err 


6sTCOPATH     gxAMB. 


VeTriiNAwv     Exams 


Fult3n       Hoi»|TAL 


St.Jqs.   Hospital 


Fawhinston  Hospital 


■Normal    Schools 

Capc  Girardeau 

Kirks  ville 

Maryvillc 

Sprimotielo 

Warrcnsbum 

Lincoln  Inst 


9TATK   HlftHW>AT  BpARH 

State  Tai  Commission 


Organization  of  Federal  Government 


EXECUTIVE 


LEGISLATIVE 


SPECIAL  ^BOARDS 

[lwn»STATE  Commerce 


Federal  Peserve 


.  Civil  Service 


Shipping 


Farm  Loan 


I&OVIRNMEKT  PRINTING 


I     Public  libary 


Copyright 


ISMnrisONIANlNSTTrUTd 


(    Personal       fARiwcT      Responsible 
BEMESENTaTIVCS    ^**P'"C  I  To  Pbeskje^t 


Puslic  Lands    ) 


Patents        I 


STATE'DtPT. 


navy  dept. 
I  Naval  AffausI 
Inaval  Academy] 


^  Inoian  Affairs  ) 
[Lands  Reclamatio>J 
(Geologic  Survey  | 
I         mines  I 

jMiuTAttv  Pension] 


Navigation  | 
Cqast  SuffVCY  | 
Geodetic  Sukvet  | 


attv\cen. 

|    LCftAL  AFFAIRS 
I  FEDERAL  PtlSQMSl 


[Military  Affaibj] 
[Board  of  Ehsineebs) 

|  Rivtm  <  MAtio>«~| 

|  Sicnai  Service  I 
I  Insular  Affairs  1 
I    West  Pqi"nt 


I     Director  of  Mint 


I  Putting  £  Engraving 


P05T  OFFICE 

I  postal  AFfAl^ 

I  Postal  Ban*  I 


[      Customj  Revenue" 


Bank  Inspection. 


I      Marine  Hospital 


1  Life  Saving  Service 


I      Revenue  Cotteib 
Secret  Seivice 


I  Fooo  Inspector      | 

[         Animal   Industry     \ 

1        Plant  Industry  ~~\ 

\  Chemistry  ) 

[  EffTOMOLOGY  I 

\  Weather  Bureau  1 
I  Experiment  Stations  I 
J'       BioLoctc  Survey ^,J 

| Public    Survey       I 

1  FOREST  SERVICE      I 


THE  NINETEENTH  AMENDMENT 


FINIS 

THE  NINETEENTH  AMENDMENT 

THE  adoption  of  the  Nineteenth  Amendment  completes  the  process  initiated  by 
The  Republican  Party  of  making  the  United  States  of  America  a  nation.    Now 
for  the  first  time  government  depends  upon  the  consent  of  all  the  governed. 
The  last  bulwark  against  the  adoption  of  the  amendment  taking  away  the  power 
of  the  States  to  disfranchise  women  was  the  Solid  South.    The  parallel  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Amendment  and  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  is  well  nigh  perfect.     The  lan- 
guage of  the  two  amendments  is  almost  identical.    The  Fifteenth  Amendment  reads: 

Article  XV 

1.  The  right  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied 
or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  pre- 
vious condition  of  servitude. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  the  provisions  of  this  article 
by  appropriate  legislation. 

The  Nineteenth  Amendment  reads: 

Article  XIX 

1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or 
abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of  sex. 

2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate  legis- 
lation. 

It  now  remains  for  the  emancipated  womanhood  of  the  United  States  to  redeem  the 
nation  from  the  blight  of  sectionalism,  the  reason  for  existence  of  the  baleful  pursuit 
called  politics  which  creates  artificial  divisions  of  opinion  among  the  people  that  pol- 
iticians may  thrive  and  statesmanship  be  made  impossible. 

The  added  millions  of  new  voters  find  ready  to  their  hand  in  The  Republican  Party 
an  instrument  of  representative  government  developed  by  the  American  people  over 
a  period  of  sixty-four  years.  It  is  the  only  great  national  political  party  functioning 
independently  of  the  States  of  the  Solid  South.  It  will  be  in  the  future  as  it  has  been 
in  the  past  the  best  agent  for  carrying  out  the  national  will  of  a  free  people  that  his- 
tory has  yet  evolved.  There  is  solid  basis  for  the  belief  that  with  the  support  of  Amer- 
ican women  The  Republican  Party  will  rise  to  new  heights  of  national  service. 


/ 


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